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Sketch  Map  of  Central  Mexico, 


papers  of  fljc  ^rcjnrologital  Jfnstitatc  of  ^raerua. 

AMERICAN  SERIES. 

II. 


REPORT 

OF 

AN  ARCHEOLOGICAL  TOUR  IN  MEXICO, 

In  i 88  i. 


BY 

A.  F.  BANDELIER. 


SECOND  EDITION. 


BOSTON: 

$ul)Iisj)efc  for  tljc  Institute  6» 
CUPPLES,  UPHAM,  AND  COMPANY. 

LONDON:  N.  TRUBNER  AND  CO. 

1885. 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE  OF  AMERICA. 


fiiccuttbe  Committee,  1883-84. 

CHARLES  ELIOT  NORTON,  President. 
MARTIN  BRIMMER,  Vice-President. 
FRANCIS  PARKMAN. 

W.  W.  GOODWIN. 

H.  W.  HAYNES. 

CHARLES  S.  BRADLEY. 

STEPHEN  SALISBURY,  Jr. 

HENRY  L.  HIGGINSON,  Treasurer. 

E.  H.  GREENLEAF,  Secretary. 


CONTENTS 


Pack 

!•  From  Tampico  to  the  City  of  Mexico 3 

II.  Notes  about  the  City  of  Mexico 49 

III.  Studies  about  Cholula  and  its  Vicinity 79 

IV.  An  Excursion  to  Mitla  . . . 263 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Plate  I.  Sketch-Map  of  Part  of  Mexico  ....  Frontispiece 

II.  Mount  Orizaba  from  Vera  Cruz.  From  a 

Photograph 1 6 

III.  Houses  of  the  Natives  on  the  Coast.  From  a 

Photograph 2 1 

IV.  The  Stone  of  the  Sun.  From  a Photograph  . . 54 

V.  Huitzilopochtli.  From  a Photograph 59 

VI.  The  Sacrificial  Stone.  From  a Photograph  . . 67 

VII.  The  Indio  Triste.  From  a Photograph  ....  68 

VIII.  Yztac-tepetl,  FROM  THE  East.  From  a Photograph  100 

IX.  Popoca-tepetl,  from  Puebla.  Front  a Photograph  . 102 

X.  Fig.  1.  Mexican  Plough  . . 96 

2-6.  House  of  Tepoztecatl 124-127 

7.  Stone  Cross 126 

8,  9.  Roof  ancl  Ceiling 1 25-1 27 

10.  Two  Houses 129 

11,  12.  Elevations  of  the  Same 128 

13.  Doorway  of  Same 129 

14-18.  Thatched  Roofs 129 

19.  House  at  Cuauhtlantzinco 128 

XI.  Fig.  1.  Map  of  the  District  of  Cholula 254 

2,  3.  Vapor  Bath 158 

4-6.  Drums 152 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


viii 

XII.  Doorway,  San  Andres  Cholula.  From  a Photo- 
graph   225 

XIII.  Fig.  1.  Cerro  de  Acozac.  Plan  and  Section  ....  228 

2.  Cerro  de  la  Cruz  Plan  and  Section  ....  229 

3.  Ruins  of  Staircase.  Mound  of  Cholula  . . . 240 

4.  Elevation  of  the  Mound  of  Cholula,  Restored  . 246 

5.  Plan  of  the  Mound  of  Cholula,  Restored ...  246 

6.  Profile  of  the  Hill  Teoton 252 

7.  Profile  of  t)ie  Hill  Tetlyollotl 252 

8.  Profile  of  the  Hill  Tzapotecas 252 

9.  Heraldic  Representation  of  the  Mound  of  Cholula  243 

10.  Plan  of  Part  of  Cholula 220 

XIV.  Plan  of  the  Great  Mound  of  Cholula  ....  234 

XV.  Fac-Simile  of  an  Old  Spanish  Plan  of  Cholula 

XVI.  The  Great  Mound  of  Cholula.  — General  View  233 

XVII.  General  Plan  of  the  Ruins  of  Mitla. — “Ly<5- 

Baa  ” 277 

XVIII.  Groups  A,  B,  C,  and  D.  — Plans 279-291 

XIX.  View  of  the  Church  (Group  A)  and  of  Group  B. 

From  a Photograph 277 

XX.  View  of  Groups  B and  C.  From  a Photograph  . 277 

XXI.  View  of  the  Northwest  Corner  of  Group  B.  From 

a Photograph 294 

XXII.  Interior  of  the  Pillared  Hall  (B  II.).  From  a 

Photograph 283 

XXIII.  South  Front  of  C I.  From  a Photograph  . . . 285 

XXIV.  Details  of  Group  B. 

Fig.  1.  Northwest  Corner  of  B 1 294 

2.  East  Wall  of  South  Room,  B 1 295 

3.  Northern  Entrance  to  Narrow  Passage  in  B I.  298 

4.  Southern  Entrance  to  the  Same 298 

5.  Central  Doorway,  B II.  From  the  Inside  . 298 

6.  The  Same.  North  Side  of  Northern  Pier  . 299 

7.  The  Same  North  Side  of  Southern  Pier  . 299 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


IX 


8.  Roof  of  Northwest  Corner  of  B I.  Section  . 301 

9.  The  Same,  Elevation 301 

10.  Carving  on  Lintel  of  B 1 299 

11.  Mosaic  Ornament  from  B 1 299 

Details  of  Group  C. 

Fig.  12.  East  Side  of  Door  Pier,  Cl 


13.  North  Side  of  Pier,  Central  Doorway,  C II.  . 300 

14.  Plan  of  Basement,  Cl 285 

15.  Ceiling  of  Basement,.  C 1 302 

16.  Side  Elevation  of  C 1 285 

17.  Front  Elevation  of  Basement,  Cl 285 

18.  Niche  in  C 1 297 

19.  Stone  Ornament  in  Basement,  Cl 299 

20.  West  Side  of  Entrance,  Cl 294 

21.  Carving  on  Lintel,  C II 299 

22.  Two  Doorways  of  C II,  from  the  Inside  . . 299 


XXV.  Figs.  1-4.  Fragments  of  Paintings  upon  Stucco,  D I.  . 300 


5.  Carved  Slab 308 

6.  Group  E 288 

7.  Section  of  E III 288 

8.  Group  F 289 

9.  Section  of  F IV 290 

XXVI.  Xaga 


Fig.  1.  Plan  of  Mounds  at  Xagd  . . . 

2.  Plan  of  Basement 

3.  Section  of  the  Same  .... 

4.  Ornaments  in  Stone  .... 

5.  Mounds  between  Xagd  and  Mitla 
Fuerte  di  Mitla.  — “Jio.” 

Fig.  6.  General  Plan 

7.  Details  of  Houses.  Plans  . . 

8.  Double  Wall 

9.  Abutment  Wall 

Tlacolula.  — “ Gui-y-Baa.” 

Fig.  10.  General  Plan 

11.  Chamber  in  Stone  Mound  . . 

12.  Remains  of  Stone  Steps  . . 


309 

310 
310 

310 
309 

311 

312 
3” 
3ii 

315 

316 

316 


X 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Monte  Alban. 

Fig.  13.  General  Plan 318 

14.  Broken  Lintel 318 


ILLUSTRATIONS  IN  THE  TEXT. 

Fig.  1.  Stone  Relief  from  Orizaba 26 

2.  The  Snake-Wall 71 

3.  Arch  Construction  at  Cholula 116 


Such  of  the  Illustrations  as  are  not  reproductions  of  photographs 
are  from  drawings  by  the  author. 


AN 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  RECONNOISSANCE 

INTO 

MEXICO, 


IN  THE  YEAR  1 88 1. 


AN 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  RECONNOISSANCE 

INTO  MEXICO,  IN  THE  YEAR  1881. 


FROM  TAMPICO  TO  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 

O the  eye  of  an  uninterested  traveller  the  gulf-coast  of 


Mexico,  between  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande  del 
Norte  and  the  bar  of  the  Rio  Panuco  near  the  city  of 
Tampico,  presents  but  few  attractive  features.  In  contrast 
to  the  lovely  blue  or  green  sea,  often  calm  and  placid,  an 
arid  sandy  shore  lines  the  western  horizon  ; it  is  low  and 
barren,  and  only  when  the  Rio  Panuco  is  approached  do 
mountains  begin  to  rise  in  the  distance.  The  most  easterly 
spur  of  the  Sierra  Madre  Oriental,1  after  forming  succes- 
sively the  limits  between  the  States  of  Puebla  and  Hidalgo 
and  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz,  crosses  the  southeastern  corner 
of  San  Luis,  and  enters  the  State  of  Tamaulipas  almost 
due  east  of  Tampico.  The  eastern  slope  of  this  mountain 
chain,  proceeding  northwestward,  still  further  recedes  from 
the  coast ; and  it  is  this  broad  interval,  between  mountain 
and  sea,  which  constitutes  the  main  portion  of  Tamaulipas. 
A little  more  than  one  and  one  half  degrees  of  latitude  of  the 
whole  area  of  Tamaulipas  lies  within  the  tropics.  Vegetation, 
while  luxuriant  in  places,  is  generally  scant.  Although  one 
of  the  larger  States  of  the  Mexican  Union,  its  population  in 

1 I have  adopted  this  name  from  the  maps  of  my  friend  Don  Antonio  Garci'a- 
Cubas.  The  coast-range  itself  bears,  of  course,  various  local  denominations  in 
various  places. 


Part  I. 


4 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


I S/8  amounted  only  to  144,747  souls,  of  which  11,682  be- 
longed to  Tampico  alone.1 

The  mouth  of  the  Rio  Panuco  was  visited  at  an  early  period 
in  the  Spanish  conquest,  but  the  principal  towns  of  the  State 
were  founded  during  the  past  and  the  present  century.  Ca- 
margo,  on  the  Rio  Grande,  one  of  the  oldest,  dates  back  only 
to  the  5th  of  March,  1749,  whereas  Tampico  is  but  recently 
born  (12th  of  April,  1823),  as  also  Matamoras  (28th  of  Janu- 
ary, 1823)  and  Nuevo  Laredo  (1848).2  From  these  facts  it 
might  be  inferred  that  the  aboriginal  population  of  Tamauli- 
pas  would  still  be  found  in  a condition  relatively  unaffected 
by  foreign  influences.  Such,  however,  does  not  appear  to 
be  the  case  ; for  with  the  exception  of  the  southern  portion 
of  its  territory,  where  the  Huaxteco  language  prevails,3  the 
few  remnants  of  Indians  in  the  State  seem  almost  completely 
to  have  lost  the  knowledge  and  practice  of  their  peculiar 
idioms.  This  fact  — stated  by  the  two  learned  Mexican 
scholars,  Francisco  Pimentel  and  Manuel  Orozco  y Berra4  — 
does  not  preclude  the  possibility  of  still  finding  traces,  at 
least,  of  the  original  tribes  and  of  their  languages.  While 

1 Emiliano  Busto,  Estadistica  de  la  Reptiblica  Mexicana , 1880,  pp.  Ixv.  and 
lxvii. 

2 I have  taken  these  data  from  Manuel  Orozco  y Berra,  Geografta  de  las  Lett- 
guns  de  Mexico,  Parte  III.  cap.  xvii.  pp.  291,  292,  Note  3. 

3 Ibid.,  p.  290 : “ La  parte  mari'tima  del  Sur,  sin  poder  asignar  la  verdadera 
extension,  estaba  ocupada  por  los  huaxtecos;  . . .”  The  earliest  mention  which 
I find  of  the  name  “Huaxteca”  is  by  Hernando  Cortes,  Carta  Cuarta,  dated 
15th  of  October,  1524,  reprinted  by  Vedia  in  Historiadores  Primitivos  de  hidias, 
vol.  i.  p.  96,  “las  provincias  de  Guatusco,  Tustepeque  y Guatasca,”  p.  103, 
“ y llego  a la  provincia  de  los  Guatescos.” 

4 “ Asi  es  que,  para  situar  cada  una  de  las  tribus,  no  tenemos  otros  datos  que 
los  lugarcs  en  que  fueron  congregados,  y las  indicaciones  de  los  terrenos  en 
donde  pasaban  su  vida  vagabunda ; para  sus  costumbres,  escasas  noticias ; para 
la  distincion  de  las  lenguas  que  hablaban,  casi  nada.” — Orozco  y Berra's  Geo- 
gra/la,  etc.,  p,  292.  “Todas  las  tribus  de  Tamaulipas  han  desaparecido ; en  el 
siglo  que  ha  pasado  los  descendientes  de  aquellos  barbaros  se  han  fundido  en  la 
poblacion  blanca,  y si  hoy  se  encuentra  alguno  cs  hablando  el  espanol  y con  el 


A RECONNOISSANCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


5 


the  majority  of  Indians  in  Tamaulipas  appear  to  have  been 
roving  tribes,  — and  thus  may  not  have  left  behind  them  any 
vestiges  of  dwellings  or  objects  of  art,1  — local  names  might 
furnish  a clew  to  forgotten  tongues.  A word,  or  even  a sylla- 
ble, in  frequent  use  among  a tribe  long  ago  destroyed,  is  often 
more  durable  than  the  strongest  wall,  lasts  longer  than  the 
most  elaborately  sculptured  block.  The  latter  becomes,  finally, 
an  obstacle  to  succeeding  generations,  and  is  therefore,  if  not 
ruthlessly  destroyed,  at  all  events  abandoned  to  gradual  de- 
cay; the  living  sound  passes  into  the  speech  of  the  people, 
and  thus  remains. 

The  outlet  of  the  Rio  Panuco  is  closed  to  vessels  of  large 
draught  by  a formidable  bar,  which  was  an  obstacle  even  to  the 
light  craft  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth 
century.2  As  early  as  1518,  Juan  de  Grijalva  saw  the  mouth 
of  the  Panuco,  and  anchored  near  it.  Mis  short  stay  was 
characterized  by  an  unfriendly  meeting  with  the  natives.3  In 

traje  de  la  plebe.”  — Ibid.  p.  296.  Francisco  Pimentel,  Cuadro  descriptivo  de  las 
Lcngtas  indigenas  de  Mexico,  1865,  v°l-  P-  251,  mentions,  beside  the  Iluaxteco, 
only  the  Lipan,  a dialect  of  the  Apache,  as  being  still  spoken  in  Tamaulipas. 

1 Orozco  y Berra,  Geografia,  etc,  pp.  290,  291,  quotes,  from  a MS.  of  the 
year  1757,  Descripcion  general  de  la  Nueva  colonia  de  Santander,  etc.,  by  1). 
Agustin  Lopez  (original  at  the  Archivo  General),  the  statement  that  up  to  the 
Valley  of  Santa  Barbara,  “ se  ven  muchos  vestigios  de  pueblos  antiguos  de 
Indios  y de  otras  naciones  que  habitaron  antes  que  los  Indios  que  existen.  . . 
But  this  region  lies  along  the  upper  Rio  Panuco. 

2 There  is  no  mention  of  any  of  the  early  discoverers  having  entered  the 
mouth.  Antonio  de  Herrera,  Descripcion  de  las  Indias  Orcidentales,  edition  of 
I73°>  P-  18,  says  of  the  Panuco  River,  “ sino  el  Rio  de  Panuco,  i su  Puerto,  que 
no  es  muy  bueno.” 

3 Itincrario  de  larmata  Del  Re  Catholico  in  I>idia  Verso  la  Isola  de  Iuchathan 
Del  Anno  MDXVIII,  etc.,  published,  with  an  excellent  Spanish  translation  by 
D.  Joaquin  Garcfa-Icazbalceta,  in  vol.  i.  of  Coleeeion  de  Documentos para  la  Ilis- 
toria  de  Mexico.  I mention  this  republication  of  the  celebrated  “ Itinerario,” 
because  it  is  the  one  I am  now  using.  (Compare,  in  regard  to  this  valuable 
report,  my  Notes  on  the  Bibliography  of  Yucatan  and  Central  America,  kindly 
published,  at  the  instance  of  my  friend  Mr.  S.  Salisbury,  Jr.,  by  the  American 
Antiquarian  Society,  in  its  Proceedings,  Oct.  21,  1880.)  Bernal  Diez  de  Castillo, 


6 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


1522-23,  Hernando  Cortds  and  Francisco  de  Garay  almost 
simultaneously  attempted  the  conquest  of  the  region.  The 
former  ultimately  succeeded,  thus  “ pre-empting  ” on  the 
latter’s  rights.1  It  appears  that  the  tribes  of  the  Pdnuco  were 
all  sedentary  Indians,  who  lived  in  houses  made  of  wood, 
sometimes  built  on  platforms  of  earth.2  These  tribes  spoke 
the  Huaxteco  language.  This  idiom  is  known  to  be  a 
branch  of  the  Maya,  and  closely  allied  to  that  dialect  of  the 
latter  called  the  Tzendal  of  Chiapas.3  Few  vestiges  of  hab- 
itation, if  any,  have  been  recorded  as  existing  in  the  south- 
ern portions  of  Tamaulipas,  yet  this  is  no  proof  of  their 
non-existence.  South  of  the  Rio  Panuco,  however,  ruins  of 
houses,  of  mounds,  even  of  entire  pueblos,  are  mentioned.4 
In  addition  to  the  well-known  localities  of  which  Mr.  H.  H. 
Bancroft  has  collected  information,  I was  informed  by  Sehor 
Nunez,  of  Tampico,  that  the  pueblo  of  Tampachichi  still 


Historia  verdadera  de  la  Conqulsta  de  Nueva  Espana,  in  Vedia,  vol.  ii.  cap. 
xvi.  p.  13.  Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo  y Valdes,  Historia  natural  y general 
de  las  Yndias,  reprinted  by  the  late  Don  Jose  Amador  de  los  Rios,  in  1853. 
Oviedo  was  not,  like  the  two  preceding  authors,  an  eye-witness  j but  at  all  events 
he  was  a contemporary,  and  reports  from  eye-witnesses.  Ilis  statements  in  re- 
gard to  Grijalva  are  found  in  vol.  i.  lib.  xvii.  cap.  xv.  and  xvi.  pp.  529  and  530. 

1 Cortes,  Carta  Segunda,  Vedia,  vol.  i.  p.  14;  Carta  Cuarta,  Ibid.  pp.  99-10S. 
Bernal  Diez  de  Castillo,  Historia  verdadera,  etc.,  Vedia,  ii.  cap.  lx.  p.  52,  cap. 
clxii.  pp.  212-218.  Hernando  de  Ceballos,  Demanda  en  nombre  de  Pdnfilo  de 
Narvaez , etc.,  in  Garcia-Icazbalceta,  Coleceion  de  Documentos,  vol.  i.  p.  443. 
Oviedo,  Historia  Natural,  etc.,  vol.  iii.  lib.  xxxiii.  cap.  ii.  pp.  262,  263,  and  cap. 
xxxvi.  pp.  449-455. 

2 Cortes,  Carta  Segunda,  Vedia,  i.  p.  14.  Oviedo,  Historia  General,  vol.  iii. 
lib.  xxxiii.  cap.  ii.  p.  263. 

3 C.  II.  Berendt,  Remarks  on  the  Centres  of  Ancient  Civilization  in  Central 
America  and  their  Geographical  Distribution,  from  Bulletin  of  the  American  Geo- 
graphical Society,  Session  1S75-76,  No.  2,  p.  10.  Orozco  y Berra,  Geografia,  etc., 
i.  pp.  20,  21 

4 H.  H.  Bancroft,  The  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States,  vol.  iv.  pp.  461,  462, 
463.  G.  F.  Lyon,  Journal  of  a Residence  and  Tour  in  the  Republic  of  Mexico 
in  the  Year  1826,  vol.  i.  chap.  i.  pp.  51-62.  Orozco  y Berra,  Geografia,  etc.,  p. 
290  of  Part  III. 


A RECONNOISSANCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


7 


exhibits  remains  of  stone  foundations,  possibly  antedating  the 
Conquest. 

The  Huaxteco  district  becomes  interesting  through  an  old 
tradition,  which  is  said  to  designate  the  Rio  Panuco  as  the 
place  where  a tribe  most  conspicuous  in  the  confused  past 
of  Mexico,  the  Toltecs,  disembarked. 1 Should  this  tradition 
prove  to  be  authentic,  it  would  be  another  link  in  the  chain 

1 Perhaps  the  earliest  printed  notice  of  the  arrival  of  Aborigines  on  the  gulf- 
coast  is  found  in  Francisco  Lopez  de  Gdmara,  Segunda  parte  de  la  CrSnica  gen- 
eral de  las  Indias,  que  trata  de  la  Conqnista  de  Mexico.  My  quotation  is  taken 
from  the  reprint  in  Vedia,  vol.  i.  p.  432  : “ Xicalancatlh  anduvo  mas  tierra, 
Uego  a la  mar  del  Norte,  y en  la  costa  hizo  muchos  pueblos ; pero  a los  dos  mas 
principales  llamo  de  sus  mismo  nombre.  El  uno  Xicalanco  esta  en  la  provincia 
de  Maxcalcingo,  que  es  ccrca  de  la  Vera  Cruz,  y el  otro  Xicalanco  esta  cerca  de 
Tabasco.”  This  quotation,  however,  appears  gathered  from  the  same  source 
(the  Franciscan  friars  under  the  direction  of  Bishop  Zutnarraga)  as  the  state- 
ment— still  older — made  by  Fray  Toribio  de  Paredes,  surnamed  Motolinfa, 
Ilistoria  de  los  Indios  de  la  Nueva  Espaiia , in  Icazbalceta,  Colece.  de  Documentos, 
vol.  i.,  “ Epistola  proemial,”  pp.  7,  8.  The  latter  version,  however,  is  quite  dif- 
ferent. Neither  of  the  two  earliest  sources  speaks  positively  of  a “landing,”  but 
only  of  the  Xicalancas  reaching  the  coast  from  the  interior.  The  first  intima- 
tion of  a “ landing,”  however,  I find  in  Fray  Bernardino  de  Sahagun,  Historia 
general  de  las  eosas  de  Nueva  Espaiia:  edition  of  Bustamante,  1830,  vol.  iii. 
libr.  x.  cap.  xxix.  pp.  132,  133.  Speaking  of  the  Cuextecas,  he  says : “ El  nombre 
de  todos  estos  tomasc  de  la  provincia  que  Hainan  Cuextlan,  donde  los  que  estan 
poblados  se  Hainan  Cuextecas,  si  son  muchos,  y si  uno  Cuextecatl,  y por  otro 
nombre  Toveiome  cuando  son  muchos,  y cuando  uno  Toveio,  cl  cual  nombre 
quiere  decir  nuestro  prdjimo.  A los  mismos  llamaban  Panteca,  6 Panoteca,  que 
quierc  decir  hombre  del  lugar  pasadero,  los  cuales  fueron  asi  llamados,  y son  los 
que  viven  en  la  provincia  de  Panuco,  que  propramente  se  Hainan  Pantlan,  6 
Panotlan,  quasi  panoaia,  que  quiere  decir,  lugar  por  donde  pasan,  que  es  a 
orillas,  6 riberas  de  la  mar,  y dicen  que  la  causa  porque  les  pusieron  nombre 
de  Panoaya  es,  que  dizque  los  primeros  pobladores  que  vinieron  a poblar  a esta 
tierra  de  Mexico,  que  se  llama  ahora  india  occidental,  llegaron  a aquel  puerto  con 
navios,  con  que  pasaron  aquella  mar.”  But  the  author  does  not  mention  the 
Toltecas  as  being  those  who  landed.  The  statement  that  the  latter  tribe  settled 
at  Panuco  is  first  made  by  Antonio  de  Herrera,  Ilistoria  general  de  los  H. echos 
de  los  Castellanos  en  las  Islas  y la  Tierra  finite  del  Alar  Ocdano , edition  of  1730, 
vol.  ii.  dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xi.  p.  62,  and  again  by  Fray  Juan  de  Torquemada, 
Los  vemtiun  Ltbros  Rituales  i Monarchla  Indiana,  etc.  edition  of  1723,  vol.  i. 
lib.  iii.  cap.  vii.  pp.  254,  255.  Both  authors  allude  to  the  “ landing  ” of  foreigners 


8 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


of  indications  which  tend  to  identify  the  Toltecs  with  the 
Maya.  The  name  given  to  the  place  of  landing,  by  the  ear- 
liest writers  who  report  the  tradition,  is  “ Tamoanchan.”  1 

The  coast  south  of  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Panuco  presents, 
besides  a vigorous  growth  of  vegetation,  the  pleasant  fea- 
ture of  almost  continuous  mountain-chains  looming  up  in 
the  distance.  The  Sierra  de  Tantima  borders  the  horizon. 
Between  it  and  the  sandy  shore  extends,  unseen  from  ship- 
board, the  vast  lagune  of  Tamiahua.  All  this  region  was  for- 
merly, and  still  is,  inhabited  by  the  Huaxtecas.  The  short 
time  at  my  disposal  for  making  inquiries  in  regard  to  that 
tribe  did  not  permit  me  to  obtain  results  of  much  value.  I 
was  told  in  perfect  good  faith,  though  perhaps  without  the 
needed  basis  of  knowledge,  that  they  were  good  Indians, 
who  had  willingly  submitted  to  the  changes  in  their  former 
organization  and  customs  introduced  by  the  laws  of  1857, — 
abandoning,  among  other  things,  the  communal  tenure  of 
lands  practised  until  then.  I was  also  informed  that  the 
language  was  divided  into  three  dialects.2 

The  distance  from  the  mouth  of  the  Panuco  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Rio  Tuxpan  is  about  146  kilometres  (go  miles  Eng- 
lish). As  usual  along  this  coast,  a considerable  bar  lies  at 

near  Panuco,  afterwards  called  Toltecs,  by  the  natives.  Both  authors  are  pos- 
terior to  Sahagun. 

1 Sahagun,  Ilistoria  general , etc.,  vol.  iii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xxix.  pp.  139,  140.  The 
syllable  “Tam”  is  said  to  signify  place,  and  to  be  the  equivalent,  in  the  Iluax- 
teco  language,  of  the  Nahuatl  or  Mexican  “ tlan,”  “ pan.”  Buschmann  appears  to 
incline  towards  identifying  it  with  the  Mexican  words  (Joh.  Carl  Ed.  Buschmann, 
Ueber  die  aztekischen  Ortsnamen,  1S53,  vii.  pp.  106-109),  thus  favoring  the  infer- 
ence that  it  shows  either  an  original  connection  between  the  two  tongues,  or  the 
influence  of  the  Mexican  upon  the  Huaxtcco.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  word  is  now 
an  integral  part  of  the  Huaxtecan  idiom,  and  was  so  three  hundred  years  ago; 
and  it  is  a singular  coincidence,  at  least,  to  find  a local  name  in  a language  de- 
rived from  the  Maya  so  closely  connected  with  a tradition  concerning  the  Toltec 
tribes. 

- This  indicates  a local  division  analogous  to  that  of  the  Mixteco. 


A RECONNOISSANCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


9 


the  outlet  of  the  river,  offering  the  usual  impediments  to 
navigation  into  the  port  of  the  little  city  of  Tuxpan,  which 
stands  about  12  kilometres  (7  miles  English)  up  the  river.  Its 
population,  now  estimated  at  7,000,  is  given  officially  at  5,979 
in  1878,  while  the  whole  district  of  Tuxpan  is  credited  with 
29,393  inhabitants.1  On  the  south  bank  of  the  Tuxpan  River 
extends  the  district  of  Papantla,  half  covered  with  immense 
woods  of  mahogany  cedar.  Its  population  of  21,159  souls2 
(of  which  14,267  are  found  in  the  widely  scattered  pueblo  of 
Papantla  proper)  busies  itself  with  rather  primitive  agriculture, 
of  which  tobacco,  coffee,  sugar,  maize,  and  vanilla  are  some 
of  the  leading  products.3  Maize  yields  two  annual  crops,  but 
in  the  months  of  November  and  December  of  the  year  1880 
late  and  unusually  heavy  rains  so  thoroughly  devastated  the 
fields  that  Indian  corn  had  to  be  imported  from  New  Orleans. 
The  little  city  of  Tuxpan  enjoys  a lively  commerce.  If  the 
great  obstacle  of  the  bar  were  removed,  even  large  steamers 
might  safely  anchor  in  the  river ; and  in  that  case  the  pro- 
jected railroad  line  from  Tuxpan  to  the  City  of  Mexico  would 
speedily  be  built,  — an  enterprise  threatening  to  the  commer- 
cial preponderance  of  the  port  of  Vera  Cruz.4 5 

The  Huaxteco  language  is  spoken  to  the  north  of  Tuxpan, 
in  its  immediate  vicinity.3  South  of  it,  and  as  far  down  as 
Vera  Cruz,  several  aboriginal  idioms  are  represented.  Along 
the  coast  the  Nahuatl,  or  Mexican  proper,  now  prevails,  with 

1 Busto,  Estadistica  de  la  Rcptiblica  Mexicana,  i.  p.  lxxi. 

2 Ibid.  p.  lxxii. 

3 The  vanilla  of  Papantla  is  justly  famous  in  Mexico.  It  grows  as  a creeper 
on  Swictinia  mahogani,  and  also  on  Anona  oblongi/olia,  but  at  Papantla  princi- 
pally on  the  former. 

4 The  line  from  Tuxpan  to  the  City  of  Mexico  is  shorter  and  has  an  easier 
grade  than  the  Vera  Cruz  Railroad. 

5 Orozco  y Berra,  Geogra/la,  etc.,  iii.  207.  Pimentel,  Cuadro,  etc.,  vol.  ii. 

p.  5. 


IO 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


patches  of  the  Totonaco  interspersed.1  The  slopes  of  the 
high  coast-range  are  mostly  settled  by  Totonacas,  but  the 
Nahuatl  Indians  also  have  settlements,  and  in  the  north- 
west corner  there  are  pueblos  in  each  of  which  two,  some- 
times three,  linguistical  stocks  are  represented  ; among  them 
the  Othomi.  Such  pueblos  were  formed  by  direction  of  the 
missionaries,  — mostly  Augustines  in  this  part  of  the  coun- 
try, — at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  and  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century.2 

There  are  indications  of  striking  changes  in  the  ethnog- 
raphy of  the  region  south  and  southwest  of  Tuxpan,  during 
and  after  the  time  of  the  Conquest.  Thus  the  large  pueblo 
of  Papantla  is  now  exclusively  Totonaco  ; but  from  a descrip- 
tion of  the  bishopric  of  Puebla  (then  including  the  whole 
present  State  of  VeraCruz),  written  about  1571  or  1572.it 
appears  that  the  Nahuatl  language  was  then  spoken  there. 
Misantla,  now  exclusively  Totonaco,  then  contained  families 
speaking  Nahuatl.3  Nauhtla,  on  the  coast,  was  regarded  at 
the  time  of  the  Conquest  as  a settlement  of  Indians  speak- 
ing the  Mexican  idiom;4  at  present  it  belongs  to  the  To- 

1 Orozco  y Berra,  Geografla,  etc.,  pp.  202-205,  g>vcs  a catalogue  of  the  pue- 
blos of  both  languages  in  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz. 

2 Fray  Joan  de  Grijalva,  Crdnica  de  la  Orden  de  N.  P.  S.  Augustin  en  las  pro- 
vittcias  de  la  Nueva  Espaha,  1624.  Edad  I,  cap.  xviii.  p.  32. 

3 Descripcion  del  Obispado  de  Puebla,  hecha  por  el  Chantre  Alonso  Perez  de 
Andrada,  en  Nombre  del  Cabildo,  sede  vacantc,  MS.,  original  belonging  to  D. 
Joaquin  Garci'a-Icazbalceta,  p.  9.  On  p.  2 it  is  stated  that  the  bishopric  is 
vacant  through  the  demise  of  D.  Fernando  Villagomez.  Bishop  Villagomez 
died  Dec.  3,  1570;  and  his  successor,  I).  Antonio  Ruiz  de  Morales  y Medina, 
was  installed  Nov.  1,  1573.  Fray  Agustin  de  Vetancurt,  Teatro  Mcxieano,  re- 
print of  1S71,  vol.  ii.  p.  374. 

4 Torqucmada,  Monarchla,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  x.  pp.  261,  262,  ascribes  the 
settlement  of  the  region  of  Nauhtlan  to  the  Tcochichimecas,  and  intimates  that 
they  may  have  been  Otomites  1 The  names  of  the  leaders  of  Nauhtlan  whom 
Cortes  had  executed  for  their  attack  on  the  Totonacos  and  their  Spanish  allies 
are  strictly  Nahuatl.  Cortes,  Carta  Segunda,  in  Vedia,  i.  pp.  26,  27 ; Bernal 
Diez,  Historia  Verdadera,  etc  , Vedia,  ii.  cap.  xciii.  xciv.  xcv.  pp  92-93.  The 


A RECONNOISSA NCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


I  I 

tonacas.1  The  number  of  the  population  seems  also  to 
have  undergone  change.  Thus  Papantla  and  its  neighboring 
pueblo,  Tuzapan,  contained  in  1571-72  “one  hundred  and 
fifty  families;”2  in  1S78,  as  already  stated,  Papantla  alone 
figures  in  the  official  census  with  14,267  inhabitants.  Mis- 
antla  also  has  considerably  increased  from  the  six  hundred 
families  with  which  it  is  credited  in  1 57 1.3  On  the  other 
hand,  the  old  pueblo  of  Cempohual,  reported  populous  in 
1519,  had  dwindled  down  to  “twelve  tributary  Indians”  less 
than  fifty-five  years  afterward.4  These  few  indications  go 
toward  strengthening  a conviction  which  I reached  in  other 


former  speaks  .of  one  of  them  as  chief  of  the  place:  “senor  de  aquclla  ciudad 
the  latter  mentions  them  as  Mexican  captains  : “ y los  capitanes  mexicanos 
respondieron,  . . .”  p.  94.  Andres  de  Tapia,  Relation  hecha  sobre  la  Conqnista 
de  Mexico , :n  Icazbalceta,  Colecc.  de  Documentos , vol.  ii.  p.  579,  speaks  of  Na- 
uhtla  as  “d  un  pueblo  de  un  vasallo  de  Muteczuma.”  The  difficulty  is  com- 
monly obviated  by  supposing  that  the  Mexicans  kept  a garrison  at  or  near 
Nauhtla.  Oviedo  (Hist.  General,  etc.,  vol.  iii.  lib.  xxxiii.  cap.  v.  p.  286)  is,  how- 
ever, very  positive.  Not  only  does  he  confirm  the  words  of  Corte's,  but  he 
adds  that  Cualpopoca  excused  himself  for  not  having  gone  to  Vera  Cruz  “e  a 
se  ofresjer  por  tal  vasallo  con  todas  sus  tierras  e gentc,  era  la  causa  que  avia 
de  passar  por  tierra  de  sus  enemigos.”  These  enemies  were  the  Totonacos.  I 
have,  in  my  essay  On  the  Art  of  War  and  Mode  of  Warfare  of  the  Ancient  Mexi- 
cans, p.  100,  note  18,  endeavored  to  disprove  the  existence  of  so-called  Mexican 
garrisons.  The  chiefs  from  Nauhtla  were  therefore  either  Mexican  stewards,  or 
Nahuatl  chiefs.  I believe  the  evidence  to  be  decidedly  in  favor  of  the  latter. 
Fray  Diego  Duran,  Historia  de  las  Indias  de  Nueva  Espaha  y Islas  de  Tierra 
firma,  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxii.  p.  23,  speaks  of  “ Coatlpopoca  ” as  “ el  principal  de 
aquel  pueblo.” 

1 Orozco  y Berra,  Geografla,  etc.,  p.  205. 

2 Perez,  Descripcton  del  Obispado  de  Puebla,  MS.,  p.  9.  Tuzapan  was  a con- 
siderable pueblo,  often  mentioned  during  the  Conquest. 

3 Perez,  Description,  etc.,  p.  1. 

4 Of  the  exaggerated  reports  about  the  size  of  Cempohual  at  the  time  of  the 
Conquest,  I need  make  no  special  mention  here.  In  1540,  according  to  Grijalva 
(Crimea,  etc.,  cap.  xxx.  p.  50),  it  was  “ una  poblason  grandissima.”  It  held,  ac- 
cording to  Perez  (Description,  etc.,  p.  14),  “doze  tributaries.”  According  to 
Torquemada  (Monorchia,  etc.,  lib.  iv.  cap.  xix.  p.  397),  about  1600,  the  site  was 
almost  completely  abandoned,  its  inhabitants  being  reduced  to  three  or  four 
persons. 


12 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


parts  of  Mexico;  namely,  that  the  results  of  the  Conquest 
have  been,  so  far  as  the  number  of  aboriginal  population  is 
concerned,  a displacement,  rather  than  a diminution.  Such 
changes  of  location  in  consequence  of  violent  disturbances 
are  natural  to  the  Indian  character.  They  occurred,  too, 
before  the  Conquest,  and  account  in  Mexico,  as  well  as  in 
New  Mexico,1  for  the  abundance  of  ruins  met  with  in  every 
part  of  the  country.  In  regard  to  absolute  aboriginal  popula- 
tion, I am  satisfied  that  it  has  increased  within  the  past  three 
hundred  and  sixty  years.  , 

The  Totonaco  language  has  been  supposed  to  belong  to  the 
same  stock  as  the  Iluaxteco,  and  thus  to  be  related  to  the 
Maya  idioms.2  The  Totonacos  were  a sedentary  tribe  living 
in  houses  built  in  part  of  stone.3  They  used  the  metlatl ’ 
or  grinding-slab  of  stone,4  dressed  in  cotton,  wrought  orna- 
ments of  gold  and  of  green  stones,  carved  large  blocks  into 
fanciful  shapes  for  the  purposes  of  worship,  and  used  weap- 
ons similar  to  those  of  other  Mexican  tribes.5 6  They  appear 
to  have  formed  a tribal  confederacy  with  the  executive  power 
vested  in  two  pueblos,  — Cempohual  and  Chiahuitztlan,  — and 
to  have  allied  themselves  with  tribes  of  Nahuatl  stock  for 


1 I found  in  New  Mexico,  west  of  Santa  F^,  ruined  pueblos  almost  at  every 
step.  My  Indians  positively  assured  me  that  these  had  been  occupied,  not 
simultaneously,  but  successively.  The  Indian  seldom  “repairs.” 

2 Orozco  y lierra,  Geografia,  etc.,  p.  20.  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  iii. 
p.776.  The  latter  boldly  classifies  the  Totonaco  with  the  Maya;  the  former 
regards  it  as  doubtful,  “ pcrtenecen  dudosamente.” 

3 I refer  to  the  well-known  descriptions  of  the  conquerors.  The  term  “cal  y 
canto,”  so  liberally  employed  by  them,  should,  however,  be  taken  with  reserve, 
as  a comparison  only,  until  the  binding  material  of  the  walls  has  been  duly 
tested. 

4 I have  been  informed  that  the  usual  fragments  of  nictates  arc  very  com- 
mon, as  well  on  the  site  attributed  to  old  Cempohual  as  in  other  ruined  locali- 

ties of  the  coast  and  slope. 

6 Cortes,  Carta  Segunda,  p.  14.  Bernal  Dicz,  Historia  Verdadera,  cap.  xli. 
p.  36;  cap.  xlv.  p.  39;  cap.  xlvi.  p.  40;  cap.  li.  pp.  44,  45. 


A RECONNOISSANCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


*3 


protection  against  the  inroads  of  the  Mexicans  and  their  con- 
federates of  the  Central  Valley.  It  is  known  how  they  were 
overcome  and  became  tributary  to  the  fierce  invaders.1  At 
the  present  time  the  Totonacos  are  said  to  be  peaceable  In- 
dians (although  others  assert  the  reverse),  but,  in  those  pueb- 
los which  nestle  on  the  slope  of  the  coast-range,  to  cling  with 
great  tenacity  to  their  former  usages  and  customs.  They  are 
conservative  enough  to  have  preserved  (I  was  told),  in  many 
pueblos,  their  communal  tenure  of  lands,  against  the  federal 
laws  of  Mexico.  It  thus  would  appear  that  the  Totonacos 
had  the  same  system  of  landed  tenure  as  the  ancient  Mexi- 
cans themselves. 

It  is  commonly  stated  that  aboriginal  ruins  are  to  be  found 
in  all  parts  of  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz.2  These  ruins,  however 
numerous,  should  be  explored  according  to  a system  based  on 
historical  knowledge.  Certain  places  were  inhabited  at  the 
time  of  the  Conquest,  and  it  has  long  been  my  opinion  that 
these  localities  ought  to  be  selected,  identified,  and  thoroughly 
explored  before  others.  The  results  of  discoveries  there  would 
not  only  form  a healthy  check  on  the  statements  of  eye-wit- 
nesses of  the  time  when  the  buildings  were  still  occupied, 
but  they  would  also  become  valuable  criteria  for  judgment 
of  other  localities,  where  the  light  of  documentary  history 
is  absolutely  wanting.  Thus  the  site  of  the  pueblo  of  Cem- 
pohual,  whose  inhabitants  played  such  a conspicuous  role 
in  the  history  of  the  Conquest,  should  become  an  objective 

1 The  most  circumstantial  accounts  are  found  in  Duran,  Ilistoria  de  las  Indias 
de  ATueva  Espaha,  etc.,  vol.  i.  cap.  xxi.  pp.  180-1S7,  and  cap.  xxiv.  pp.  199-207  i 
in  Fernando  de  Alvarado  Tezozomoc,  CrSnica  Mexicana , published  by  Scnor  J. 
M.  Vigil  in  1881,  cap.  xxxi.  pp.  325-328;  cap.  xxxii.  pp.  329-333;  cap.  xxxiv.  xxxv. 
PP-  343-349 ; -and  in  an  anonymous  fragment  entitled  A’oticias  Rclativas  al  Rei- 
nado  de  Motecuzuma  Ilhuicamina,  pp.  128-130.  The  latter  has  been  printed  by 
my  friend  Vigil  in  the  same  volume  as  the  CrSnica. 

- Mr.  Bancroft  ( Native  Races , vol.  iv.  cap.  viii.)  has  gathered  all  the  scat- 
tered reports  extant  on  the  antiquities  of  Vera  Cruz. 


14 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


point.  Its  location,  as  well  as  the  condition  of  the  ruins, 
is  variously  stated.1  At  all  events,  it  was  not  on  the  coast, 
but  on  one  of  the  long  slopes  ascending  towards  the  high 
Cordillera.  The  site  of  Chiahuitztlan  has,  as  yet,  not  be- 
come the  object  of  systematic  research.  In  fact  the  route 
of  Cortes  from  the  gulf-coast  towards  the  interior  has  never 
been  thoroughly  traced,  still  less  explored.  While  we  natu- 
rally tend  to  the  belief  that  he  ascended  towards  the  Cofre 
de  Perotc,  this  belief  is  not  based  upon  ascertained  fact. 
Important  ruins  near  the  Puente  Nacional2  seem  to  justify 
the  assumption  that  the  Spaniards  took  that  route ; but  the 
equally  striking  vestiges  near  the  narrow  gorge  of  the  Chi- 
quihuite,  or  Atoyac,  on  the  line  of  railroad  from  Vera  Cruz 
to  Mexico,3  remind  the  student  forcibly  of  the  pueblo  of 
Cingapacinga,  so  much  dreaded  by  the  Totonaco,  and  graph- 
ically described  by  eye-witnesses  of  the  Conquest.4 

Furthermore,  it  w.ould  be  well  to  examine  the  site  of  Na- 
uhtla,  otherwise  called  Almeria,  — an  Indian  pueblo  whence 
came  the  first  successful  aggression  upon  the  whites  by  the 
Aborigines.  Nauhtla  lies  on  the  coast,  in  the  apex  of  an 
isosceles  triangle  formed  by  it  and  the  two  Totonaco  pueblos 
of  Papantla  and  Misantla.  At  present  it  is  asserted  to  be 
a Totonaco  settlement  ; but  whether  it  was  so  three  hun- 


1 Besides  the  locality  now  called  “ Cempoalla,”  I have  heard  Paso  de  Ovejas 
also  mentioned  as  the  possible  site  of  the  old  pueblo. 

2 Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  iv.  cap.  viii.  pp.  437,  438.  Dr.  Frederick 
Mercker,  of  Huatusco,  described  these  ruins  to  me  as  very  important. 

3 I at  one  time  thought  that  Cortes  might  have  taken  the  route  by  Orizaba 
or  Cordoba;  but  Dr.  Mercker  convinced  me  that  he  could  not  have  done  so. 
The  route  is  impracticable  ; the  apparent  passes  terminate  in  a cul  de  sac,  or 
stop  suddenly  on  the  brink  of  an  inaccessible  gorge.  Of  the  road  by  Perote  no 
exploration  has  yet  been  made. 

4 Among  the  many  names,  all  more  or  less  distorted,  which  have  been  given 
to  this  pueblo,  there  is  one  which  appears  to  be  at  least  uncorrupted.  It  is  given 
by  Andres  de  Tapia  (Relacion,  p.  566),  and  reads  “ Tizapancingo.” 


A RECONNOISSANCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


'5 


dred  and  sixty  years  ago  is  doubtful.  Considerable  impor- 
tance is  to  be  attached  to  such  specific  points  as  these,  since 
they  may  throw  light  on  the  origin  of  the  very  remarkable 
ruins  of  Misantla,  Metlatltoyuca,  Tuzapan,  and  of  the  Taj  in, 
near  Papantla. 

My  knowledge  of  these  ruins  is  limited  to  what  has  been 
printed  concerning  them  and  to  hearsay.  I had  to  abandon 
my  original  plan  of  reaching  Papantla,  on  account  of  a severe 
attack  of  illness.  The  few  descriptions  and  pictures  of  them 
seem  to  reveal  a style  of  architecture  perhaps  more  closely 
allied  to  that  of  Yucatan,  Tehuantepec,  and  Cuernavaca,  than 
to  that  of  Mitla  and  of  the  Central  Valley.1  Still,  as  I have 
not  seen  the  ruins  myself,  I can  but  call  attention  to  certain 
apparent  analogies  and  discrepancies,  at  the  risk  of  going 
astray  even  with  such  cautious  premises. 

In  addition  to  the  places  already  mentioned  as  containing 
vestiges  of  aboriginal  architecture,  I would  state  that  I have 
heard  mentioned  ruins  at  Cazones,  near  Tuxpan,  and  also 
along  the  Rio  Tuxpan,  below  the  city  itself. 

While  anchored  off  the  bar  at  the  latter  port,  the  traveller 
is  occasionally  treated  to  a view  of  the  two  gigantic  sum- 
mits of  the  Mexican  coast-range,  — the  Cofre  de  Perote,  or 
Nauhcampatepetl,  and  the  snow-clad  volcano  of  Orizaba, 
otherwise  called  Volcan  de  San  Andres,  and  in  the  native 
Mexican  language,  “ Citlaltepetl  ” or  star-mountain.  The 
latter  lies,  on  an  average,  210  kilometres  (130  miles)  from 


1 Compare  in  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  iv.,  the  following  plates  : p.  370 
(“  Pyramid  near  Tehuantepec  ”),  p.  442  (“  Type  of  Pyramids  at  Centla  ”),  p.  194 
(“  Casa  del  Adivino  at  Uxmal  ”),  p.  240  (“  Mound  at  Mayapan  ”),  p.  443  (“  El 
Castillo  at  Huatusco”),  p.  456  (“Pyramid  at  Tusapan”).  In  regard  to  the 
“Tajin”  near  Papantla,  figured  in  the  volume  on  p.  452,  it  is  interesting  to 
compare  it  with  the  restoration  of  the  edifice  of  Xochicalco  (after  Alzate), 
by  Brantz-Mayer,  Mexico  as  it  IVas  and  as  it  Is,  1844,  p.  1S6.  These  are,  of 
course,  mere  hints,  which  may  prove  utterly  valueless. 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


16 

the  mouth  of  the  river  Tuxpan  ; the  former  is  much  nearer. 
Owing  to  the  great  altitude  of  both  peaks,  respectively  about 
5,300  and  4,100  metres  (17,400  and  13,400  feet  English), 
they  are  seen  even  at  a greater  distance  yet.1  On  the  even- 
ing of  the  19th  of  September  of  the  present  year  I saw 
plainly  the  dark,  dice-like  protuberances  capping  the  broad 
ridge  of  the  Cofre,  while  the  steep,  silvery  cone  of  Orizaba 
loomed  up  above  distant  clouds  far  to  the  south.  (Plate  II.) 

It  so  happened  that  both  times  when  I made  the  passage 
between  Tuxpan  and  Vera  Cruz  the  sky  was  unusually  hazy, 
even  shrouding  the  details  of  the  coast-line.  Only  the  dense 
forests  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Tecolutla,  famous  for  their 
supply  of  mahogany,  and,  further  south,  the  glistening  white 
sand-hills,  or  mddanos  along  the  shore  remained  visible. 
The  harbor  of  Nauhtla,  as  well  as  the  historically  famous 
place  of  settlement,  by  direction  of  Cortes,  at  Antigua, 
where  the  town  of  Vera  Cruz  was  first  established,2  were 
passed  at  night  ; and  when,  on  March  1,  1881,  day  began  to 
dawn,  the  first  rays  of  sunlight  fell  on  the  Isla  de  los 
Sacrificios,  low  and  sandy,  with  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz  be- 
yond it,  lying  like  Venice  in  the  waters,  with  its  Moorish 
cupolas  and  projecting  wharves,  while  the  snow-clad  Orizaba 
grandly  towered  above  it. 

1 Approaching  the  coast  from  Ilabana,  the  “ Pico,”  as  the  volcano  of  Orizaba 
is  often  called,  is  seen  at  least  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  if  not  two  hundred 
miles,  off.  Owing  to  its  white  glistening  cone  of  snow,  it  is  greeted  by  sailors  as 
“ la  paloma  del  mar.”  It  is  singular  that  the  Itinerario  de  Grijalva  makes  no 
mention  of  the  Orizaba.  Bernal  Diez,  who  w'as  in  the  same  voyage,  distinctly 
mentions  the  sight  of  the  snow-clad  peak  from  “ Guacayualco,”  which  must  be 
the  Rio  Coatzacoalcos,  — Ilistoria  Verdadera , cap.  xii.  p.  it  : “ e luego  se  parc- 
cieron  las  grandes  sierras  nevadas,  que  en  todo  cl  ano  estan  cargadas  de  nieve.” 
The  distance  from  the  mouth  of  Coatzacoalcos  to  the  “ Pico,”  in  a straight  line, 
is  at  least  two  hundred  miles  English. 

2 The  place  is  still  called  La  Antigua,  from  “ La  Antigua  Villa  Rica  de  la 
Vera  Cruz,”  — “ the  ancient  (or  old)  town  of  the  true  cross.”  Compare  Hum- 
boldt, Essai  Politique  sur  la  Nouvelle  Espagnc , edition  of  1S27,  vol.  ii.  p.  210. 


PLATE  II 


MOUNT  ORIZABA,  FROM  VERA  CRUZ. 


A RECONNOISSANCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


l7 


The  island  of  Sacrificios  is  known,  and  has  derived  its 
name,  from  the  human  sacrifices  performed  there  at  the  time 
Juan  de  Grijalva  first  landed  on  it.1  No  vestiges  are  said  to 
be  left  of  the  small  structures  of  stone  described  as  havinsr 
existed  on  it  in  1518;  but  from  the  exceedingly  valuable 
report  on  the  National  Museum  of  Mexico,  left  us  by  the  late 
Colonel  Brantz-Mayer,  we  gather  that  the  burial  vases  and 
other  remains  subsequently  found  there  were  of  the  kind 
noticed  by  the  Spaniards  during  their  first  visit.2  It  is  evi- 
dent that  the  Indians  who  met  Grijalva  and  afterwards  Cor- 
tes on  the  beach  were  Nahuatl,  but  that  the  beach  itself 
was  not  inhabited,  the  Indian  pueblos  being  situated  towards 
the  interior,  hugging  the  base  of  the  high-coast  range.3 
Were  it  not  for  its  extreme  unhealthincss,  the  vicinity  of 
Vera  Cruz  would  not  be  an  improper  site  for  settlement. 
Indian  villages  might  have  grown  up  there.  Extensive 
swamps  in  which  low  palms  and  calladiums  occasionally 
grow,  and  dry  sandy  patches  here  and  there  covered  with 

1 Itincrario  dc  Grijalva , in  Icazbalceta’s  Colccc.  de  Documentos,  vol.  i.  pp.  296, 
297.  Bernal  Diez,  Historia  Verdadcra , etc.,  cap.  xiv.  p.  12 ; cap.  xxxviii.  p.  32. 

2 Itinerario  de  Grijalva,  p.  298  : “ Mientras  el  capitan  hablaba,  dcsenterro  un 
cristiano  dos  jarros  de  alabastro,  dignos  de  ser  presentados  al  Emperador,  llenos 
de  piedras  de  muchas  suertes.”  These  “ jars  ” are  mentioned  also  by  Fran- 
cisco Lopez  de  Gomara.  Segunda  Parte  de  la  Crimea,  etc.,  Vedia,  i.  p.  299: 
“ Dos  cantarillos  de  alabastro,  llenos  de  diversas  piedras  algo  finas,  y entre  ellas 
una  que  valid  dos  mil  ducados.”  Brantz-Mayer  ( Mexico  as  it  Was  and  as  it  Is, 
pp.  96,  97)  reproduces  a vase,  of  beautiful  outline,  made  of  white  marble, 
coming  from  the  island  of  Sacrificios.  I have  seen  similar  vases,  and  prob- 
ably the  identical  one,  at  the  Museo  Nacional  of  Mexico.  It  may  be  of 
alabaster;  but  any  one  who  has  seen  the  magnificent  veined  and  multi-colored 
marble  of  Tecali,  in  the  State  of  Puebla,  becomes  loth  to  decide  the  question 
without  a test  by  the  means  of  acids. 

3 The  beach  was  called  “ Chalchiuhcueccan.”  The  noted  Abbe  C.  E.  Bras- 
seur  de  Bourbourg  ( Histoire  des  Nations  Civil/secs  du  Mexiqne  ct  de  I'Ameriqne 
Ccntrale,  vol.  i.  p.  143)  mentions  vestiges  of  ancient  buildings  beneath  the  waters 
of  the  bay,  between  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz  and  the  castle  of  Ulua.  It  is  the 
only  notice  of  such  remains  of  which  I have  any  knowledge.  Within  times 
accessible  to  fair  tradition,  the  beach  is  reported  as  uninhabited. 


2 


1 8 ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 

scrubby  thickets  in  which  lanthanas,  red  abutilons,  and  cacti 
abound,  form  the  most  striking  features  of  the  unattractive 
landscape  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the  city.  But 
the  harbor,  however  imperfect,  is  more  accessible  than  any 
other  now  in  use  on  the  same  coast  ; and  this  fact  accounts 
for  the  great  hold  which  the  city  has  upon  the  commerce 
of  Mexico  with  outside  ports,  — a hold  which,  to  the  credit 
of  its  commercial  population,  is  ably  and  skilfully  im- 
proved. 

Only  “subsoil”  examination  could  satisfactorily  determine 
the  question  whether  the  shores  of  Vera  Cruz  were  ever 
settled  previous  to  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards.  I am  not 
competent  to  report  whether  antiquities  exist  on  the  beach 
or  not.  If,  as  I am  led  to  suppose,  none  are  found  there, 
then  the  existence  of  buildings  for  worship  on  the  Isla 
de  los  Sacrificios,  far  in  advance  of  the  actual  settlements, 
becomes  an  interesting  feature.  It  finds  a parallel  on  the 
coast  of  Peru,  where  even  the  islands  of  Chincha  were  used 
as  places  of  sacrifice  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  mainland.1 

I have  already  alluded  to  the  extreme  unhealthiness  of 
Vera  Cruz,  or  rather  to  its  reputation  for  extreme  unhealthi- 
ness. Its  climate,  warm  and  moist,  is  less  trying  for  those 
who  land  there  than  for  such  as  descend  abruptly  into  it 
from  the  central  highlands.  Nine  hours  of  travel  by  the 
Vera  Cruz  and  Mexico  Railroad  bring  the  tourist  from  La 
Esperanza2  to  the  sea-coast,  — a fall  of  over  2,500  metres 
(8,300  feet  English).  Such  a change  is  strongly  felt.  The 
reputation  of  the  sickliness  of  Vera  Cruz  is  based  on  the 

1 Pedro  de  Cieza  de  Leon,  La  Crinica  del  Peril,  in  Vedia,  vol.  ii.  cap.  iv. 
PP-  357>  35s  ! caP-  v.  p.  359.  Joseph  de  Acosta,  Ilistoria  natural  y moral  de  las 
Indias , 1608,  lib.  i.  cap.  xix.  p.  6S. 

2 Esperanza,  although  it  contains  little  more  than  extensive  railroad  build- 
ings and  a very  good  hotel,  is  one  of  the  main  stopping-places  along  the  whole 
route. 


A RECONNOISSANCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


19 


prevalence  of  the  “ vomito,”  or  yellow-fever.  The  disease 
appears  to  be  endemic  there,  with  sporadic  outbursts  of  great 
violence.  During  such  periods  it  sometimes  creeps  inland  ; 
and  this  year  it  has,  as  an  epidemic,  ravaged  the  mountain 
slopes  as  far  as  Jalapa  and  Cordoba,  and  reached  as  near  to 
Orizaba  as  the  Fortin.1 

The  fact  that  the  beach  proper  was  in  all  probability  almost 
destitute  of  permanent  habitations  until  after  the  Conquest,2 
and  the  absence  of  positive  documents,  render  it  difficult  if 
not  impossible  as  yet  to  decide  the  question  whether  or  not 
the  vdmito  existed  on  the  coast  previous  to  the  time  of  early 
Spanish  settlement.  At  all  events,  the  assertion  of  Clavi- 
gero,  that  yellow-fever  appeared  but  recently,  appears  doubt- 
ful.3 Of  the  two  great  epidemics  which  devastated  central 
Mexico  about  1545  and  1576,  known  in  part  as  the  cocoliztli, 
little  is  ascertained  beyond  the  fact  that  they  were  charac- 
terized by  copious  nose-bleeding.  This  would  seem  rather  to 
connect  them  with  the  mazaquiauitl,  or  spotted  typhus,  now 
common  in  the  State  of  Puebla  among  the  Indians,  than  with 
the  vomito  proper.4 

1 For  these  places  I refer  to  the  map  of  the  Vera  Cruz  and  Mexico  Railroad 
executed  by  Garci'a-Cubas. 

2 I do  not  consider  occasional  discoveries  along  the  shore,  even  if  “subsoil,” 
any  proof  of  former  habitation.  The  statement  by  Brasseur,  referred  to  in  a 
previous  note,  needs  confirmation.  The  Abbe  has  supposed  a town  of  “ Chal- 
chiuhcueccan,”  which  never  existed. 

1 Abbe  F.  X.  Clavigero,  Geschicktc  von  Mexico , 1789,  vol.  ii.  pp.  460,  461, 
note  (//).  This  is  a German  translation  of  the  Italian  original,  Storia  di 
Mcssico. 

4 The  mazaquiauitl , or  mazaquauitl  as  Dr.  Mercker  has  given  me  the 
word,  is  common  around  Puebla.  It  is  endemic  in  that  region,  and  prevails 
mostly  among  the  Indians.  With  due  deference  to  the  authority  quoted,  I still 
have  doubts  about  the  word.  I would  respectfully  suggest  that  it  might  be 
matlazahuatl,  or  at  least  the  same  disease.  Humboldt  ( Essai  Politique  stir  la 
Nouvelle  Espagne,  vol.  iv.  pp.  161,  162)  identifies  the  matlazahuatl  with  the  coco- 
liztli  of  1545  and  1576-  Both  the  matlazahuatl  (of  later  epidemics  at  least)  and 
the  so-called  mazaquiauitl  of  to-day  were  and  arc  confined  to  the  high  table- 


20 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


The  coast-region  extending  between  the  beach  at  Vera 
Cruz  and  the  entrance  into  the  gorges  of  the  high  Cordil- 
lera at  the  Chiquihuite,  or  Atoyac,  is  a low,  sandy,  and 
marshy  plain.  Although  there  is  no  lack  of  either  water  or 
heat,  vegetation  is  stunted,  possibly  in  part  owing  to  the 
periodical  excess  of  both  elements.  This  plain  is  not  thickly 
peopled  along  the  line  of  the  road ; and  the  people  are  all 
classified  (the  Creoles  and  foreigners  of  course  excepted) 
among  the  Nahuatl,  or  of  the  same  linguistical  stock  as 
the  Mexicans  proper.1 

The  Cordillera  presents  an  abrupt  dark-green  front  of  lofty 
mountains,  above  which  towers  the  snow-clad  Orizaba.  The 
road  enters  the  highlands  through  the  narrow  and  very  pic- 
turesque pass  of  the  Atoyac,  and  the  scenery  changes.  In 
appalling  curves  we  wind  our  way  upwards  through  gorges, 
along  fearful  chasms  and  slopes  covered  with  the  most  luxu- 
riant vegetation  of  the  tropics.  In  the  little  valleys  beneath, 
thatched  roofs  of  Indian  dwellings  rise  among  plantains  and 
tree-like  shrubs  of  hibiscus,  covered  with  large  scarlet  blos- 
soms. An  occasional  hacienda  appears  in  the  distance,  like 
a white  quadrangular  fort ; also  villages,  with  the  Moorish 
dome  of  their  church  peeping  out  of  thick  foliage.  It  is  the 
landscape  of  the  tropics  resting,  as  it  were,  on  the  southern 
Alps,  where  they  descend  towards  the  plains  of  Lombardy. 


lands.  It  is  doubtful  as  to  the  cocoliztli.  I may  add  here,  in  reference  to  the 
fact  that  this  year  the  vdmito  reached  as  high  as  the  Fortin  above  Cordoba  and 
very  near  to  Orizaba,  that  the  height  of  Cordoba,  according  to  E.  Guillcmin,  as 
reported  in  Petermann's  G eogra ph isch e Mittheilungen , 1869,  p.  230,  is  928  metres 
(3,034  feet  English).  According  to  Humboldt  (Essai  Politique,  etc.,  vol.  iv.  p. 
192)  the  hacienda  del  Encero  was,  at  his  time,  the  highest  limit  of  the  disease. 
He  determined  its  altitude  to  be  928  metres  also.  The  peculiarity  of  this  year’s 
spread  of  the  vomito  seems  to  consist,  therefore,  not  so  much  in  its  having 
reached  a higher  elevation  above  sea-level,  as  in  its  having  gone  further  inland, 
following  the  central  artery  of  travel. 

1 Orozco  y Berra,  Geografia,  etc.,  pp.  200-202. 


pi.atf:  in. 


A RECONNOISSANCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


2 I 


On  the  beautiful  morning  of  March  2,  1881,  when  I first 
passed  through  this  wonderful  region,  the  summit  of  Ori- 
zaba rose  above  the  glorious  landscape  like  a cone  of  molten 
silver,  in  a cloudless  sky.  On  the  left  side  of  the  road,  about 
10  kilometres  (six  miles)  east  of  Cordoba,  Mr.  A.  G.  Alexan- 
der, the  skilful  American  photographer  of  Vera  Cruz,  noticed 
several  ruined  mounds,  one  of  which  in  particular  was  “ very 
large,  and  made  of  a kind  of  stone  which  is  not  found  in  the 
vicinity.”  He  excavated  it  to  some  extent,  and  found  stone 
statues,  arrow-heads  of  obsidian  and  flint  ; also,  heads  of  clay 
and  fragments  of  common  pottery.  The  locality  may  be  one 
of  those  mentioned  by  Dupaix,1  and,  after  him,  in  the  great 
work  of  Mr.  H.  H.  Bancroft,2  near  Amatlan  de  los  Reyes. 

The  houses  of  the  natives  on  the  coast  (Plate  III.)  and 
in  the  warm  valleys  of  the  lower  coast-range  are  of  upright 
reeds  or  canes,  very  airy,  and  with  steep,  four-sided  roofs 
of  thatch,  palm-leaves,  or  leaves  of  the  maguey.  Each  fam- 
ily has  often  two  and  three  houses  ; and,  in  case  there  is  but 
one,  it  is  so  subdivided  as  to  correspond  to  the  three  build- 
ings. I shall  return  to  this  peculiarity  hereafter. 

From  Cordoba,  which  appears  shrouded  by  plantations  of 
coffee,  sugar,  and  tobacco,  by  tropical  fruit-trees  of  many 
kinds,  and  blooming  with  the  exquisite  flowers  of  the  hibis- 
cus, the  road  rapidly  approaches  the  true  slopes  of  the  great 
volcano.  Already  occasional  glimpses  through  side-gorges 
reveal  for  a short  time  these  slopes  in  their  broad  extent 
and  oppressive  grandeur.  At  Orizaba  the  giant  bursts 
out  into  full  view  ; and  as  the  city  lies  (according  to  E. 
Guillemin)  1,282  metres  above  the  level  of  the  gulf,3  the 

1 Kingsborough,  Antiquities  of  Mexico , vol.  v.  pp.  213,  214  ; vol.  vi.  pp.  424, 
425;  vol.  iv.  plate  iv.  figs.  8 and  9. 

2 Native  Races , vol.  iv.  p.  435. 

3 Petermann' s Geographische  Mittheilungen , 1869,  p.  230. 


22 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Pico  (its  height  being  5,295  metres,  or  17,368  feet  English, 
according  to  Garci'a-Cubas)  towers  4,013  metres  (12,162  feet) 
above  it,  at  a distance  of  not  more  than  40  kilometres  (25 
miles  English)  to  the  N.N.E.  I mention  these  figures  so  as 
to  give  an  idea  of  relative  proportions  and  their  effect. 

The  districts  of  Orizaba  and  Cordoba  are  among  the  most 
populous  of  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz.  The  former,  in  1878, 
contained  41,545  inhabitants  (of  which  14,161  were  in  the 
city);  the  latter,  36,098,  — 11,302  of  which  were  included  in 
the  town  of  Cordoba.  The  population  of  the  whole  State 
being  given  .at  504,970,  it  follows  that  these  two  adjoining 
districts  together  contain  nearly  one  sixth  of  the  whole 
number.1 

The  name  Orizaba  is  a corruption  of  the  Nahuatl  word 
“ Ahuilizapan,”  of  uncertain  etymology.  Hardly  anything  is 
known  about  the  tribe  peopling  this  territory  up  to  the  middle 
of  the  fifteenth  century,  when  Indian  tradition  represents  them 
as  allies  of  the  Totonacos  of  the  coast  against  a common 
enemy,  the  Mexicans  and  their  confederates.2  These  Iro- 
quois of  the  South  — as  their  mode  of  conquest,  their  ferocity 
and  organization  for  the  purpose  of  warfare,  may  justify  us  in 
calling  them  — had  reached  in  their  forays  the  vicinity  of  the 
peak  of  Orizaba,3  from  two  opposite  directions.  After  the 
bloody  and  protracted  conflicts  with  the  tribe  of  Chaleo, 

1 Busto, Estadistica,  etc.,  vol.  i.  p.  lxxi. 

2 Orizaba,  alone,  never  appears  conspicuous.  Even  Fernando  de  Alba  Ixtlil- 
xochitl,  Relaciones  historicas,  in  Kingsborough,  vol.  ix.,  Odava  Rdacion,  does  not 
mention  it  among  the  older  settlements. 

8 They  fell  on  tribe  after  tribe,  leaving  the  most  powerful  ones  untouched 
Thus  they  “rounded”  the  great  volcano,  leaving  Atlixco,  with  the  strongly 
fortified  pueblo  of  Quauhquechollan  — now  lluacachula — and  the  numerous 
tribe  of  Cholula,  to  the  north.  Cholula  was  separated  from  Tepcaca  by  the 
unoccupied  country  where  the  city  of  La  Puebla  de  los  Angeles  now  stands, 
and  had  no  claim  upon  any  connection  with  it.  When,  therefore,  the  Valley 
Confederates,  after  overpowering  Chaleo,  crept  up  to  Tepeaca,  the  latter  surren- 
dered almost  without  resistance. 


A RECONNOISSANCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


the  passage  to  the  south  of  the  great  volcano  of  Popoca- 
tepetl was  open  to  them,  and  they  took  advantage  of  it  to 
fall  upon  the  tribe  of  Tepeaca,  southeast  of  the  present  city 
of  Puebla.  After  exacting  tribute  from  that  pueblo  and  its 
neighbors  of  Tecamachalco,  they  found  themselves  within  con- 
venient reach  of  the  fertile  valleys  around  Orizaba.1  About 
the  same  period  it  appears  that  they  also  descended  upon  the 
coast  from  the  north  side  of  the  volcano  of  Orizaba.  The 
pueblos  of  Tuxpan,  Tamapachco,  Toxtepec,2  and  others  had 
provoked  the  ire  of  the  confederates  by  an  act  of  treachery 
not  uncommon  among  the  Indians  of  Mexico.  They  had 
murdered  some  traders  from  the  pueblos  of  the  Central 
Valley,  who  were  visiting  the  fairs  then  held  every  twenty 
days,  more  or  less,  in  each  pueblo.3  It  was  a provocation 
welcome  to  the  Valley  Confederates.  The  distance  was  no 
impediment  to  them.  Marching  in  a straight  line  to  the 
northeast,  they  fell  upon  the  Iluaxtecos  of  the  coast  and  over- 
powered them  with  the  usual  slaughter.4  Thus  the  road  to 
Orizaba  was  open  to  the  Mexicans  and  their  allies  from  two 
sides  ; but  it  appears  that  they  approached  the  ill  fated  tribe 
from  the  west,  through  what  is  now  the  State  of  Puebla.  An 
insolent  demand  upon  it  for  tribute,  under  the  disguise  of 
“presents,”  was  the  first  formal  intimation  of  danger.  This 
demand  was  refused  on  instigation,  it  is  said,  of  the  Tlaxcal- 

1 No  tribe  of  any  consequence,  only  thinly  inhabited  lands  with  scattered 
settlements,  intervened  between  Tepeaca  and  the  valley  of  Orizaba. 

2 Noticias  relativas  al  reinado  de  Mutecuzuma  Ilhuicamina  in  Bibliotcca  Mcxi- 
carta,  p.  128.  Tezozomoc,  CrSnica , etc.,  ibid.  cap.  xxviii.  pp.  312,  313.  Duran, 
Historia  de  las  Indias  de  Nucva  Espaha,  vol.  i.  cap.  xix.  pp.  165-174.  Ixtlilxochitl, 
Histoire  des  Chichimiques  ou  des  anciens  rois  de  Tezcuco,  vol.  i.  cap.  xl.  pp.  2S6-288. 
Vetancurt,  Teatro,  etc.,  vol.  i. ; Parte  Segunda,  cap.  xv.  pp.  300-302. 

3 Duran,  Historia , etc.,  vol.  i.  cap.  xix.  p.  165.  Tezozomoc,  CrSnica,  etc.,  cap. 
xxxviii.  p.  310. 

4 Noticias  relativas  al  reinado,  etc.,  p.  128.  Duran,  Historia,  etc.,  vol.  i.  cap. 
xix.  pp.  165-174.  Tezozomoc,  Cronica,  etc.,  cap.  xxviii.  pp.  312,  313.  Torque- 
mada,  Monarchia,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xlviii.  p.  160  (of  vol.  i.). 


24 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


tecos,  who  promised  to  assist  their  neighbors  should  they  be 
assailed.1  The  latter,  well  aware  of  the  consequences  of 
their  refusal,  allied  themselves  at  once  with  the  Totonacos  of 
Cempohual,  and  Quiahuitztlan  or  Chiahuitztlan  ; but  the  Mexi- 
cans, Tezcucans,  and  Tlacopans  were  too  swift  for  them.  By 
moving  their  warriors  to  the  south  of  Popocatepetl  they  not 
only  struck  the  most  direct  trail  towards  Orizaba,  but  also 
placed  the  tribes  of  Huexotzinco,  Quauhquechollan,  and 
Cholula,  all  independent  and  more  or  less  at  war  with  the 
Tlaxcaltecos,  between  the  latter  and  their  own  war-party. 
The  coast  people  were  taken  by  surprise,  and  a fearful  devas- 
tation of  the  country  began,  which  terminated  in  its  submis- 
sion to  the  Valley  Confederates.  It  appears  that  the  Tlaxcal- 
tecans  either  failed  to  fulfil  their  promise  of  assistance,  or  came 
too  late  ; at  all  events  their  warriors  did  not  participate  in  the 
conflict,2  but  having  perceived  that,  by  overpowering  the  tribe 

1 The  attack,  or  rather  the  provocation  to  an  attack,  upon  the  tribe  of  Orizaba 
by  the  Mexicans  and  their  allies  is  one  of  the  most  important  events  of  aborigi- 
nal history  in  Mexico.  It  fully  explains  the  wars  between  Mexico  and  the  valley 
on  one  side,  and  Tlaxcallan  and  the  plain  of  Puebla  on  the  other  side.  The 
general  belief  has  been  that  these  continuous  wars  were  the  result  of  a formal 
agreement  among  the  allies;  that  they  were  carried  on  at  stated  intervals  and 
for  religious  objects.  They  have  been  gravely  termed  the  “Holy  War,”  — 
Guerra  Sagrada.  It  appears  to  have  been  overlooked  that  even  those  authors 
who  are  most  responsible  for  the  strange  idea  of  regular  expeditions  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  captives,  all  place  the  beginning  of  these  combats  after  the 
successful  forays  of  the  Mexicans  and  their  allies  upon  Orizaba,  which  forays 
completely  isolated  Tlaxcallan.  I refer  to  Ixtlilxochitl,  Ilistoire  des  Chich im egues, 
etc.,  vol.  i.  cap.  xli.  p.  292, — to  be  compared  with  cap.  xl. ; Torquemada,  vol. 
i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xlix.  pp.  160-162,  Monorchia,  etc. ; but  the  latter,  in  lib.  ii.  cap. 
lxx.  pp.  197,  199,  gives  such  a clear,  sensible,  and  therefore  credible  statement 
of  the  true  cause  of  the  wars  in  question,  that  it  completely  dispels  the  notions 
of  the  “ conventional  ” fights  which  have  been  so  commonly  believed.  That 
chapter  should  be  copied  entire ; but  as  it  is  too  long  for  this  volume  I very 
earnestly  refer  the  student  to  it.  Furthermore,  when  the  Spaniards  began  to 
treat  with  the  Tlaxcaltecos  the  latter  did  not  mention  the  “Holy  War,”  but 
complained  that  they  were  held  surrounded,  and  kept  out  of  salt,  cotton,  and 
other  necessities  of  life.  Cortes,  Carta  Segunda,  p.  18. 

2 Tezozomoc,  Cronica,  etc.,  cap.  xxxi.,  xxxii.  p.  331.  Torquemada,  Mon • 


A RECONNOISSA  NCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


25 


of  Orizaba  and  the  Totonacos,  the  Mexicans  held  their  own 
territory  completely  surrounded,  they  secretly  instigated  the 
former  to  revolt.  Yielding  to  these  counsels  and  renewed 
assurances  of  aid,  the  Orizabans  and  their  associates  smoth- 
ered the  confederate  tribute-gatherers  with  the  smoke  of 
red  pepper  {chile),  and  killed  the  Mexican  traders.1  The  re- 
venge which  the  confederates  of  the  valley  took  was  prompt 
and  bitter,  and  ever  thereafter  the  Totonacos  especially  were 
treated  with  particular  severity.  Their  complaints  about  it 
to  Cortes  furnish  an  idea  of  the  hardships  to  which  they  had 
to  submit  at  the  hands  of  their  vindictive  and  fierce  con- 
querors.2 Orizaba  itself  must  have  suffered  terribly  during 
these  wars,  for  it  never  afterwards  appears  with  any  degree 
of  prominence. 

I have  dwelt  at  some  length  on  these  occurrences,  for  the 
reason  that  they  forcibly  illustrate  the  condition  of  affairs  in 
Mexico  in  the  century  previous  to  the  advent  of  Cortes.  The 
fact  that  the  Valley  Confederates  could  freely  sweep  around 
the  range  of  their  most  powerful  enemy,  crushing  one  tribe 
after  another  in  detail,  and  finally  isolating  completely  the 
tribe  of  Tlaxcallan,  shows  how  loose  intertribal  relations  were, 
and  how  distant  yet  were  the  conceptions  of  a state  or  of  a nation 
among  the  aborigines  of  Mexico.  That  even  the  Mexicans  them- 


archia,  etc.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xlix.  p.  162,  mentions  a combined  attack  of  the  warriors  of 
Tlaxcallan,  Huexotzinco,  and  Cholula  upon  the  rear  of  the  Mexicans.  But  the 
specifically  Mexican  sources  do  not  speak  of  it;  and  they  would  not  have  failed 
to  do  so,  since,  as  the  result  showed,  such  an  attack  would  have  redounded  to 
the  honor  of  Mexican  prowess. 

1 Duran,  Historia,  etc.,  vol.  i.  cap.  xxiv.  pp.  200,  201.  Tezozomoc,  Cronica, 
cap.  xxxiv.  p.  344.  This  mode  of  smothering  with  chile  is  represented  in  the  large 
paintings  of  Cuauhtlancingo,  of  which  I shall  hereafter  speak.  The  aboriginal 
houses  having  no  windows,  it  was  easy  to  stifle  any  one  within  by  closing  the  door, 
after  having  built  a large  fire,  with  red  pepper  in  abundance  on  it,  inside. 

2 Compare  Tezozomoc,  CrSnica,  etc.,  cap.  xxxv.  p.  347,  with  Cortes,  Carta 
Segunda,  p.  13,  and  Bernal  Diez,  Historia  verdadera,  etc.,  cap.  xli.  p.  36,  cap. 
xlvi.  pp.  40,  41. 


26 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


selves  had  no  thought  or  knowledge  of  unification  or  consolida- 
tion,— this  I believe  that  I have  elsewhere  proved,  basing  my 
conclusions  principally  upon  the  events  of  the  Conquest,  when 
Cortes  availed  himself  of  the  same  disconnected  tribal  soci- 
ety which  the  Mexicans  had  overrun,  leaving  it  untouched 
in  its  fundamental  arrangement,  as 
the  most  dangerous  weapon  against 
them  in  the  hands  of  an  intelligent 
aggressor.1 

Orizaba  is  not  devoid  of  ancient 
relics.  Besides  those  mentioned  by 
Dupaix  and  Bancroft,2  I would  call 
attention  to  the  relief  represented  in 
the  accompanying  figure,  which  is  a 
copy  of  a drawing  of  which  a photo- 
graph was  given  to  me  by  my  friend 
Chavero.  The  relief  which  it  repre- 
sents stood,  in  1865,  in  a wall  of  the 
tannery  of  Tepatlaxco  in  Orizaba. 
The  stone  is  1.41  metres  (4  feet  8 
inches)  high,  and  0.54  metres  (about 
21  inches)  broad. 

While  at  Tehuacan,  in  the  State  of 
Puebla,  I met  Indians  from  Orizaba. 
They  speak  the  Nahuatl,  but  with  a 
more  guttural  sound  than  usual,  and 
they  appear  slow  of  speech.  In  view  of  the  actual  degene- 
racy of  the  Nahuatl  idiom,  the  question  suggests  itself  whether 
this  peculiarity  of  sound  in  the  utterance  of  Indians  who 
live  more  secluded  than  the  glib  tongued  aborigines  of  the 
plains  of  Puebla,  with  their  soft  labial  and  lingual  pronun- 
ciation, is  not  perhaps  the  result  of  a purer  preservation  of 

1 Art  of  War  and  Mode  of  Warfare ; also,  Social  Organization  and  Mode  of 
Government  of  the  Ancient  Mexicans. 

2 Native  Races,  etc.,  vol.  iv.  pp.  435,  436. 


A REC0NN01SSA  NCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


27 


the  language  on  the  part  of  the  former.1  The  Indians  of  the 
mountains  about  Orizaba  — not  those  seen  in  or  about  the 
city  so  much  as  those  living  outside  of  it  — show  two  pecu- 
liarities, shared  by  them  in  common  with  other  Nahuatl 
pueblos  of  the  Sierra  de  Zongolica.2  One  is  the  wearing 
of  long  sidelocks,  mclcuas,  corresponding  exactly  to  the  vic- 
lotcs  of  the  New-Mexican  “ Pueblos,”  and  declared  by  the 
latter  to  be  a peculiar  token  of  their  being  sedentary  Indians.3 
The  other  is  the  tzoh-mitl ,4  an  earthbrown  sarape,  often  fast- 
ened around  the  waist  by  a girdle  or  cincture.  It  is  of  a 
coarse  thick  wool,  very  appropriate  to  the  high  altitudes  in 
which  its  wearers  commonly  live. 

From  Orizaba  the  ascent  by  the  road  increases  in  steep- 
ness, and  the  scenery  grows  correspondingly  wilder.  The 
graceful  palms  gradually  disappear,  and  beyond  Maltrata  the 
rise  becomes  extremely  rapid.  We  are  left  in  doubt  as  to 
what  should  be  most  admired,  — the  sublime  grandeur  of 
Nature,  or  the  remarkable  efforts  of  man  to  improve  every 
chance,  every  inch  almost,  for  establishing  safe  rapid  tran- 
sit. As  the  road  winds  up  from  the  valley  of  Maltrata  in 
daring  curves,  along  precipices  the  very  thought  of  which 
might  turn  weak  heads,  we  forget  the  depth  of  the  chasm, 
the  proximity  of  the  brink,  because  everywhere  tropical  veg- 
etation has  secured  a foothold,  gracing  a dangerous  ledge 
with  radiant  blossoms,  softening  dizzy  slopes  with  a mellow 

1 There  is  a striking  difference  between  the  pronunciation  of  the  Indians  of 
Orizaba  and  those  of  Puebla  and  vicinity.  The  former  speak  in  a more  infan- 
tile manner. 

2 The  Sierra  dc  Zongolica  extends  south  of  the  volcano  of  Orizaba  until 
near  Tehuacan. 

3 Mtlena  is  an  old  Spanish  word  signifying  about  the  same  as  “ sidelocks.” 
It  is  singular  that  the  Pueblos  of  New  Mexico  and  the  Indians  of  Mexico 
should  have  the  same  characteristic  “ cut  ” of  hair.  It  is  met  with,  however, 
only  among  the  remoter  Pueblos  of  the  Sierra. 

4 The  word  is  not  in  the  vocabularies.  I give  it  as  I heard  it  spoken. 


28 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


tint  of  green.  If  the  same  heights  were  bare,  they  would  be 
awful ; here  they  are  only  bewitching.  As  we  look  down  to 
a constantly  increasing  depth,  the  green  valleys  contract,  and 
the  village-plats  dwindle  to  miniature  ground-plans,  — finally 
to  mere  spots.  We  pass  through  tunnel  after  tunnel,  until  at 
last  Boca  del  Monte  is  reached  ; the  air  blows  cool,  even 
chilly ; dark  pines  cover  the  mountain-sides ; and  on  our  right, 
towers,  in  close  proximity,  the  summit  of  the  volcano  of 
Orizaba. 

Less  than  nine  hours  of  travel  have  carried  us  through 
three  zones,  representing  a vertical  stratum  of  2,500  metres 
(8,300  feet),  but  with  a horizontal  basis  of  less  than  80  kdo- 
metres  (50  miles  English).  Along  this  route,  we  have  passed 
through  a series  of  changes,  in  vegetation  and  climate,  of  the 
most  striking  character.  These  changes,  and  consequent 
contrasts,  are  characteristic  of  Central  Mexico,  and  they 
have  exercised  a powerful  influence  on  mankind.  To  over- 
come them,  certain  advances  in  knowledge,  a certain  progress 
in  mechanical  arts,  are  absolutely  needed ; otherwise  the 
groups  of  settlers,  established  in  favorable  positions,  remain 
secluded  from  each  other,  and  each  group  tends  to  form  local 
types  which,  in  course  of  time,  may  exhibit  great  changes 
from  the  original  features.  This  may  take  place  as  well  in 
language  as  in  physical  constitution  ; and  in  treating  of  the 
linguistics  or  craniology  of  Mexico  this  fact  should  never  be 
lost  sight  of. 

The  Ticrra  Fria,  or  “cold  region,”  through  which  the  road 
passes  after  leaving  Boca  del  Monte  becomes,  in  the  vi- 
cinity of  Esperanza,  a cold,  rather  barren  looking  highland, 
without  any  of  the  wildly  picturesque  scenery  of  the  lower 
mountains  ; but  the  change  is  so  sudden  that  its  very  bleak- 
ness, — with  enormous  prickly  pears,  dwarfish  and  ill-shapen 
palms,  and  tall  maguey  plants  as  types  of  vegetation,  and 


A RE C ONN OISSA  NCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


29 


the  gigantic  pyramid  of  Orizaba  towering  in  full  view  to 
the  East,  — has  the  effect  of  a successfully  performed  change 
in  theatrical  scenery.  However  remarkable  and  strange  the 
appearance  of  this  region  is  at  first  sight,  it  grows  very  monot- 
onous as  it  becomes  familiar.  The  air  is  cold,  especially  at 
daybreak,  when  clouds  of  mist  rise  from  the  lower  fields  and 
roll  up  to  the  summit  of  the  volcano,  there  to  be  dispelled  by 
the  rising  sun.  It  is  particularly  cheerless  and  dismal  if, 
later  in  the  day,  clouds  settle  on  the  high  tops  and  gradually 
sink  until  the  lower  slopes  alone  are  visible,  while  an  icy  wind 
from  the  East  drives  the  shivering  stranger  into  the  comfort- 
able rooms  of  Mr.  Pierre  Maurel’s  station  hotel.  We  instinc- 
tively feel  that  this  high  plateau  is  ill  fitted  for  the  abode  of 
man,  and  are  not  surprised  to  learn  that  the  remains  of  aborig- 
inal occupation  are  not  numerous.  The  gentlemen  whom  I 
consulted  informed  me  that  there  were  some  tlaltdes  or  tctclcs, 
— little  mounds  of  stone  supposed  to  mark  burial  places,1  — 
in  the  hills  around  Esperanza,  and  that  on  a high  eminence 
about  7 kilometres  (4  miles)  southeast  of  the  station  the 
remains  of  “ fortifications  ” are  still  visible.  I must  here 
remark  that  terms  derived  from  a more  advanced  kind  of 
architecture,  while,  of  course,  commonly  used  by  natives  as 
well  as  by  foreigners  for  the  description  of  ruins,  should 
always  be  accepted  as  comparative  only,  and  never  as  abso- 
lutely descriptive. 

The  Indian  population,  which  is  of  the  Nahuatl  stock,  scat- 
ters itself  around  the  peak  of  Orizaba  very  much  as  the  val- 
leys radiating  from  that  central  eminence  expand  in  their 
downward  course.2  It  is  scanty  near  Esperanza.  There  are 

1 These  teteles  are  well  described  by  Professor  Gumesindo  Mendoza,  “ Idolo 
Azteca  de  Tipo  Chino,”  in  Anales  del  Museo  National  de  Mexico , vol.  i.  pp.  39, 
40.  Those  teteles  which  I saw,  near  Atlixco,  were  of  stone,  — in  fact  rude  stone- 
heaps  ; but  they  may  have  become  shapeless  through  decay. 

2 Orozco  y Berra  Geogra/ia,  etc.,  p.  21 1. 


30 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


some  pueblos  which,  like  San  Andres  Chalchicomula,  are 
very  thriving.  The  large  haciendas , however,  are  exclusively 
in  the  hands  of  Creoles,  Spaniards,  or  French  settlers,  and 
the  influence  exercised  by  the  “ Hacendados,”  in  a quiet, 
seemingly  unobtrusive  manner,  is  of  great  moment. 

The  houses  of  the  aborigines  are  of  the  same  shape  as 
those  of  the  coast,  — rectangular,  with  roofs  at  a high  pitch, 
— but  the  material  of  which  they  are  built  is  changed  to  suit 
the  climate.  The  walls  are  frequently  of  adobe  or  stone,  and 
the  roofs,  instead  of  being  of  thatch  or  palm-leaves,  are  made 
of  boards  (similar  to  our  common  clap-boards,)  fastened  with 
two  wooden  nails.  The  same  kind  of  roof  I noticed,  subse- 
quently, on  a few  houses  east  of  the  great  volcano  of  Mexico, 
Popoca-tepetl,  and  particularly  in  the  territory  of  the  for- 
mer tribe  of  Chaleo,  on  the  western  declivity  of  the  same 
mountain. 

In  the  months  of  June  and  July  the  desert  landscape  of  this 
plateau  becomes,  not  enlivened,  but,  so  to  say,  broken  up,  by 
the  appearance  of  the  high  stalks  of  the  flowering  maguey,  or 
agave.  These  stalks,  surmounted  by  a whorl  of  dull-colored 
blossoms,  are  visible  at  a great  distance. 

After  traversing  a country  very  similar  to  the  surroundings 
of  Esperanza,  a downward  grade  is  struck  beyond  San  Mar- 
cos, and  the  insensible  decline  to  the  central  basin  of  Mexico 
begins.  It  is  very  gradual,  and  the  changes  in  vegetation 
appear  only  in  the  frequency  of  the  maguey  as  a “ culture 
plant,”  and  in  the  occasional  presence  of  the  copal-quahuitl, 
pint,  or  gum-tree.1  More  and  more  the  Malinche  becomes 
prominent  above  the  surrounding  landscape.  This  isolated 
peak,  in  the  recesses  of  whose  summit  snow  remains  at  all 
seasons  of  the  year,  although  unseen  from  the  base,  rises  ac- 
cording to  Almazan  4,107  metres  (13,470  feet  English)  above 


1 Sc/iinus  molle. 


A RECONNOISSANCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


31 


sea-level.1  It  was  long  the  object  of  superstitious  worship  by 
the  aborigines  living  at  its  base,2  and  was  claimed  and  held  by 
the  tribe  of  Tlaxcallan.3  The  home  of  the  Tlaxcaltecos,  whose 
territory  we  enter  near  Huamantla,  lies  about  25  kilometres 
(16  miles)  W.N.W.  of  the  Malinche.  Tlaxcala  itself  is  at 
present  in  a deep  valley,  surrounded  by  bald  ridges,  the  old 
pueblo  extending  to  some  of  their  slopes.  Tlaxcala  has  occu- 
pied in  history  a very  conspicuous  place.  Owing  to  a mis- 
conception of  aboriginal  institutions  it  has  been  palmed  off  as 
a kind  of  Mexican  Switzerland,  as  a free  republic  in  the  midst 
of  despotically  ruled  communities.  Such  was  not  the  case. 
There  was  not  the  slightest  fundamental  difference  between 
the  social  organization  and  mode  of  government  of  the  Tlax- 
caltecos and  that  of  the  Mexican  tribe;4  but  the  exceptional 
geographical  position  of  the  latter,  and  the  natural  barrenness 
of  their  land,5  led  them  to  seek  means  of  subsistence  from 
abroad.  The  confederacy  of  tribes  grew  out  of  tribal  organ i- 

1 Map  of  the  State  of  Puebla.  It  is  the  only  statement  of  the  altitude  of  the 
Malinche  which  I have  found.  How  far  it  is  reliable  I am  not  able  to  say. 

- Torquemada,  Monarchia , etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  xvi.  p.  276. 

3 But  not  exclusively.  Neither  was  it,  as  has  been  supposed,  their  main 
place  of  refuge.  The  distance  is  too  great,  and  the  ground  intervening  unfavor- 
able for  defence.  It  was  the  ridge,  or  ridges,  above  Tlaxcala,  upon  which  the 
Indians  retired  for  safety. 

1 The  Tlaxcaltecos  were  organized  in  four  localized  phratries,  like  the  Mexi- 
cans. Two  elective  chiefs,  — that  is,  elective  in  regard  to  the  individual,  but 
with  heredity  of  office  in  a certain  gens,  — formed  the  nominal  head  of  the 
tribe.  The  true  directive  power,  however,  lay  in  the  Council  of  the  tribe. 
The  tribe  of  Mexico  had  a similar  organization.  What  created  an  apparent  dis- 
similarity was  the  Confederacy  of  the  Valley-tribes,  with  its  chief-captain  always 
taken  from  the  Mexicans.  As,  in  the  single  tribe,  the  war-chief  office  was  he- 
reditary in  the  gens,  so,  in  the  confederacy,  the  same  office  became  hereditary  in 
the  tribe. 

5 The  Mexican  tribe  was  limited  to  a small  area  of  cultivable  land.  It  was, 
therefore,  comparatively  destitute  of  the  means  of  subsistence.  The  Tlaxcalte- 
cos, on  the  other  hand,  controlled  a veritable  “ bread-country,”  as  the  name  im- 
plies. In  the  course  of  less  than  two  hundred  years  the  roles  were  changed, 
through  the  murderous  activity  of  the  former  and  the  lack  of  energy  of  the 
latter. 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


zation,  and  the  greater  ability  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Central 
Valley  gave  to  their  confederacy  a power  of  aggression  su- 
perior to  that  of  any  other  aboriginal  cluster  in  the  same 
country.1  The  Valley  tribes,  of  course,  assailed  the  Tlaxcal- 
tecos,  and  the  latter  withstood  their  attacks  ; but  it  is  an  utter 
mistake  to  look,  for  a parallel  of  these  wars,  to  the  campaigns 
of  Xerxes  against  the  Greeks,  or  to  those  of  Charles  of  Bur- 
gundy against  the  Swiss.  In  order  to  understand  them,  a 
study  of  the  conquests,  or  rather  devastations,  by  the  Iroquois 
in  the  seventeenth  century,  will  furnish  the  best  material.2 
The  Tlaxcaltecos  were  as  much  the  equals  of  the  Mexicans, 
in  savage  craft,  cunning,  and  ferocity,  as  were  the  Hurons 
and  Andastes  of  the  Iroquois  ; but  while  the  Mexicans,  like 
the  Iroquois,  looked  to  strengthening  their  confederacy  as  the 
means  of  increase  in  power,  and  consequent  security  of  sub- 
sistence,3 the  Tlaxcaltecos  remained  stationary  in  tribal  isola- 
tion, although  the  material  for  a most  powerful  confederacy 
lay  within  their  easy  reach.4  Their  territory,  at  the  outlets 

1 There  is  no  intimation  of  any  other  confederacy  of  tribes  in  Mexico,  of  a 
permanent  character,  except,  perhaps,  among  the  Totonacos.  It  is  true  that 
we  know  little  about  Michhuacan  as  yet.  Tlaxcala  never  rose  to  the  thought 
of  a confederacy  of  the  valley  of  Puebla,  in  opposition  to  that  of  the  valley  of 
Mexico. 

2 Lewis  H.  Morgan,  League  of  the  Iroquois , book  i.  pp.  8-14.  It  is  not 
without  a deep  feeling  of  gratitude,  as  well  as  of  affection,  that  I quote  this 
work.  Those  who  know  of  my  relations  to  its  recently  deceased  author  can 
realize  what  I feel,  at  this  time,  in  citing  the  earliest  work  of  one  so  dear  to  me. 
Francis  Parkman,  ( The  Jesuits  in  North  America  in  the  Seventeenth  Century,  3d 
edition,  1868,  cap.  xxiii.  pp.  336-348 ; cap.  xxxiii.  pp.  434-445),  has  sketched  in 
an  inimitable  manner  the  unstable  character  of  the  so-called  conquests  of  the 
Iroquois;  and  if,  in  the  writings  of  my  beloved  teacher  and  paternal  friend  Mor- 
gan, I found  the  basis  for  understanding  the  organization  and  mode  of  life  of  the 
Mexicans,  it  is  in  the  works  of  Mr.  Parkman,  to  whom  personally  I have  become 
not  less  attached,  that  I found  the  natural  parallelism  between  the  forays  of  the 
Iroquois  and  the  so-called  conquests  of  the  Mexican  confederacy. 

3 W.  II.  Prescott,  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  1869,  book  i.  cap.  L 
pp.  18-20. 

4 An  alliance  between  TIaxcallan,  Hucxotzinco,  Cholula,  and  Atlixco  would 


A RECONNOISSA  NCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


33 


of  its  narrow  longitudinal  valleys,  spread  into  fertile  fields  ; 
their  mountain  ridges  afforded  safe  retreats.  On  their  own 
ground,  thoroughly  known  to  them,  the  Tlaxcaltecos  of  course 
proved  most  successful,  but  they  took  no  steps  indicating  any 
forecast  whatever.  Thus  they  failed  to  confederate  perma- 
nently with  the  tribes  of  Cholula  and  Huexotzinco,1  and 
showed  unpardonable  indifference  toward  the  inhabitants  of 
the  gulf-coast.2  Had  not  the  Spaniards  arrived  in  the  very 
“ nick  of  time,”  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  the  Tlaxcaltecos 
would  have  fallen  a prey,  and  deservedly  too,  to  the  Valley 
Confederates  of  Mexico. 

The  route  which  Cortes  followed  on  his  march  towards 
Tlaxcallan  must  be  intersected  by  the  railroad  somewhere 
near  the  station  of  Huamantla,  if,  as  the  reports  of  the 
conquerors  indicate,  they  passed  by  the  pueblo  of  Jalacingo 
(Xalatzinco)  in  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz.3  At  least,  that 
would  be  the  nearest  and  most  convenient  route.  Vestiges 
of  the  famous  wall  should  therefore  be  looked  for  to  the  west 
or  northwest  of  the  Cofre  de  Perote.  As  yet,  however,  these 
are  mere  surmises.  But  the  existence  of  this  wall  is  not 
a subject  for  doubt ; nor  is  it  an  exceptional  structure  in 
Mexico.  Similar  constructions  are  reported  as  existing  in 
the  seventeeth  century  in  the  country  of  the  Mixtecos  of  the 
State  of  Oaxaca,4  and  I have  myself  found  in  that  State,  near 

have  been  a league  between  self-supporting  tribes,  — which  was  not  the  case  in 
the  valley  proper;  but  it  seems  as  if  the  very  fact  that  each  one  had  enough  to 
live  upon  was  one  of  the  reasons  why  they  remained  isolated. 

1 There  are  indications  that  temporary  alliances  were  formed  ; Torquemada 
Monorchia,  etc  , lib.  ii.  cap.  xlix.  pp.  161,  162;  but  they  were  mostly  between 
Huexotzinco  and  Cholula  or  Atlixco.  Duran,  Historia,  etc.,  vol.  i.  cap.  lvii. 
pp.  450-452 ; cap.  lviii.  pp.  462,  463.  Tezozomoc,  Cronica,  etc.,  cap.  xci. 
pp.  610,  61 1. 

2 Duran,  Historia,  etc.,  cap.  xxi.  pp.  181-185;  cap.  xxiv.  p.  203.  Tezozomoc, 
Cr 6nica,  etc.,  cap.  xxxi.  p.  326;  cap.  xxxiv.  p.  343;  cap.  xxxv.  p.  347. 

3 Bernal  Diez,  Historia  z erdadera,  etc.,  cap.  Ixii.  p.  65. 

4 l'ray  Francisco  de  Burgoa,  Geogrdfica  Descripcion  de  la  Parte  Septentrional 

3 


34 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


what  is  called  the  I’uehlo  Viejo,  or  “ old  village,”  of  Tlacolula, 
dry-stone  barricades1  closing  gaps  between  steep  hills. 

Huamantla  lies  on  a high  plain  along  the  northern  base  of 
the  Malinche.  As  viewed  from  it,  the  summit  of  that  moun- 
tain appears,  in  all  its  ruggedness,  like  a cluster  of  pictur- 
esque crags.  The  true  aboriginal  name  for  the  Malinche  is 
“ Matlal-cueitl,”  2 — the  word  Malinche  being  a corruption  of 
Malintzin,  the  Nahuatl  pronunciation  for  Marina  (the  r being 
changed  to  /),  with  the  diminutive,  tzin,  equivalent  to  the 
Spanish  ito,  as  an  endearing  particle  affixed/4 

Beyond  Huamantla  the  traveller  is  treated  to  a change  in 
scenery  again,  and  one  of  very  peculiar  nature.  Two  remark- 
able sights  burst  into  view  almost  simultaneously  ; the  two 
great  volcanic  peaks  of  Mexico,  looming  up  behind  the  bleak 
ridges  of  Tlaxcala  like  immense  monuments  ; and  the  extensive 
fields  of  maguey,  or  pulque  plant,  which  cover  the  ground 
very  nearly  to  the  valley  proper. 

del  Polo  Arctico  dc  la  America,  y jYueva  Iglcsia  de  las  htdias  Occidentals, y Sitio 
AstronSmico  de  esta  Provincia  de  Predicadores  de  Antequera , Valle  de  Oaxaca. 
Mexico,  1674;  Parte  Segunda,  cap.  xxiii.  p.  128:  “y  regastados  de  sus  victo- 
rias, y multiplic&ndose  en  su  descendencia,  se  estendian  a las  Serranias  vezinas 
formando  murallas  por  los  passos  mas  sospechosos  que  podia  entrarles  cl  enc- 
migo,  el  dia  de  oy  esta  un  cerro  que  coge  mas  de  una  lcgua  de  piedra,  y lodo 
seguida  por  los  altos,  y vagios  dc  los  montes,  y quebrados,  que  admira  a los  que 
la  ven,  y que  despues  de  tantos  siglos  de  la  gentilidad  persevera.” 

1 Not  only  there,  but  at  the  place  called  Jio,  or  I'uertc,  near  Mitla;  but 
the  walls  are  more  remarkable  at  the  Pueblo  Viejo,  since  there  they  close 
gaps,  and  impede,  not  an  ascent  to,  but  a descent  upon,  the  former  village.  We 
have  no  recent  report  concerning  the  wall  of  the  Tlaxcaltccos,  and  therefore 
do  not  know  whether  it  was  dry-stone  or  not.  The  expression  “cal  y canto  ” is 
not  decisive. 

2 Matlalcueye,  according  to  some  authors. 

3 The  particle  tzin  (not  to  be  ro  ifounded  with  the  plural  tin ) has  l>ccn 
regarded  as  a “ reverencial.”  I have  become  satisfied  that  it  is  a diminutive 
only,  and  that  it  perfectly  corresponds  to  the  Spanish  ito.  Thus  “ totatzin  ” 
= padrccito  ; “ tenantzin  ” = madrecita.  Tlaxcallan,  and  its  diminutive  Tlax- 
callanlsinco  = “ the  place  of  little  Tlaxcallan.”  Tula  and  Tulantzinco,  Tezcoco, 
and  Tezcocingo,  etc.  There  is  a vast  difference  between  such  an  affectionate, 
familiar  addition  and  a “ reverencial  particle.” 


A RECONNOISSA NCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


35 


The  appearance  of  the  two  volcanoes  of  Mexico  is  more 
striking  than  that  of  Orizaba.  The  most  northerly,  or  Yztac- 
cihuatl,  or  Yztac-tepctl,  commonly  called  the  Sierra  Ne- 
vada,1 presents  a serrated  ridge  covered  with  perpetual  snow, 
and  resting  on  a broad  platform  which  very  gradually  de- 
scends into  dark  forests.  The  height  of  its  northern  sum- 
mit is  given  by  Garci'a-Cubas  at  4,775  metres  (15,662  feet). 
The  Popocatepetl,2  commonly  called  El  Volcan,  lies  south 
of  the  former,  and  therefore  at  a greater  distance  from  the 
railroad.  It  appears  as  a perfect  cone,  slightly  truncated, 
or  rather  with  a cup  shaped  summit.  This  concavity  is 
the  line  of  the  crater,  here  visible  lengthwise  ; whereas 
from  Puebla  (whence  Plate  IX.  is  taken)  it  disappears, 
the  top  of  the  mountain  rising  above  it  to  a sharp  point. 
The  height  of  the  volcano  has  been  determined  by  Miguel 
M.  Ponce  de  Leon,  trigonometrically,  at  5,391  metres  (17,682 
feet)  ; it  thus  appears  to  be  the  highest  point  of  Mexico.3 
Its  slopes,  of  a dark  gray  below  the  irregular  and  con- 
stantly changing  snow-line,4  are  much  more  denuded  than 

1 The  name  Yztac-eikuatl  signifies  “ white  woman,”  and  has  its  origin  on  the 
west  side  of  the  volcanoes.  There,  from  Amecameca  for  instance,  the  great 
mountain  appears  strikingly  like  a female  lying  on  her  back  with  a white 
shroud  thrown  over  her.  From  the  side  of  Puebla,  the  nanfe  Yztac-tepetl — 
“ white  mountain  ” — prevails.  As  such  it  is  mentioned  by  Gabriel  de  Rojas, 
Rclacion  de  Cholula,  MS.  of  1581,  belonging  to  Senor  D.  J.  Garcia-Icazbalceta. 
The  word  Sierra  Nevada  = “ snow-covered  saw  ” (from  sierra  = “ saw  ”),  and  is 
exceedingly  characteristic.  (Plate  IV.) 

2 “ Smoke-mountain." 

8 Brantz-Mayer,  Mexico  as  it  IVas  and  as  it  Is,  p.  215,  gives  the  following 
measurements  of  its  height  : 

Berbeck,  10th  Nov.,  1S37,  5,443  metres  = 17,852  feet  English. 

Glennie,  20th  April,  1837,  -5,451  “ = 17,883  “ “ 

\V.  Bullock  (S/x  Months'  Residence  and  Travels  in  Mexico,  1824,  p.  444),  gives  the 
height  at  17,875  feet.  The  mean  of  Dollfus’s  measurements,  in  1865,  is  5,423 
metres  (17,787  feet  English) ; Geogr.  Mittheilungen,  186S,  p.  98. 

4 It  is  hardly  possible  to  establish  a regular  line  of  perpetual  snow  on  the 
great  volcano.  I have  seen,  in  the  months  of  February,  March,  and  April,  the 


36 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


those  of  the  Yztac-cihuatl.  The  two  summits  are  connected 
by  an  apparently  wooded  ridge,  which  presents  itself  like 
a deep  gap,  notwithstanding  its  mean  altitude  of  3,000  metres 
(about  10,000  feet),1  so  that  they  shoot  up  in  bold  relief  like 
perfectly  isolated  masses.  Their  bases  are  hidden  by  the 
lower  mountains  extending  northward  from  the  Yztac-cihuatl  ;2 
and  the  railroad  rounds  the  outer  spur  of  these  ranges,  in 
order  to  descend  into  the  valley  of  Mexico  from  the  north- 
east. We  therefore  see  the  volcanoes,  in  the  course  of  six 
hours,  successively  from  the  east,  northeast,  north,  and  finally, 
upon  reaching  the  city  of  Mexico,  from  the  northwest. 

Upon  leaving  the  State  of  Tlaxcala  we  enter  the  plains 
of  Apam,  or  Apan,  in  the  State  of  Hidalgo,  famous  for 
being  the  home,  par  excellence,  of  that  variety  of  the  ma- 
guey, or  Agave  Americana,  which  produces  the  best  pulque 
fresco,  in  contradistinction  to  the  pulque  calicnte,  a coarse, 
ill-flavored  beverage. 

Pulque  is  strictly  an  aboriginal  beverage,  an  Indian  drink, 
and  the  art  of  its  production  antedates  the  Conquest ; but 
the  word  itself,  like  the  word  maguey,  does  not  belong  to  the 
Nahuatl  language.  It  is  written  pulcre  by  Father  Bernardino 
Ribeira  (better  known  as  Fray  Bernardino  de  Sahagun);3 

southern  slope  almost  completely  free.  On  the  other  hand,  severe  storms  occa- 
sionally whiten  it  in  the  summer  months  to  a very  low  altitude.  This  is  not  so 
much  the  effect  of  snow  as  of  sleet  and  hail.  At  all  events,  the  volcano  is 
whiter  in  summer  than  in  winter,  owing  to  the  absence  of  precipitation  during 
the  latter  season.  Therefore  the  proverbial  verses  : — 

“ Antes  del  dia  de  San  Juan,  bajan  las  aguas  del  Volcan ; 

Despues  del  dia  de  San  Juan,  suben  al  Volcan  ” 

1 Some  of  the  elevated  ridges,  like  the  Cerro  Gordo  and  Cerro  de  Tlamacaz, 
are  evidently  higher. 

2 The  Sierra  de  Tlaloc,  famed  as  a place  of  aboriginal  worship,  forms  a 
part  of  these  lower  spurs. 

3 The  true  name  of  this  celebrated  teacher  and  historian  of  the  Indians  of 
Mexico  was  Bernardino  Ribeira.  lie  was  a native  of  the  village  of  Sahagun,  in 
the  kingdom  of  Leon,  Spain.  Alfredo  Chavero,  Sahagun,  Mexico,  1877,  p.  7. 


A RE CONNOISSA N CE  INTO  MEXICO. 


37 


but  this  does  not  afford  any  clew  to  the  origin  of  the  name. 
The  Nahuatl  term  for  the  maguey  is  metl ; 1 and  for  pulque 
(or  fermented  liquor,  wine,  in  general),  octli?  From  the  fact 
that  the  venerable  Father  above  mentioned  uses  the  term 
pitlcre  freely,  we  may  infer  that  it  came  into  use  at  an  early 
date,  soon  after  the  Conquest ; and  was  not  therefore,  as  the 
Abbate  Clavigero  states,  an  importation  from  one  of  the  lan- 
guages of  Chile,3  but  rather  one  of  the  many  words  like  cn, 
macana , etc.,  which  the  Spaniards  introduced  and  grafted 
into  the  aboriginal  idioms  of  the  mainland,  taking  them  from 
the  Arua  tongue  of  Hayti.4  It  is  also  doubtful  whether  the 
word  tlachiqiic , used  by  Sahagun  for  an  aboriginal  fermented 
beverage,  is  not  also  an  importation  from  the  same  source.5 


I  shall,  of  course,  continue  mentioning  him  by  the  name  under  which  he  has 
become  historical. 

1 Alonzo  de  Molina,  Vocabulario  en  lengua  Castellano  y Mexicana , 1571 ; 

part  ii.  p.  55. 

2 Id.,  ii.  p.  75.  The  term  pulque,  or  pulcre,  is  not  met  with  in  this  valuable 
dictionary. 

3 Sloria  di  Messico , vol.  ii.  pp.  221,  222. 

4 At  the  close  of  the  fourth  and  last  volume  of  Oviedo,  Ilistoria  General,  etc., 
there  is  a catalogue  of  American  words  used  by  Oviedo,  — “ Voces  Americanas 
empleadas  por  Oviedo.”  It  says  of  pulque,  p.  604,  “ Lengua  de  Nueva-Espana.” 
The  fact  that  Oviedo  mentions  the  word  militates  against  the  assumption  that 
it  came  from  Chile;  but  is  not  a proof  that  it  belongs  to  Mexico.  None  of 
the  older  authors  mention  it.  One  of  the  most  circumstantial  of  these,  in  his 
description  of  the  maguey  and  its  uses,  is  Motolinia,  Ilistoria  de  los  Indios  de 
Nueva-Espana,  trat.  iii.  cap.  xix.  pp.  243-246.  He  does  not  use  the  word 
pulque,  but  freely  speaks  of  vino.  Gabriel  de  Rojas  ( Relacion  de  Cliolula, 
MS.,  1581 ) uses  the  name,  however.  Gomara  ( Segunda  Parte  de  la  Croniea,  etc  , 
Vedia,  i.  p.  441),  while  clearly  describing  pulque,  does  not  give  it  any  name  be- 
yond that  of  vino.  Alonzo  Zuazo,  ( Carta  al  Padre  Fray  Luis  de  Figueroa,  etc  , 
14th  Nov.,  1521,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Docs.,  vol.  i.  p.  361),  speaks  of  “ miel 
de  maguey.”  It  is  very  difficult  to  reach  a conclusion  in  regard  to  the  origin 
of  the  word,  and  I am  far  from  giving  my  opinion  for  anything  else  than  a 
suggestion. 

6 The  word  is  also  pronounced  tlachicha,  or  simply  chicha.  The  latter 
word  is  given  in  the  vocabulary  appended  to  Oviedo  ( Ilistoria  General,  etc.,  vol. 
iv.  p.  598)  as  from  the  language  of  Cuba.  I have  tasted  a kind  of  chicha  which 
is  truly  excellent,  being  made  of  barley,  sugar,  and  slices  of  pine-apple,  which 


38 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


There  are  a great  many  varieties  of  pulque ; but  they 
simply  denote  peculiar  flavoring  ingredients,  and  not  any 
difference  in  the  manner  of  making.  Since  the  Conquest, 
the  Indians  having  become  acquainted  also  with  the  art  of 
distillation,  the  flower-stalks  of  a smaller  species  of  maguey 
have  been  used  for  producing  the  mescal}  The  soft  internal 
parts  of  a beautiful,  brocoli-like  agave  — which  grows  pro- 
fusely in  the  States  of  Jalisco  and  Guanajuato,  but  is  also 
found  in  Oaxaca  — are  washed  and  distilled,  and  a perfectly 
limpid,  colorless  liquor  thus  secured,  which  bears  a strong 
resemblance  in  taste  to  the  Swiss  Kirschwasser. 

But  besides  its  use  for  the  production  of  strong  beverages, 
the  maguey  plant  is  employed  also  for  the  manufacture  of 
textile  fabrics.  The  plains  of  Apam  grow  the  ixtli,  of  which 
a kind  of  tissue  was  prepared,  even  before  the  Conquest, 
which  was  a valuable  substitute  for  cotton  cloth,  and  more 
extensively  used  than  the  latter.2 

It  is  a curious  spectacle  to  see  the  maguey  extending  in 

have  fermented  for  a number  of  days.  The  fact  that  barley  is  used  indicates 
that  this  kind  of  chicha  is  of  modern  origin. 

1 The  mezcal  also  has  numerous  flavored  varieties.  There  is  a great 
difference  between  what  is  called  mezcal  among  the  wild  Indians  of  the 
Southwestern  United  States,  and  the  colorless  mezcal  or  vino  de  tequila  of 
actual  Mexico.  The  former  is  a boiled  and  fermented  liquor,  the  latter  a 
product  of  the  still.  But  it  appears  that  the  Mexicans,  previous  to  the  Con- 
quest, prepared  a mezcal  similar  to  that  used  by  the  Comanches,  by  boiling  the 
juice  of  the  maguey.  See  Motolinia,  Historia  de  las  Indies,  etc.,  trat  iii.  cap. 
xix.  p.  244  ; Oviedo,  Ilistoria  General,  etc.,  vol.  i.  lib.  xi.  cap.  xi.  p.  384.  The 
latter  even  speaks  of  a distillation. 

2 Motolinia,  Historia,  etc.,  p.  244  : “ Sacan  tambien  de  el  vestido  y calzado  ; 
. . . y hacen  mantas  y capas ; todo  de  este  metl  6 maguey.”  Sahagun,  Historia 
General,  etc.,  vol.  iii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xx.  pp.  48,  49.  Duran,  Historia,  etc  , vol.  i.  cap. 
xxvi.  p.  215 : “Toda  la  demas  gente,  so  pena  de  la  vida,  salio  determinado  que 
nenguno  usase  de  algodon  ni  se  pusiese  otras  mantas  sino  de  nequen  ” My 
friend,  Dr.  Phil.  J.  J.  Valentini,  has,  in  one  of  his  admirable  monographs,  shown 
the  part  which  the  washed  fibre  of  the  agave  played  in  the  preparation  of  Mexi- 
can paper.  “ Mexican  Paper,”  in  Proceedings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society, 
Oct.  21,  1880,  pp.  69-73. 


A RECONNOISSA NCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


39 


endless  rows  up  denuded  slopes  and  down  broad  valleys,  in 
the  midst  of,  or  hedging  in,  fields  of  wheat  or  barley.  This 
is  the  aspect  of  the  Llanos  de  Apam.  The  distant  hills 
or  mountains  appear  almost  barren  ; no  watercourses  trickle 
through  the  otherwise  fertile  soil,  for  water  in  the  shape 
of  brooks  and  rivers  is,  on  the  whole,  the  great  desidera- 
tum of  Mexico.  The  extensive  buildings  of  large  haciendas 
loom  up  at  intervals  like  small  villages  ; pueblos  conceal 
themselves  beneath  groves  of  copal  trees,  and  among  hedges 
of  columnar  cacti,  intermingled  with  the  broad-leaved  nopal, 
or  prickly  pear.1  The  ground  is  thoroughly  occupied,  or 
rather  owned  ; but  it  is  owned  by  few,  and  is  but  slowly 
improved  by  them. 

The  line  of  retreat  taken  by  Cortes  after  his  disastrous  sally 
from  Mexico  on  the  1st  of  July,  1520,  known  as  the  Noclie 
Triste ,2  is  said  to  have  been  across  the  plains  of  Apam. 
There  is  a tradition  that  at  the  Barranca  del  Mucrto,  a 
shallow  creek-bed  between  Apizacoand  Otumba,  the  principal 
engagement  was  fought  between  the  Spaniards  and  the  In- 
dians, before  the  escape  of  the  former  into  the  country  of 
Tlaxcallan.  It  is  evident  that  the  Mexicans  selected  a very 
bad  place  for  the  engagement,  for  it  is  a perfectly  level 
plain ; but  it  is  also  evident  that  they  could  not  have  pursued 
Cortes  much  further  without  exposing  themselves  to  attack 
from  the  mountain  tribes. 

After  rounding  the  most  northerly  spur  of  the  mountains 
near  Ometusco,  Otumba  (Otompan)  is  reached,  or  rather  the 
station  La  Palma,  where  passengers  for  the  latter  place  de- 
scend. The  last  scene  of  the  great  “ running  fight,”  begin- 

1 The  fruits  of  these  opuntia  are  not  only  very  palatable  but  also  very 
wholesome. 

2 The  description  of  the  country  through  which  they  retreated  is  remarkably 
plain  and  effective.  Compare  Cortes,  Carta  Segunda,  pp.  45,  46;  Bernal  Diez, 
Historia  Verdadera,  etc.,  cap.  cxxviii.  pp.  137,  13S,  — particularly  the  former. 


40 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


ning  at  Mexico  on  the  ist  of  July,  1520,  and  closing  (if 
tradition  may  be  trusted)  at  the  Barranca  del  Muerto,  seven 
days  afterwards,  has  been  distorted  and  magnified  into  the 
“ great  battle  of  Otumba.”  1 Neither  the  locality  nor  the 
character  of  the  event  justify  such  a title.  It  was  evidently 
the  last  ambush  prepared  by  the  Indians  for  Cortes,  — not  in 
accordance  with  a general  military  plan,  but  simply  by  the 
inhabitants  of  the  pueblos,  which  he  approached  successively, 
meeting  him  in  arms  whenever  they  were  not  afraid  of  his 
still  dreaded  weapons.2  I endeavored  some  time  since,  in 
another  place,  to  reduce  the  “ battle  of  Otumba”  to  its  true 
proportions  ; namely,3  from  the  size  of  an  engagement  like 
that  of  the  Granicus  or  even  Arbela,  to  that  of  General 
Custer’s  unfortunate  encounter  with  the  Sioux;  and  I have 
found  no  cause  for  change  of  opinion,  after  seeing  the  locality 
several  times.  The  result  of  the  fight,  favorable  to  Cortes, 
always  remains  highly  creditable  to  his  bravery  and  to  that 
of  his  men.  The  episode  about  the  bearer  of  a token  being 
struck  down,  and  his  fall  deciding  the  fight,  is  completely  in 
accordance  with  Indian  modes  of  warfare.4  Cortes  fought 
himself  out  of  destruction  ; at  later  periods,  various  other 
officers,  not  less  brave,  and  under  other  circumstances  per- 
haps equally  skilful,  have  fought  themselves  into  it.5 6  But 

1 Bernal  Diez,  Ilistoria , etc.,  cap.  cxxviii.  pp.  136,  137.  It  is  interesting 
to  compare  this  author’s  pompous  talcs  with  the  plain,  matter-of-fact  report  of 
Cortes,  Carta  Segunda,  pp.  45  46. 

2 Cortes,  Carta  Segunda,  p.  45. 

3 Art  of  IVar  and  Mode  of  Warfare,  p.  155  and  Note  204.  I instance  the  fight 
that  proved  fatal  to  General  Custer,  which,  in  respect  of  the  numbers  engaged, 
probably  will  bear  good  comparison  with  that  of  the  soldiers  of  Cortes  and  the 
Indians  whom  they  repulsed. 

4 The  fall  of  a war  captain,  or  chief,  often  determines  the  result  of  an  engage- 

ment. 

6 The  Spaniards  had  no  artillery  left ; so  that  it  became,  for  a short  time,  a 
hand-to-hand  encounter.  It  was,  at  all  events,  one  of  the  worst  straits  in  which 
the  conquerors  ever  were  placed,  though  far  from  as  bad  as  the  Noche  Triste. 


A RECONNOISSANCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


41 


the  fight  in  the  plains  of  Apam  is  but  a sample  of  aboriginal 
warfare  in  every  part  of  the  continent.1 

While  the  present  inhabitants  of  the  region  of  Otumba 
belong  to  Nahuatl  stock,  it  is  not  unreasonable  to  suggest 
that  at  some  previous  time  this  district  may  have  been  largely 
peopled  by  Otomites.  The  word  Otompan  itself  seems  to 
indicate  it.2  Although  the  Otomi  are  a relatively  widely 
scattered  linguistical  stock,  we  know  in  fact  very  little  of 
them.  Their  language  has  been  studied  to  some  extent;3 
but  their  true  position  in  the  ethnography  of  Mexico,  their 
past  history  and  relations  towards  other  tribes,  are  almost 
totally  unknown.  While  they  are  frequently  regarded  as  a 
people  of  low  standard  by  older  writers,  we  should  not  for- 
get that  one  of  the  titles  given  by  the  Mexicans  to  their  mer- 
itorious braves  was  that  of  Otomite.  The  meaning  of  this 
name  I have  given  elsewhere  as  “ wandering  arrow.”  4 This 
was  certainly  not  the  name  which  the  tribe  claimed  for 
itself.  They  are  said  to  have  called  their  language  “Hia- 
hiu,” 5 with  a nasal  inflection.  We  must  not  forget  that 

1 Compare  the  skirmishes  with  the  Tlaxcaltecos,  the  fights  of  Montcjo  with 
the  Maya  Indians  of  Yucatan,  the  engagements  on  the  plateau  of  Ecuador 
between  Benalcazar  and  the  Peruvians,  the  first  campaigns  of  Valdivia  against 
the  Araucans,  with  our  Northern  Indian  warfare  from  the  time  of  the  earliest 
settlements  down  to  the  present  year. 

2 Signifying  “place  of  the  Otomi.’’  Motolinia,  Historic,  etc,  p.  9:  “y  las 
provincias  de  Tollan  y Otompa  casi  todas  son  de  ellos.”  Torquemada  (Alon- 
archil,  etc.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xxxix.  p.  144),  besides  identifying  the  Otomies  with  the 
Chichimecas  (“  que  eran  de  Chichimecas,  que  son  los  que  ahora  Hainan 
Otomies  ”),  mentions  both  as  inhabitants  of  Otompa  (lib.  ii.  cap.  vi.  p.  86). 
These  are  but  two  quotations  on  the  subject,  but  more  are  not  needed,  as  the 
fact  is  generally  admitted. 

3 There  are  several  grammars  and  vocabularies  extant,  though  not  a single 
recent  one. 

4 Art  of  War  and  Mode  of  Warfare,  p.  1 1 7 and  note  86.  This  meaning 
has  been  accepted  by  Dr.  A.  Bastian,  Die  Culturlaender  des  Alten  Amerika, 
vol  ii.  p.  680,  note  1. 

5 Fray  Manuel  Crisostomo  Naxera,  Disertacion  sobre  la  Lengna  Othomi, 

1845-  P 3- 


42 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


many  of  the  names  by  which  the  aboriginal  idioms  of  Mexico 
are  now  called,  are  not  taken  from  those  idioms  themselves, 
but  borrowed  by  the  whites  from  the  Nahuatl.  Thus  we 
are  ignorant  of  the  names  by  which  the  most  important 
tribes  of  Mexico  called  themselves.  Such  names  as  Tza- 
poteco,  Mixteco,  Cuicateco,  Chinanteco,  Mazateco,”  1 and 
others  are,  like  Otomi,  originally  Nahuatl,  and  not  the  proper 
native  terms.  In  fact  we  have,  in  consequence  of  a miscon- 
ception of  the  condition  of  aboriginal  Mexico,  viewed  all  fea- 
tures too  exclusively  from  the  standpoint  of  a single  tribe, 
or  linguistical  group  of  tribes,  — the  Nahuatl. 

This  presence  of  the  Mexican  language,  almost  every- 
where, as  a disturbing  element  in  the  study  of  the  aboriginal 
history  of  Mexico,  is  again  exemplified  in  connection  with 
the  important  ruins  at  San  Juan  Teotihuacan,  which  place 
the  railroad  passes  beyond  Otumba.  While  the  name  Teo- 
tihuacan is  Nahuatl,2  the  confused  traditions  concerning  the 
origin  of  the  ruins  ascribe  them  to  an  entirely  different 
tribe.3  Only  one  remnant  is  left  of  another,  older,  aborigi- 

1 All  these  words  are  Nahuatl.  Tzapoteca,  “ man  who  gathers  tzapotes 
Mixteco , “ dweller  in  foggy  regions ; ” Cuicateco , “ man  of  the  place  of  songs  ; ” 
Chinanteco  “man  who  makes  enclosures;”  Mazateco,  “ man  who  carves  deer.” 
These  are  literal  renderings;  but  the  derivations  become  much  more  simple 
yet  if  we  admit  tecatl  to  be,  in  every  case,  but  the  gentile  form  of  a local  name, 
as  Buschmann  ( Aztekischc  Ortsnamen,  pp.  12,  15-18,  19,  etc.)  states.  Whether 
tecatl  has  always  that  signification  in  tribal  or  personal  names  is  yet  very  doubt- 
ful. The  aboriginal  title,  tlacatecatl,  “cutter  of  men,”  should  not  be  forgotten. 

2 Sahagun  (llistoria  General,  etc.,  lib.  x.  cap.  xxix.  p.  141)  says  “ Teutihuacan.” 
Buschmann  ( Aztekische  Ortsnamen,  etc.)  completely  ignores  this  local  name. 
Still,  the  word  is  so  evidently  composed  of  teotl,  “ god  ” (or  rather  contains 
this  word  so  unquestionably),  that  we  cannot  fail  to  give  it  a Nahuatl  origin. 

3 That  the  Pyramids  of  Teotihuacan  date  from  a period  anterior  to  that 
of  the  Mexicans,  or  Nahuatl  in  general,  results  from  the  fact  that  no  striking 
mention  is  made  of  them  in  connection  with  the  specifically  Mexican  traditions. 
The  place,  in  the  two  centuries  which  preceded  the  Conquest,  does  not  play  a 
part  corresponding  to  the  magnitude  of  its  ruins.  This  shows  that  the  edifices 
were  already  abandoned  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest.  Besides,  those  authors 
who  have  been,  so  to  say,  the  “ inventors  ” of  the  Toltccs,  ascribe  the  mounds 


A RECONNOISSA  NCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


43 


nal  name  for  the  place,  in  the  statement  that  it  was  also 
called  Tula,  or  Tulha,  Tollan,  Tollam,  — and  this  name  has 
been  explained  to  signify  “ place  of  reeds,”  or  “ place  of 
the  Toltecs.”  1 In  both  cases  it  is  regarded  as  of  Nahuatl 
origin  ; but  no  attention  has  been  paid  to  the  contingency 
that  it  might  be  derived  from  an  entirely  different  idiom. 
Further  on  I shall  allude  to  the  surmise  that  the  Maya  term 
tuloom , toloom ,2  may  be  the  origin  of  the  widely  scattered 
word  tula,  and  consequently  of  the  name  Toltecs.  The 
latter  term  would  be  derived,  according  to  a Mexican  vo- 
cabulary, from  tollin,  a species  of  reeds  or  canes  (title), z 
and  tccatl,  “cutter”  (from  nitla-tequi,  “to  cut”);4  therefore 
“cutters  of  reeds  or  canes.” 5 But  the  art  of  gathering 

reeds,  and  even  of  working  them  into  the  most  useful  and 

of  Teotihuacan  very  clearly  to  that  tribe.  Ixtlilxochitl,  Histoire  des  Chichimlqucs, 
vol.  i.  cap.  ii.  p.  25;  Torquemada,  Moncirchia,  etc.,  lib.  i.  cap.  xiv.  p.  37.  Not 
even  the  Anales  de  Cuauhtillan,  so  far  as  published,  make  any  mention  of  the 
place.  Anales  del  Museo  Araeional , vols.  i.  and  ii. 

1 Buschmann  (Aztekische  Ortsnamen,  p.  76)  derives  Tollan  from  tolin, 
“ reed.”  For  “ place  of  reeds  ” the  word  tultitlan  is  also  used.  Sahagun 
(Historia  General,  vol.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  iv.  p.  245,  cap.  viii.  p 252,  cap.  xii. 
p.  255;  vol.  iii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xxix.  pp.  106,  108,  no,  113,  142)  writes  mostly 
Tullan  and  also  Tull  a ( hoy  tula).  The  Anales  de  Cuauhtillan  use  the  word 
Tollan  ; also  Motolima,  Historia  de  los  Indies,  etc.,  p.  5.  Juan  de  Tobar 
(Relaeion  del  Origen  de  los  Indies  que  habitan  esta  Nueva  Espagria,  segun  sus 
Histories,  published  as  an  anonymous  work  under  the  title  of  Cddice  Ramirez, 
p.  24)  says  Tula:  “Que  quiere  decir  juncia  6 espadana.”  Duran,  (Historia  de 
las  Yndias,  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxix.  p.  75,)  uses  both  Tula  and  Tollan  on  the  same 
page.  Torquemada  variously  uses  Tollan,  Tula,  and  Tullan.  But  the  ety- 
mology, “ place  of  reeds,”  while  it  is  undoubtedly  correct  to  a certain  extent, 
still  lacks  clearness  in  some  respects.  The  etymology,  “ place  of  the  Tol- 
tecs,” does  not  agree  with  the  explanation  given  of  the  word  Toltecatl  as  an 
“ artisan,”  or  “ skilful  worker.”  I shall  refer  to  the  point  hereafter. 

2 In  connection  with  it,  I call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  Relaeion  de  Cho- 
lula  of  Gabriel  de  Rojas  (MS.  1581)  writes  Tullam,  also  Tollam. 

3 Molina,  Vocabulario,  ii.  p.  148. 

4 Id.  ii.  p.  105. 

5 I refer  to  the  word  Tlaeatecatl.  Duran,  Historia  de  las  Yndias,  vol.  i. 
cap.  xi.  p.  102:  “El  segundo  ditado  era  Tlacatecal  que  se  compone  estc  ditado 
de  tlacatl,  ques  persona  y deste  verbo  tequi,  ques  cortar  6 cercenar  . . .” 


44 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


pleasing  shapes,  is  not  of  sufficient  moment  to  warrant  our 
giving  to  the  word  Toltecatl  the  current  and  proper  sig- 
nification of  “ a master  of  mechanical  arts,”  1 as  which  it 
has  passed  into  history.  It  appears  more  likely  that  the 
Maya  word  tuloom,  toloom,  indicating  a stone  structure,  wall, 
or  enclosure  of  durable  make,  taken  by  the  Mexicans  or 
Nahuatl  tribes  from  their  predecessors  on  this  soil,  and 
connected  with  the  verb  “to  cut”  (“to  break,”  or  “to 
shape”),  may  be  the  etymology.  In  that  case  the  great 
mounds  at  San  Juan  Teotihuacan  would  be  a work  of  the 
Maya. 

The  two  great  mounds,  not  altogether  improperly  called 
Pyramids,  are  seen  very  plainly  and  to  full  advantage  from 
the  railroad  track.  They  are  very  conspicuous  objects,  and 
the  highest  of  them  is  probably  also  the  highest  aboriginal 
structure  in  America,  provided  that  it  is  all  artificial.  While 
passing  by  Teotihuacan  several  times,  I lacked  the  disposition 
to  pay  it  a cursory  visit.  The  impression  which  the  huge 
eminences  (under  the  supposition,  not  yet  proven,  that  they 
are  largely  if  not  exclusively  artificial)  2 made  upon  my  mind 
was,  that  an  examination  by  detailed  measurements  of  the 
whole  valley  in  which  they  lie,  including  the  mountain  slopes, 
could  alone  give  an  accurate  idea  of  the  nature  of  these 
monuments.  Such  a study  would  have  required  more  time 
than  I could  spare;  and  a brief  visit,  while  it  might  result  in 
some  discovery  of  interest,  would  in  the  end  only  have  proved 
deceptive.  Nothing  short  of  exhaustive,  systematic  research, 
necessarily  limited  to  a small  area  at  a time,  or  a wide, 
detailed  survey,  can  secure  proper  scientific  results.  Isolated 

1 Molina,  Vocabulario,  ii.  p.  148;  Relation  de  Cholula,  MS.  1581;  Sahagun, 
Ilistoria  General , etc.,  vol.  iii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xxix.  p.  107  ; and  others. 

2 The  point  is,  as  stated,  still  in  doubt.  A very  excellent  and  trustworthy 
observer,  Dr.  Palmer,  is,  as  has  been  stated  to  me,  of  opinion  that  the  mounds 
are  natural  eminences,  shaped  and  graded  artificially. 


A RECONNOISSA  NCE  INTO  MEXICO. 


45 


discoveries,  while  they  should  of  course  be  most  thankfully 
received  and  appreciated,  have  as  yet  only  the  value  of 
geographical  guide-posts,  and  of  useful  warnings  against  pre- 
mature theorizing. 

Near  the  little  pueblo  of  Tepechpam  the  railroad  strikes 
the  shores  of  Lake  Tezcoco,  and  enters  the  great  central  basin 
of  Mexico.  On  the  opposite  beach  the  town  of  Tezcoco 
glistens  along  the  placid  waters  of  the  lake,  which  reflects  the 
white  buildings  in  its  liquid  mirror.  The  sight  is  charming 
as  it  presents  itself  at  sunset,  with  the  Sierra  de  Tlaloc 1 
wrapt  in  dark  blue  haze,  and  at  the  southeastern  extremity 
of  the  pale-blue  water-sheet  the  gigantic  volcanoes  looming 
up,  blushing  under  the  last  kiss  of  the  sun. 

One  of  the  many  Indian  paintings  which  Mr.  Leon  Aubin 
of  Paris  has  secured  and  preserved  during  his  long  residence 
at  Mexico,  has  been  christened  by  him,  “ Mappe  de  Tepech- 
pam.” We  owe  its  popular  reproduction  to  one  of  the  most 
eminent  archaeologists  of  America,  the  highly  gifted  E.  G. 
Squicr.2  It  is  one  of  those  many  paintings,  manufactured  after 
the  Conquest,  which  combine  the  imperfections  of  aboriginal 
art  with  explanations  in  aboriginal  language,  reduced  to  writ- 
ing, as  taught  by  the  Church.  The  chronicle  which  it  purports 
to  depict  reaches  as  late  as  1584.  I shall  have  occasion  to  re- 
turn to  the  Mappe  de  Tepechpam  in  the  course  of  this  report. 

The  Valley  of  Mexico,  however  beautiful  it  may  appear 
under  certain  aspects  of  light,  is  in  fact  the  remnant,  not  of  a 
deep  mountain-lake,  but  of  an  enormous  marsh,  formed  by 
the  accumulation,  without  natural  outlet,  of  the  waters  col- 
lected on  the  tops  and  running  down  the  slopes  of  the  high 
ranges  surrounding  it.  In  the  very  centre  of  the  Lake  of 

1 The  Sierra  de  Tlaloc,  a low  mountain  ridge  connected  with  the  volcanoes, 
was  famous  as  having  been  the  site  of  a stone  idol  to  which  special  reverence 
was  paid. 

2 The  copy  is  not  colored,  and  this  somewhat  diminishes  its  value. 


46 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Tezcoco  flat  barges  or  scows  sometimes  are  in  danger  of 
grounding.  The  soil,  wherever  rocks  do  not  protrude,  is 
deeply  soaked  with  stagnant  water,  so  that  in  the  city  itself 
every  superficial  digging  becomes  immediately  filled  with  it. 
It  is  therefore  useless  to  expect,  as  spontaneous  growth, 
anything  but  a swamp  vegetation  ; and  the  high  eucalypti, 
growing  in  the  villages  and  the  city  itself,  are  products  of 
cultivation  or  embellishment  since  the  Conquest,  and  not  of 
Nature.1  It  is  unjust  and  unhistorical  to  ascribe  the  present 
denudation  of  the  valley  to  Spanish  vandalism.  From  the 
time  the  central  basin  was  first  peopled,  the  life  of  its  inhabi- 
tants was  a struggle  against  the  encroachments  of  mountain 
streams  upon  the  solid  ground  of  the  valley.  The  Mexican 
tribe  opposed  a first  barrier  to  them  by  constructing  the 
famous  dikes,  and  thus  transforming  the  marsh  into  a huge 
pond.2  Cortes  found  the  space  secured  for  permanent  living 
too  limited,  and  began  filling  up.  The  result  of  this  was  the 
expansion  of  swamp  vegetation,  natural  to  the  character  of  the 
soil,3  under  a climate  which,  while  equable,  is  far  from  trop- 

1 This  fact  is  very  plain.  Aside  from  the  public  parks  in  the  city,  the  euca- 
lyptus is  found  almost  exlusively  in  pueblos  only,  and  along  roads.  Besides,  the 
tree  is  not  properly  indigenous.  Humboldt  (lissai politique,  vol.  ii.  lib.  iii.  p.  54), 
while  speaking  of  the  shade-trees  of  the  valleys,  completely  omits  the  eucalyp- 
tus, now  so  prominent  among  them. 

2 The  first  statement  of  this  fact,  although  it  had  been  foreshadowed  already 
by  Wilson,  is  due  to  Morgan,  Ancient  Society,  part  ii.  cap.  vii.  pp.  190,  191. 

3 There  is  no  statement  to  the  effect  that  the  valley  of  Mexico  was  ever  tim- 
bered. The  timber  grew,  where  it  still  grows,  on  the  mountain  slopes;  and  there 
it  was  of  course  thinned,  — perhaps  not  so  recklessly  three  hundred  years  ago  as 
now  in  Mexico  and  in  the  United  States.  It  is  evident  that  when  Cortes  began 
filling  up  for  building,  the  vegetation  could  not  consist,  on  such  patches  of  land  as 
were  thus  formed,  of  anything  else  than  low  plants,  which,  previous  to  giving  way 
to  culture,  certainly  looked  less  prepossessing  than  the  water-sheets  formerly 
in  existence.  We  must  never  forget  that  Chapultepec,  Tacuba,  Iztapalapan, 
Mixquic,  Mexicaltzinco,  Guadalupe,  pueblos  which  now  are  inland,  were  then 
on  the  shore.  The  intervening  space  has  been  filled  up  meanwhile,  not  merely 
artificially  but  naturally,  through  the  water  from  the  surrounding  heights  filtering 
towards  the  lake  basin.  In  regard  to  the  change  in  vegetation,  I refer  to  Bernal 


A RE  C ONNOISSA  NCE  IXTO  MEXICO. 


47 


ical.  We  must  not  forget  that  the  city  of  Mexico,  although  in 
latitude  190  25'  45",  according  to  Humboldt1  lies  2,274  metres 
(7,459  English  feet)  above  sea-level.2  As  early  as  1553  the 
valley  and  city  were  threatened  by  a dangerous  inundation  3 
The  same  danger  recurred  in  1580,  1604,  1607,  and  1629.4 
It  was  only  by  means  of  the  great  canal  of  Huehuetoca,  which 
was  begun  in  1634,  and  finally  completed,  after  repeated  and 
long  interruptions,  in  1789, 5 that  the  valley  became  effectively 
and,  so  far,  permanently  drained. 

The  descriptions,  furnished  by  eye-witnesses  of  the  Con- 
quest, of  the  beauty  and  fertility  of  the  Mexican  Valley  need 
not  surprise  11s.  The  effect  from  a distance,  on  a clear  day, 
in  the  limpid  and  transparent  sky  of  these  altitudes,  is  en- 
chanting. To  the  little  band  of  Spaniards,  travelling  along 


Diez  ( Hist,  verdadera,  etc.,  cap.  lxxxvii.  p.  83),  who,  speaking  of  Iztapalapan, 
says:  “y  dire  que  cn  aquella  sazon  era  muy  gran  pueblo,  y que  estaba  poblada 
la  mitad  en  el  agua  ; agora  en  esta  sazon  esta  todo  seco,  y sumbran  donde  solia 
ser  laguna,  y esta  de  otra  manera  mudado,  que  si  no  le  hubiera  de  antes  visto, 
no  lo  dijera,  que  no  era  posible  que  aquello  que  estaba  lleno  de  agua  este  agora 
sembrado  de  maizalesy  muy  perdido.”  It  is  clear  that  Diez  speaks  of  the  win- 
ter, when  dry  cornfields  are  never  exactly  picturesque,  and  the  word  perdido  is 
not  to  be  interpreted  as  “ waste,”  but  as  “ bad  looking,”  “ ugly,”  “ homely,”  — a 
very  natural  expression  on  the  part  of  one  who  only  looks  to  the  scenic  effect. 
Otherwise,  the  conversion  of  a swampy  water-sheet  into  cornfields  is  not  pro- 
perly an  act  of  laying  waste  on  purpose,  or  of  ruthless  neglect. 

The  same  author  refers  to  the  cutting  of  timber  complained  of  by  Humboldt. 
Bernal  Diez  says  (cap.  ccix.  p.  311)  : “y  han  plantado  sus  tierrasy  hercdadcs  de 
todos  los  arboles  y frutas  que  hemos  traido  de  Espana,  y venden  el  fruto  que 
procede  dello ; y han  puesto  tantos  arboles,  que  porque  los  duraznos  no  son 
buenos  para  la  salud  y los  platanalcs  les  hacen  mucha  sombra,  han  cortado  v 
cortan  muchos,  y lo  ponen  de  mcmbrilleros  y manzanas,  y perales,  que  los  tienen 
cn  mas  estima.”  This  is  not  vandalism. 

1 Essai politique,  etc.,  vol.  i.  p.  57. 

2 Geographische  Mittheilungen,  1S69,  p.  230,  by  Guillemin. 

3 Essai  politique , etc.,  vol.  ii.  p.  99. 

4 Id.,  vol.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  viii.  p.  99.  Other  inundations,  thwarted  by  the 
channel  of  Huehuetoca,  threatened  in  1648,  1675,  I~°7 > l732<  >748,  1772,  1795. 
They  appear  to  have  been  much  more  frequent  since  than  before  the  Conquest. 

5 Id.,  vol.  ii.  pp.  1 17-1 19. 


4S 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


the  lake-shore,  by  the  side  of  the  cultivated  patches  which 
the  Indians  had  grouped  around  their  pueblos,  near  the  placid 
water,  the  first  which  they  had  seen  since  leaving  the  coast, 
the  sight  must  have  been  charming.  And  when,  through  the 
filling  up  of  the  marsh,  parts  of  it  became  transformed  into 
sober  cornfields,  we  need  not  wonder  at  the  regret  expressed 
by  some  respecting  the  change.  It  was  the  feeling  which  we 
ourselves  experience  at  seeing  the  picturesque  supplanted  by 
the  useful. 

On  this  low,  swampy  ground,  with  rough  slopes  to  our  right, 
we  swiftly  proceed  onward  to  the  southwest.  The  summits 
of  the  volcanoes  turn  to  an  ashy  hue,  and  finally  disappear 
in  the  darkness  of  the  night ; but  the  sanctuary  of  Guadalupe 
Hidalgo  blazes  on  the  hills  of  Tepeyacac  in  gorgeous  illumi- 
nation. Half  an  hour  more,  and  we  land  at  the  plain  but 
spacious  railroad  station  of  the  city  of  Mexico. 

If,  until  now,  I have  not  strictly  limited  myself  to  matters 
within  the  scope  of  my  scientific  task,  it  has  been  because 
such  digressions  were  necessary  for  the  understanding  of  the 
country  in  general,  and  its  nature.  The  latter  has  trained  and 
moulded  its  dwellers.  Hereafter  I shall  refer  to  matters  for- 
eign to  Archaeology,  only  in  so  far  as  they  strictly  elucidate 
points  of  scientific  import,  and  I shall  pass  unnoticed  a num- 
ber of  things  otherwise  of  great  interest.  I wish  it  distinctly 
understood  that  apparent  deficiencies  in  this  respect  are  not 
the  result  of  neglect  on  my  part,  but  of  the  necessity  to  limit 
myself,  as  strictly  as  possible,  to  the  field  of  science  which  I 
was  sent  to  cultivate. 


Part  II. 


ARCII/EOLOGICAL  NOTES  ABOUT  TIIE  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 
HE  church  of  San  Hipolito  Martyr,  about  two  blocks 


( cuadras ) nearly  west  of  the  present  Alameda  of  the 
city,  bears  a commemorative  tablet  erected  by  the  munici- 
pality, with  an  inscription  to  the  effect  that  on  this  spot  oc- 
curred the  greatest  slaughter  of  the  Spaniards,  by  the  Indians, 
during  the  memorable  retreat  of  Cortes,  on  the  night  of  June 
30  and  July  1,  1520.  Nearly  two  blocks  further  west  is  the 
“ Salto  de  Alvarado,”  where  Pedro  de  Alvarado  made  his 
famous  leap,  on  the  same  night,  over  the  sluice  that  cut  the 
ancient  dike  leading  to  the  main  land  at  Tacuba.  Com- 
paring these  data  with  the  relations  extant  about  the  Noche 
Triste,  I came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Indian  pueblo  of 
Tenochtitlan  did  not  reach  further  west  than  the  eastern  edtre 

a 

of  the  Alameda,  or  thereabout.1 

South  of  the  Cathedral,  San  Antonio  Abad,  was  the  place 
called  Xoloc,2  where  the  dike  crossing  the  lagune  from  Cuyu- 
acan  met  the  dike  coming  from  Iztapalapan.  This  place  was 
then  far  outside  of  the  pueblo  of  Mexico.3 

1 Compare  Bernal  Diez,  Ffistoria  Pcrdadera , cap.  cxxviii.  pp.  134,  135;  cap. 
cli.  pp.  178,  179,  180.  Cortes,  Carta  Segunda,  pp.  43-45.  See  also  Don  Joa- 
quin Garci'a-Icazbalceta,  Mexico  en  1554,  pp.  80,  81,  1 18,  1 19. 

2 I refer  to  the  notes,  by  Archbishop  Lorenzana,  to  the  Letters  of  Cortes. 
Compare  in  vol.  i.  of  Vedia’s  Historiadorcs  Primitives,  etc.,  Carta  Segunda,  p.  24, 
note  8 ; p.  25,  note  1. 

3 Xoloc  was  considered  to  be  half  way  between  the  shore  and  the  outskirts 
of  Tenochtitlan;  and  it  is  so  laid  down  by  Mr.  Prescott  on  the  map  accompany- 
ing his  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico.  Clavigero  had  previously  adopted 
the  same  view.  See  also  the  map  published  by  Ramusio  and  reprinted  by  Icaz- 


4 


5° 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


To  the  east,  vve  must  remember  that  the  Penol  was,  before 
the  Conquest,  far  out  in  the  waters  of  the  lagune.  The  latter 
reached,  even  in  this  century,  through  channels  and  ditches, 
close  to  the  present  city,  or  almost  to  the  railroad  station  of 
San  Lazaro.  This,  again,  taking  into  consideration  the  grad- 
ual filling  up  of  the  whole  basin  during  the  past  three  hundred 
years,  places  the  eastern  limits  of  the  former  pueblo  at  a com- 
paratively short  distance  from  the  cathedral. 

To  the  north,  the  patch  of  dry  land,  supporting  the  once 
independent  pueblo  of  Tlatilulco,  was  added  to  Tenochtitlan. 
It  is  known  that  these  pueblos  were  artificially  separated 
by  a deep  trench  or  ditch.1  This  trench  is  still  visible  in 
part. 

Taking  now  the  Cathedral  as  a centre,  and  projecting  the 
points  mentioned  on  any  recent  plot  of  the  City  of  Mexico, 
vve  shall  be  led  to  infer  that  the  former  pueblo  of  the  Indians 
occupied,  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  scarcely  more  than  one 
fourth  of  the  area  now  covered  by  the  city. 

Don  Alfredo  Chavero  owns  a’  very  large  oil  painting  rep- 
resenting the  Indian  pueblo  of  Mexico,  and  the  principal 
events  of  its  conquest.  This  painting  is  ascribed  to  one  Juan 
Ascencion,  and  is  said  to  have  been  executed  in  1523,  or  two 
years  after  the  capture  of  the  place  by  Cortes.  The  view  of 
aboriginal  Mexico  given  by  it  fully  confirms  my  suggestions 
as  to  the  size  of  the  settlement. 

It  is  well  known  that  every  vestige  of  aboriginal  architec- 
ture has  completely  disappeared  from  the  surface  of  the  city. 
The  pueblo  of  Tenochtitlan  proper  was  almost  completely  de- 
stroyed during  the  obstinate  resistance  which  its  inhabitants 
opposed  to  the  Spaniards  and  their  Indian  allies.  It  was  re- 

balccta,  accompanying  El  Conquistador  A ninimo,  p.  390.  Cortes,  Carta  Segunda, 
pp.  24,  25.  Bernal  Dicz,  Historia  Verdadera,  cap.  lxxxviii.  p.  83. 

1 Bancroft’s  Native  Races , vol.  v.  p.  421. 


MOTES  ABOUT  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 


51 


built  not  as  an  Indian  town,  but  as  a Spanish  city.  What 
was  left  of  Tlatilulco  has  been  completely  changed  in  course 
of  time  through  additions  or  repairs,  so  that  it  is  impossible 
to  recognize  any  feature  antedating  the  Conquest.  This  has 
been  the  common  fate  of  aboriginal  structures  in  most  of  the 
larger  Mexican  towns.  Their  disappearance  is  due  not  so 
much  to  intentional  destruction  as  to  transformation. 

The  demolition  of  edifices  in  the  City  of  Mexico  has  not 
been  limited  to  Indian  buildings  alone.  The  great  documen- 
tal y historian  of  Mexico,  Don  Joaquin  Garcia  Icazbalceta, 
says  : “ Not  only  the  Aztec  edifices  have  disappeared,  but  also 
the  earliest  ones  of  the  Spaniards.  There  is  not  a church 
which  has  not  been  rebuilt  twice  at  least,  and  the  same  has 
occurred  with  the  private  houses.  From  the  beginning,  the 
lightness  of  the  soil  caused  the  heavy  fabrics  to  sink  ; and  as 
the  level  of  the  soil  is  constantly  rising,  the  whole  city  buries 
itself  little  by  little.”1  Where  such  agencies,  coupled  with  a 
slow  but  steady  influx  of  foreign  population  and  a radical 
change  in  habits  of  life,  have  been  at  work  for  three  hundred 
and  sixty  years,  there  is  little  hope  for  the  preservation  of 
archaeological  remains. 

Still,  many  very  remarkable  aboriginal  sculptures  have  been 
disinterred  in  the  city,  remarkable  not  only  for  their  enor- 
mous bulk,  but  also  for  their  singular  workmanship  and  for 
the  purposes  which  they  formerly  served. 

These  sculptures  have  all  been  found  in  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  the  Cathedral.  1 his  building  occupies  part  of  the 
ground  on  which  stood  the  mounds  of  worship  — tcocallis, 
houses  of  God  of  the  pueblo.  These  mounds  indicated 
the  centre  of  the  Indian  settlement. 

Although  most  of  these  sculptures  are  well  known,  they 
have  hardly  received  the  attention  they  deserve.  I enumerate 


1 Mexico  en  1554,  p.  74,  note  2. 


52 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


them  in  succession,  according  to  the  degree  of  prominence 
they  have  acquired  : — 

1.  The  so-called  “Aztec  Calendar  Stone,”  — found  at  a 
depth  of  forty-two  centimetres  (one  foot  five  inches  English) 
beneath  the  pavement  in  front  of  the  present  National  Palace, 
south  of  the  Cathedral,  on  the  17th  of  December,  1790.1 

2.  The  statue  called  Tcoyaoiniqiii,  or  “ goddess  of  death 
and  war.”  This  block  was  found  on  the  13th  of  August, 
1790,  also  to  the  west  of  the  National  Palace,  and  south  of 
the  Cathedral.  The  top  of  it  was  buried  one  metre  and 
twelve  centimetres  (three  feet  eight  inches)  beneath  the 
pavement  ; the  base,  about  eighty  centimetres  (thirty-two 
inches).2 

3.  The  stone  called  “ Sacrificial  Stone,”  discovered  north- 
west of  the  same  locality,  on  the  17th  of  December,  1791,  at 
a depth  of  less  than  fifty  centimetres  (or  about  twenty 
inches).3 4 

4.  The  statue  called  “Indio  Triste,”  found,  in  1828,  be- 
hind the  National  Palace,  southeast  of  the  Cathedral.  The 
street  where  it  was  disinterred  now  bears  the  name,  Calle  del 
Indio  Triste.'* 

5.  An  enormous  head  of  a serpent,  with  mouth  wide  open 
and  fangs  protruding.  This  block  was  exhumed  on  the  7th  and 
8th  of  September,  1881,  while  I was  in  the  City  of  Mexico, 
and  the  work  was  performed  under  the  direction  of  Sehor  Gar- 
da y Cubas.  Beneath  this  block,  one  entire  brick  and  several 
fragments  of  old  adobe  were  found.  The  sculpture  was  found 

1 Antonio  de  Leon  y Gama,  Description  Ilistorica  y Cronoligica  de  las  dos 
Piedras,  que  con  ocasion  del  nuevo  Empcdrado  que  se  esta  forinando  en  la  Plaza 
principal  de  Mexico , se  hallaron  en  ella  el  alio  de  1790 . Second  edition,  1832,  by 
Bustamante,  p.  10. 

2 Ibid.  p.  10. 

8 Ibid.  ii.  p.  46. 

4 Brantz-Mayer,  Mexico , etc.,  Letter  xv.  p.  88.  Compare  Gama,  Description 
etc.,  pp.  85,  86,  87. 


N01ES  ABOUT  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 


53 


in  the  atrio  (the  old  cemetery)  of  the  Cathedral,  southwest,  or 
rather  south,  of  its  southwest  corner,  and  north  of  the  Plaza. 
It  was  buried  at  the  depth  of  not  quite  one  metre  (three  feet), 
and  one  of  the  bases  of  the  columns  of  the  old  cathedral 
rested  on  it. 

By  reference  to  the  location  of  these  discoveries  we  may 
classify  them  into  two  groups. 

The  first  group  comprises  the  sculptures  found  southeast 
of  the  Cathedral,  and  near  the  National  Palace.  It  includes 
Nos.  i,  2,  and  4.  We  may  add  to  them  the  enormous  human 
head  of  “ Serpentine,”  figured  by  Mr.  Bancroft  on  p.  518  of  the 
fourth  volume  of  his  “Native  Races,”  and  exhumed,  in  1830, 
in  the  Calle  de  Santa  Teresa,  northeast  of  the  Cathedral. 

The  second  group  comprises  objects  found  in  the  imme- 
diate vicinity  of  the  Cathedral,  south  and  southwest  of  it. 
Besides  Nos.  3 and  5 we  must  add  to  this  group  three  stones, 
described  by  Antonio  de  Leon  y Gama  as  discovered  in  front 
of  the  Cathedral  in  the  year  1792  ;*  among  them  the  so-called 
“ Gladiatorial  Stone,  still  buried,  but  described  and  figured 
by  Colonel  Brantz-Mayer ;  1  2 and  fragments  of  another  ser- 
pent s head,  similar  to  the  one  already  mentioned,  also  ex- 
humed this  year  [1881]  by  my  friend  Garcia  y Cubas. 

While  this  list  does  not  pretend  to  be  complete,  it  still 
contains  enough  to  corroborate  the  statements  of  the  older 
chronicles,  to  the  effect  that  the  space  now  occupied  by  the 
Cathedral  and  its  surroundings  was  the  central  site  of  wor- 
ship of  the  Indian  population  previous  to  the  Conquest  ; 
but  it  becomes  evident,  from  the  manner  in  which  these 
very  large  fragments  were  scattered,  that  the  old  site,  en- 
closed as  it  was  by  a huge  wall,  occupied  much  more  ground 
than  the  present  Cathedral  and  the  Plaza  combined.  Fray 

1 Description,  ii.  pp.  46,  47,  73,  74,  76. 

2 Mexico , etc.,  pp.  123,  124.  Bancroft,  Native  Daces,  iv.  p.  516. 


54 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Diego  Duran  asserts  that  one  of  the  lodges  of  the  idols  stood 
where  the  Episcopal  Palace  was  in  his  time.1 2  This  extends 
the  space  further  to  the  east.  While  we  are  compelled  to 
reduce  considerably  the  perimeter  of  the  original  pueblo  of 
Tenochtitlan,  we  are  still  further  compelled  to  diminish  its 
inhabited  area,  on  account  of  the  great  extent  occupied  for 
purposes  of  worship.  This  has  its  bearing  on  the  supposed 
numbers  of  its  population. 

Referring  now,  in  particular,  to  each  of  the  sculptures  enu- 
merated, I will  briefly  state  what  is  positively  known  about 
each  of  them. 

The  Stone  of  the  Sun.  (Plate  IV.) 

The  laborious  investigations  of  Antonio  de  Leon  y Gama 
resulted  in  giving  to  this  block  the  erroneous  name  of  ‘‘Aztec 
Calendar  Stone,”  and  making  of  it  a so-called  gnomon!'1' 
Yet  the  stone  is  in  truth  so  incorrectly  shaped  as  to  render 
incredible  the  scientific  knowledge  which  this  author  ascribes 
to  its  makers.  The  block  is  a very  low,  irregularly  oblique 
cylinder,  and  its  surface,  even,  is  irregularly  convex.  The 
circles  on  it  appear  true,  but  this  does  not  compensate  foi 
the  other  defects.  The  history  of  the  stone  and  its  present 
name  were  established  successively  by  Senor  Chavero  and 
by  Dr.  Valentini.3 * 5  It  has  in  its  centre  the  conventional 

1 Ilistoria  de  las  Yndias  de  R’ueva- Espaha,  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxxiii.  p.  107.  “ Este 

templo  en  Mexico  estaba  edificado  cn  el  mesnio  lugar  questa  edificada  la  cassa 
arjobispal  donde  si  bien  ha  notado  el  que  en  ellas  ha  entrado  bera  ser  toda 
edificada  sobre  terrapleno  sin  tcner  aposscntos  bajos  sino  todo  mafiso  el  primer 
suelo.”  This  was  the  mound  dedicated  to  Tezcatlipoca. 

2 Descripcion , etc.,  § 4 of  Parte  I.  and  Parrafo  Quinto,  Parte  II. 

3 Alfredo  Chavero,  Calcndario  Az/eca,  1 Nov.  1875.  “La  Piedra  del  Sol,”  in 

Annies  del  Mtiseo  National  de  Mexico , vol.  i.  No.  7 ; vol.  ii.  Nos.  1,  2,  4,  and  still 
to  be  continued.  Phil.  J.  J.  Valentini,  Vortrag  iiber  den  mexicanischen  Calender- 
Stein,  New  York,  1878.  English  version  thereof  in  Proceedings  of  the  American 
Antiquarian  Society,  April  24,  1878;  Spanish,  in  Anales  del  Mtueo,  etc.,  L Nos. 

5 and  6. 


AZTEC  CALENDAR 


THE  STONE 


THE  SV. 


THE  SO-CALLED 


NOTES  ABOUT  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 


55 


human  face,  adopted  by  the  aborigines  to  designate  the  sun. 
The  date  is  carved  on  the  block, — i ith  acatl,  or  “cane,” 
which  corresponds  to  the  year  1479  of  our  era.  In  the  same 
year,  according  to  the  “ Codice  Aubin,”  the  sun  presented 
an  unusual  appearance.1  The  block  is  described  by  Fray 
Diego  Duran  and  by  Fernando  de  Alvarado  Tezozomoc.2 
The  first  named  writer  is  the  only  one  who,  so  far  as  I know, 
gives  us  any  clew  to  its  use.  He  states  that  it  was  made  for 
the  purpose  of  sacrifice.  If  the  prevalent  conceptions  of  the 
three  classes  of  sacrificial  blocks  used  in  Mexico  by  the  Indians 
are  correct,  the  Stone  of  the  Sun  belongs  to  neither  of  them  ; 
yet  we  positively  know  but  two  kinds,  — one  from  repeated 
concurrent  description,  the  other  because  a specimen  of  it  has 
been  preserved.3 

The  first  is  called  tcchcatl,  and  is  described  as  a stone  hav- 
ing the  ordinary  length  of  a man,  a height  of  not  quite  one 
metre  (three  feet  English),  and  sloping  towards  the  summit 
so  as  to  form  a ridge.  On  this  block  the  victim  was  ex- 
tended, so  as  to  have  his  head  inclining  or  dropping  back- 
wards, the  neck  being  pressed  down  by  a heavy  yoke  resting 
on  the  throat.  Not  a single  specimen  of  the  tcchcatl  is  known 
to  exist. 

The  other  is  called  cuauhxicalli,  and  the  block  referred  to 
under  No.  3 has  been  thoroughly  identified  as  one  of  this  sort. 
It  is  circular,  and  its  distinguishing  features  are  the  cup-shaped 
concavity  in  the  centre,  and  the  channel  which  runs  therefrom 
to  the  outer  rim. 

1 Cod.  Aubin , p.  72.  This  figure  is  accompanied  by  the  following  text  in 
Nahuatl : “ Nica  qualloc  intonatiuh  mochinez  que  incicitlaltin  y qc  mic  ynaxa 
Yacatzin.” 

2 Ilistoria  de  las  Yndias,  vol  i.  cap.  xxxvi.  pp.  2S0-2S6.  Crbnica  Mexicana , 
cap.  1.  pp.  415,  416;  cap.  li.  pp.  418-420. 

3 I refer  to  the  excellent  monograph  by  Manuel  Orozco  y Berra  : “ El  cuauhx- 
icalli de  Tizoc,”  in  A nales  del  Museo,  vol.  i.  No.  1.  See  my  essay,  “The  National 
Museum  of  Mexico,  and  the  Sacrificial  Stones,”  in  the  American  Antiquarian  of 
1878. 


■56 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Of  the  third  class,  the  “gladiatorial  stone,”  we  know  that 
it  was  cylindrical,  and  perforated  in  the  middle.  The  victim 
was  fastened  to  a rope  passing  through  this  hole,  and  the  rope 
was  long  enough  to  allow  him  to  move  on  the  block.  It  has 
been  asserted  that  such  a stone  was  discovered  and  left  buried 
near  the  Cathedral  of  Mexico,  but  the  descriptions  and  pic- 
tures of  it  prove  that  it  was  not  a sacrificial  block  of  this  kind  ; 
the  essential  feature,  the  hole  in  the  centre,  is  wanting.  The 
name  given  to  the  gladiatorial  stone  was  temalacatl.  It  has 
been  believed  that  this  stone  was  of  great  size  and  weight, 
but  the  difficulty  of  renewing  or  replacing  the  rope  every 
time  it  was  worn  out  seems  to  me  an  objection  to  this  sup- 
position. The  stone  lay  flat,  and  to  renew  the  rope  would 
have  necessitated  lifting  the  enormous  bulk  on  one  side.  This 
operation  would  have  been  difficult. 

There  arc  in  the  National  Museum  at  Mexico  a number  of 
cylinders,  like  mill-stones  of  various  sizes,  sculptured  in  low 
relief  and  perforated  in  the  middle.  One  of  these  stones  has 
a thickness  of  thirty-five  centimetres  on  one  side,  and  thirty- 
three  centimetres  on  the  other  (about  twelve  inches).  They 
are  far  too  heavy  for  one  man  to  handle,  but  can  be  easily 
lifted  by  two.  A similar  block,  found  at  Tecomavaca,  in  the 
State  of  Oaxaca,  is  preserved  in  the  Instituto  of  Oaxaca.  It 
does  not  essentially  differ  from  the  others.  It  is  eighty-  four 
centimetres  (two  feet  ten  inches)  in  diameter,  eighteen  cen- 
timetres (seven  inches)  thick,  and  the  hole  has  a diameter  of 
eleven  centimetres  (four  inches)  at  the  surface.  The  perfora- 
tion is  not  cylindrical,  but  tapers  from  both  sides  towards  the 
middle  of  the  disk,  and  its  edges  are  not  sharp,  but  look  as 
if  smoothed  by  wear  and  friction.  A block  of  this  kind  and 
size,  with  a rope  passed  through  it  and  fastened  to  the  ankle 
or  even  around  the  body  of  a man,  would  be  of  sufficient 
weight  to  hold  him  back,  unless  he  was  of  gigantic  strength  ; 
but  two  men  could  easily  lift  it  to  fasten  or  replace  the  cord 


NOTES  ABOUT  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 


57 


whenever  required.  These  stones  are  sometimes  called  tcma- 
lacatl,  and  while  they  agree  in  general  with  the  description 
of  the  gladiatorial  stone,  their  size  obviates  the  reasonable 
objection  against  its  supposed  great  bulk.1 

Still  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  captive,  once  tied  and  ready 
for  combat,  was  allowed  a wider  range  than  that  which  these 
small  disks  present.  It  is  also  certain  that  the  ring,  over 
which  he  might  move,  was  the  top  of  a huge  cylindrical 
block.  If  we  suppose  the  smaller  stone  serving  as  a clog, 
placed  on  top  and  in  the  centre  of  a mass  like  the  Stone 
of  the  Sun,  the  two  together  would  represent  the  needed 
combination. 

The  carved  surface  of  the  Stone  of  the  Sun  rises  above  an 
irregularly  broken  rim  around  it.  This  rim  is  smooth  on  its 
surface,  as  if  worn  down  in  part  by  frequent  walking  upon  it. 
This  would  have  been  the  case  had  it  been  used  for  gladiato- 
rial sacrifice. 

These  facts  may  excuse  the  temerity  of  the  inference 
that  the  Stone  of  the  Sun  was  originally  placed  on  one  of  the 
artificial  mounds  in  the  centre  of  the  Indian  pueblo  of  Mex- 
ico, and  that  it  served  as  the  base  of  the  smaller  perforated 
stone  to  which  the  victim  was  tied,  and  that  upon  the  two 
stones  the  gladiatorial  sacrifice  was  performed. 

This  inference  is  raised  almost  to  positive  certainty  by  doc- 
umentary evidence  of  great  weight.  Fray  Diego  Duran,  a 
native  of  Mexico,  who  died  in  1588,  says,  in  speaking  of  the 
two  great  sacrificial  blocks  set  up  in  1479:  “ He  (Axayacatl) 
also  busied  himself  with  working  the  great  and  famous  stone, 
highly  adorned,  on  which  were  carved  the  figures  of  the 

1 These  small  cylinders  are  known  also  as  “calendar  stones.”  Both  the  Stone 
of  the  Sun,  at  Mexico,  and  the  stone  at  Oaxaca,  are  respectively  called  in  each 
city,  la  piedra  del  reloj.  The  carvings  on  both  show  a certain  analogy  in  design, 
but  the  resemblance  is  still  greater  between  the  Oaxaca  block  and  the  Sacrificial 
Stone  proper  of  Mexico. 


53 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


months  and  years,  days  and  weeks,  in  such  a curious  manner 
that  it  was  worth  seeing.  This  stone  we  often  saw  in  the  great 
square,  near  to  the  Azequia,  and  the  Illustrious  and  Reverend 
Lord  Don  Fray  Alonzo  de  Montufar,  most  worthy  Archbishop 
of  Mexico,  of  blessed  memory,  caused  it  to  be  buried  for  the 
great  sins  committed  on  it  through  killing.”  1 

In  the  second  volume  of  his  “ Historia  de  las  Yndias  de 
Nueva-Espana,”  the  same  author  again  describes  the  tcma- 
lacatl , and  repeats  that  he  and  many  others  “saw  it  often  in 
the  great  square,  close  to  the  Azequia,  where  daily  a market 
is  held  in  front  of  the  royal  houses  and  that  the  Archbishop 
Montufar  had  it  buried.2  The  place  indicated  closely  agrees 
with  that  where  the  Stone  of  the  Sun  was  found,  as  stated 
by  Leon  y Gama,  “ at  the  distance  of  eighty  varas  west  of 
the  same  second  doorway  of  the  royal  palace,  and  thirty- 
seven  varas  north  of  the  Portal  de  las  Flores.” 3 

In  regard  to  the  carvings  on  the  Stone  of  the  Sun,  I shall 
but  say  that  the  following  parts  of  them  are  ascertained  be- 
yond all  doubt : — 

1.  The  central  figure  representing  the  sun,  and  perhaps  the 
year  also. 

2.  The  twenty  figures  placed  in  a circle  around  it,  repre- 
senting the  twenty  days  of  the  Mexican  month. 

3.  The  date,  13th  acatl , or  1479  A.  d.,  above  the  head  of 
the  sun,  on  the  rim  or  border. 

Beyond  this,  the  signs  are  still  subjects  for  interpretation. 
Interpretations  have  been  furnished,  since  Leon  y Gama  wrote, 
by  the  two  high  authorities,  to  whom  I have  already  referred, 
and  I do  not  feel  competent  myself  to  go  over  the  ground 
which  they  have  so  ably  searched. 


1 Historia  de  las  Yndias,  vol.  i.  cap.  xxxv.  pp.  272,  273. 

2 Ibid  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxxvii.  pp.  149,  150,  151,  152. 

3 Descripcion,  etc.,  parte  i.  p.  10. 


PLATE  V 


TEOYAOMIQUI,  THE  GOD  OF  WAR  AND  DEATH. 


NOTES  ABOUT  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 


59 


The  Statue  called  the  “Goddess  Teoyaomiqui." 

(Plate  V.) 

It  is  to  Antonio  de  Leon  y Gama  that  this  great  monolith 
also  owes  its  name.  The  block,  which  is  two  metres  and  sixty 
centimetres  (eight  and  one  half  feet)  high,  one  metre  and  sev- 
enty centimetres  (five  and  one  half  feet)  wide,  and  one  metre 
and  fifty-five  centimetres  (five  feet)  thick,1  is  made  of  porphy- 
ritic  basalt  (according  to  Humboldt).2  It  is  covered  with 
carvings  almost  to  overloading.  However  well  executed  some 
of  them  are  when  taken  singly,  their  combination  on  the  block 
is  devoid  of  symmetry,  and  indicates  almost  as  primitive  a 
mode  of  sculpture  as  that  shown  in  two  rudely  blocked  out 
heads  in  the  public  library  of  Vera  Cruz.  The  general  effect, 
however,  is  appalling,  and  the  stone  presents  a most  hideous 
agglomeration  of  repulsive  forms. 

The  two  faces  of  this  sculpture  are  not  alike.  Gama  adopts 
the  view  that  one  represents  a male,  the  other  a female,  fig- 
ure, and  calls  the  rear  figure  Huitzilopochtli,  and  the  front, 
Teoyaomiqui,  stating  that  the  latter  was  the  former’s  com- 
panion.3 It  is  a little  singular  that  not  one  of  the  older 
authors  on  Mexico  mentions  an  idol  or  deity  called  Teo- 
yaomiqui. 

In  studying  the  descriptions  of  Mexican  idols  handed  down 
to  us  from  the  sixteenth  century,  we  should  never  fail  to  dis- 
criminate between  the  actual  carved  bulk,  sometimes  of  stone, 
sometimes  of  wood,  and  the  adornments,  hangings,  or  trap- 
pings placed  on  and  about  it.  The  former  only  was  perma- 
nent (provided  the  statue  was  not  destroyed)  ; the  other  was 
liable  to  change  according  to  necessity,  and  certainly  liable  to 
disappear,  either  by  removal  or  decay.  The  present  condi- 

1 Description,  etc.,  i.  p.  io. 

2 Or  “porphyre  basaltique,”  Vues  des  Cordilleres  et  Monuments  dcs  Peuples  In- 
digines de  l' Amlrique,  1816.  Vol.  ii.  p.  148. 

3 Description,  etc.,  i.  pp.  35-44.  * 


6o 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


tion  of  these  sculptures  at  Mexico  is  not,  therefore,  their 
original  state.  They  lack  the  bright  shining  stones  (of  more 
brilliancy  than  value)  set  in  their  eyes  or  hung  around  their 
wrists  and  waists,  the  gaudy  cloth  with  which  they  were 
decked,  and  the  feathers  forming  tall  crests  on  their  heads. 
What  now  remains  of  such  idols  is  but  the  skeleton  of  their 
former  appearance. 

The  descriptions  left  us  by  eye-witnesses  of  the  Conquest, 
and  by  the  early  missionaries,  include  three  classes  of  facts  : 

1.  The  materials  of  which  the  figure  and  the  ornaments 
were  made. 

2.  The  salient  features  of  what  I have  termed  the  skeleton 
of  the  idol. 

3.  The  loose  or  temporary  appendages  or  ornaments. 

Of  these  only  the  first  two  come  into  consideration  here, 
the  third  class  having  entirely  disappeared. 

Assuming  now  that  the  statue  in  question  had  been  but 
recently  discovered,  and  no  theory  had  yet  been  advanced  as 
to  its  probable  purpose  and  dedication,  — thus  putting  out  of 
view  for  a time  the  explanations  of  Gama,  — our  first  step 
should  be  to  compare  it  with  whatever  descriptions  are  left 
of  ancient  Mexican  idols,  particularly  by  such  writers  as  saw 
them  in  actual  use. 

There  can  hardly  be  any  doubt  as  to  the  fact  that  our  block 
once  pertained  to  the  central  cluster  of  mounds  of  worship  in 
aboriginal  Mexico.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  it  was 
dragged  from  any  other  place  to  the  main  square  for  the  pur- 
pose of  burying  it  there.  We  are  therefore  justified  in  look- 
ing among  the  statues  of  that  celebrated  cluster  for  one  which 
might  agree  with  our  monolith. 

Turning  first  to  the  eye-witnesses  and  participants  of  the 
Conquest  we  find  that  Cortds  himself  speaks  of  the  idols  of 
Mexico  only  in  general  terms.1 


1 Carta  Segttnda , p.  33. 


NOTES  ABOUT  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 


6l 


Andres  dc  Tapia,  one  of  the  leading  conquistadorcs,  speak- 
ing of  the  chief  mounds  of  Tcnochtitlan,  mentions  two  idols 
placed  on  large  stones  in  front  of  the  principal  towers.  Each 
one  was  about  three  varas  (two  metres  and  fifty-three  centi- 
metres, or  eight  and  one-half  feet  English)  high,  of  the 
bulk  of  an  ox,  and  made  of  polished  stone.  The  stone  was 
covered  with  mother-of-pearl,  with  many  bright  stones  pasted 
on  it.  The  idols  were  girt  with  big  snakes  of  gold  ; each 
had  a collar  of  ten  or  twelve  golden  human  hearts,  a golden 
mask  for  the  face,  eyes  of  “ mirror,”  and  on  the  back  of 
the  head  there  was  another  face,  “ like  the  head  of  a man 
without  flesh  ” (a  skull).1  Bernal  Diez  de  Castillo,  another 
conquistador,  particularly  mentions  three  statues,  one  of  which 
he  calls  Huichilobos,  describing  it  as  follows:  “Its  face  was 
very  broad,  its  eyes  were  distorted  and  frightful,  and  its 
whole  body  covered  with  gold,  pearls,  and  pearl-drops, — all 
fastened  on  with  glue  ( engrudo ),  which  in  this  country  is 
made  from  a certain  root.  The  body  was  girt  with  large 
snakes  covered  with  gold  and  jewels.  In  one  hand  it  held 
a bow,  and  in  the  other  some  arrows.  . . . On  the  neck 
the  Huichilobos  had  faces  of  Indians,  and  other  things  like 
hearts  of  Indians.  . . .”  Another  statue  he  calls  Tezcat- 
lipuca,  and  says  of  it : It  had  a visage  like  that  of  a 

bear,  and  shining  eyes  made  of  mirrors  called  tczcat,  and 
the  body  was  covered  with  rich  stones  stuck  over  it  after  the 
same  manner  as  the  other ; . . . and  around  the  body  were 
strung  figures  like  little  devils,  with  tails  like  lizards.  . . .” 
Finally  he  mentions  a third  idol,  placed  apart  from  the  others, 
“ half  man  and  half  lizard  ( lagarto , properly  alligator),  all  cov- 
ered with  rich  stones,  and  half  of  it  draped.  Of  this  one  they 
said  that  the  half  of  it  was  filled  with  all  the  seeds  of  the  land, 
for  he  was  the  god  of  the  crops  and  fruits.  . . 2 

1 Relation  de  la  Conquista  de  Mexico,  pp.  582,  583. 

2 Ilistoria  Verdadera  de  la  Conquista  de  Nueva-Espaiia,  cap.  xcii.  p.  90. 


62 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


The  “ Anonymous  Conqueror,”  like  Cortes,  speaks  of  the 
Mexican  idols  only  in  general  terms. 1 

Among  the  early  missionaries,  neither  Fray  Pedro  de  Gante 
nor  Fray  Toribio  de  Paredes  (called  Motolinia)  gives  any 
specific  description  that  would  apply  to  our  subject.  The 
same  is  to  be  said  of  Fray  Bernardino  Ribeira,  surnamed 
Sahagun,  who  has  given  us  a number  of  details  about  sun- 
dry idols,  none  of  which,  however,  agree  in  the  least  with  our 
statue.  It  is  true  that  he  fails  to  describe  the  principal  male 
idols,  Quetzalcohuatl  excepted. 

Of  the  three  contemporaries  of  the  Conquest,  who  wrote 
on  the  subject  without  having  visited  Mexico  themselves, 
Peter  Martyr,  of  Anghiera,  is  very  laconic.  Me  only  says : 
“ It  is  a fearefull  thing  to  be  spoken,  what  they  declare  and 
report  concerning  their  idols.  I omit,  therefore,  to  speake 
of  their  greatest  marble  idol,  Wichilabuchichi,  of  the  height 
of  three  men,  not  inferior  to  that  huge  statue  of  Rhodes.”2 
The  “ three  varas  ” of  the  eye-witnesses  had  already  grown 
considerably. 

Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo  y Valdds  follows  Cortds  in 
one  part  of  his  statements,  and  in  other  portions  is  very 
brief  and  general.3  P'rancisco  Lopez  de  Gomara  and  Bernal 
Dicz  closely  agree  in  their  description  of  the  idols  of  Mex- 
ico. The  former  reports  that  the  gods  of  Mexico  were  two 
thousand  in  number.  The  principal  ones  were  called  Vitcilo- 
puchtli  and  Tezcatlipuca,  whose  idols  stood  on  the  height 
of  the  temple,  over  the  two  altars.  They  were  of  stone,  and 
of  the  form,  height,  and  size  of  a giant.  They  were  cov- 
ered with  mother-of-pearl ; and  on  it  were  pasted,  with  glue  of 

1 El  Conquistador  Aninimo,  p.  384. 

2 De  Nouo  Orbe , or  The  Historic  of  the  West  Indies , contayning  the  Aetes  and 
Aduen/urcs  of  the  Spanyardes.  Translation  of  the  eight  Decades,  by  Richard 
Eden  and  Mr.  Lok.  London,  1612.  Dec.  v.  cap.  iv.  p.  197. 

3 Historia  General y Natural  de  las  Indias.  vol.  iii.  lib.  xxxiii.  cap.  xi.  pp.  304, 
305 ; cap.  xlvi.  pp.  503,  504. 


NOTES  ABOUT  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO.  63 

zacotl , many  pearls,  stones,  and  pieces  of  gold, — and  birds,  liz- 
ards, animals,  fish,  and  flowers,  made  of  mosaic  of  turquoises, 
emeralds,  chalcedonies,  amethysts,  and  other  fine  stones, 
which  made  pretty  ornaments  upon  the  mother-of-pearl. 
As  a girdle  each  had  thick  snakes  of  gold  ; and  as  a neck- 
lace, ten  human  hearts  of  ' gold  ; and  each  had  a golden  mask 
with  eyes  of  mirror,  and  on  the  back  of  the  head  the  face  of  a 
skull,  — all  of  which  had  its  import  and  meaning.1 

Gdmara’s  book  was  first  published  in  1552  ; it  is  not  likely, 
therefore,  that  he  consulted  Bernal  Diez  who  wrote  twenty 
years  later  ; and  the  agreement  between  the  two  is  indeed 
striking,  and  gives  great  weight  to  the  statements  of  both,  as 
well  as  to  that  of  Andres  de  Tapia. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  seventh  decade  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  a very  strong  effort  was  made,  by  order  of  the  Vice- 
roy Don  Martin  Enriquez,  to  collect  and  preserve  the  an- 
tiquities of  Mexico.  The  immediate  result  was  that  two 
ecclesiastics  of  different  orders,  both  native  Mexicans  and  re- 
lated to  each  other,  framed  two  independent  works  on  the  his- 
tory and  the  former  creed  and  customs  of  the  natives.  These 
works  are  based  upon  a careful  and  critical  study,  for  the 
time,  of  what  was  then  left  (about  fifty  years  after  the  Con- 
quest) of  the  antiquities  of  Indian  Mexico.  Part  of  the  knowl- 
edge possessed  by  the  authors  had  been  gained  from  actual 
remains,  a much  larger  part  from  paintings,  customs,  tradi- 
tions, and  songs,  and  part  from  their  own  experience.  These 
authors  were  the  Jesuit  Father  Juan  de  Tobar  and  the  Do- 
minican Fray  Diego  Duran.2 

1 Cr6ni:a  General  de  las  Indias,  Sega  Parte,  p.  350. 

2 Through  the  discovery  in  1S79  of  a correspondence  between  the  Jesuit 
fathers  Tobar  and  Acosta,  at  the  Lenox  Library  in  New  York,  — of  which  I 
gave  an  account  to  the  New  York  Historical  Society  at  their  meeting  of 
Nov.  4,  1S79,  and  afterwards  in  the  Nation , — I established  the  fact  that  the  so- 
called  Codice  Ramirez  was  a work  of  the  former  writer,  and  that  he  and  his  rela- 


64 


A RCH GEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Both  of  them  have  preserved  descriptions  of  the  main  idols 
of  the  pueblo  of  Mexico,  and  it  is  interesting  to  compare  them 
with  those  of  the  eye-witnesses  already  quoted.  They  speak 
of  four  principal  deities  and  statues,  thus  corroborating  Fray 
Francisco  of  Bologna,  who  says  : “ They  worshipped  a great 
number  of  idols,  among  which  there  were  four  principal 
ones.”  1 From  the  manner  in  which  those  who  saw  the  idols 
in  situ  speak  of  them,  we  must  conclude  that  they  were  par- 
ticularly distinguished  by  their  enormous  size.  This  is  given 
by  Andres  de  Tapia  at  three  varas,  and  it  is  noticeable  how 
closely  this  agrees  with  the  height  of  our  statue.  It  is  there- 
fore not  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  the  latter  was  one  of 
the  four  chief  idols  of  Mexico.  The  names  of  the  four  great 
deities  mentioned  by  Tobar  and  Duran  are  Huitzilopochtli, 
Tezcatlipoca,  Quetzalcohuatl,  and  Tlaloc,  — the  first  two  being 
the  same  as  those  given  by  earlier  writers. 

In  regard  to  the  first,  both  Tobar  and  Duran  state  that  his 
statue  was  of  wood.  The  conquerors,  and  those  who  wrote 
from  their  reports,  are  equally  positive  in  asserting  that  it 
was  made  of  stone.  The  picture  given  by  the  later  authors 
presents  the  aspect  of  the  idol  when  fully  dressed,  the  tem- 
porary ornaments  claiming  chief  attention.  I translate  from 
Tobar  : “ The  figure  of  this  great  idol,  Huitzilopochtli,  was 
a statue  of  wood,  carved  in  the  likeness  of  a man,  seated  on  a 

tive,  Fray  Diego  Duran,  might  be  considered  as  the  founders  of  an  independent 
“ school  ’*  of  authors  on  Ancient  Mexico.  I communicated  my  discovery  at  once 
to  Scnor  D.  Joaquin  Garda-Icazbalceta,  of  the  City  of  Mexico,  and  in  the 
Appendix  to  his  latest  work,  Don  Fray  Zumarraga , primer  Obispo  y A rzobispo 
de  Mexico,  Mexico,  1881,  the  celebrated  historian  has  published  the  full  text 
of  the  correspondence  between  Tobar  and  Acosta.  The  material  from  which 
Tobar  and  Duran  gleaned  is  not  yet  thoroughly  established;  we  are  not  yet  pos- 
itive which  Indian  paintings,  for  instance,  they  consulted ; but  enough  is  known 
to  give  great  value  to  their  writings. 

1 Lettre  du  Reverend  Fire  Francisco  de  Bologne,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Rc- 
cucil  de  piices  relatives  a la  Conquete  du  Mexique,  1838,  p.  212.  The  letter  bears 
no  date. 


NOTES  ABOUT  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 


65 


blue  bench  placed  on  a frame,  and  from  each  corner  there  pro- 
jected a beam,  terminating  in  the  head  of  a lizard.  The  bench 
was  blue,  by  which  they  denoted  that  he  was  sitting  in  the 
skies.  The  forehead  of  the  idol  was  blue,  and  over  the  nose 
there  ran  a blue  band  from  ear  to  ear.  On  his  head  he  had  a 
rich  crest  of  peacock’s  feathers,  and  a bird’s  beak  of  polished 
gold  ; the  feathers  were  green,  very  numerous  and  handsome. 
He  was  draped  in  a green  robe,  and  over  it  there  hung  from 
the  neck  an  apron  ( delantar ) of  rich  green  feathers,  garnished 
with  gold,  which,  as  he  was  seated  on  the  bench,  covered 
him  down  to  the  feet.  In  the  left  hand  he  held  a shield 
with  five  pineapples  made  of  white  feathers  set  crosswise  ; 
around  the  shield  hung  yellow  plumage  like  a fringe,  and  over 
them  a flag  of  gold  ; and  in  place  of  the  handle  there  projected 
four  darts.  ...  In  the  right  hand  this  idol  held  a staff  shaped 
like  a snake,  all  blue  and  wavy.  He  wore  a fan-like  scarf 
{bander ilia),  that  terminated  on  the  shoulder,  of  polished 
gold  ; on  his  wrists  were  golden  bands,  and  on  his  feet  blue 
sandals.”  1 

It  is  evident  from  this  description  that  it  mainly  applies 
to  drapery  and  ornamental  appendages,  — all  of  a perishable 
nature,  which  neither  Tobar  nor  Durdn  could  have  seen. 
Nothing  is  said  of  the  body  of  the  idol  itself,  but  that  it  was 
of  wood.  The  concpierors  saw  it  and  probably  handled  it  ; 
the  others  did  not,  but  obtained  their  information  at  second 
hand.  I therefore  give  preference  to  the  assertions  of  the 
former. 

The  same  remarks  apply  to  the  description  of  the  statue  of 
Tczcatlipoca.  The  only  allusion  to  its  real  body  by  Tobar, 
or  Duran,  is  that  it  was  made  of  black  shining  stone.2 

1 Codice  Ramirez,  Tratado  2°,  cap.  i.  pp.  93,  94. 

- Id.  Tratado  2°,  cap.  ii.  p.  104.  Historia  de  las  Yndias,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  cap. 
lxxxii.  p.  98. 

S 


66 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


The  remainder  of  their  long  accounts  relates  exclusively  to 
ornaments. 

Of  Ouetzalcohuatl  a better  description  is  given,  but  it  is 
not  quite  clear  whether  the  description  relates  to  an  idol  of 
Mexico  or  to  one  at  Cholula.  Tobar  asserts  that  it  was  of 
wood,  “ in  the  shape  of  a man,  but  the  face  was  that  of  a bird 
with  comb  and  wattles  (crestay  verrugas ),  with  a row  of  teeth 
in  the  protruding  tongue.  ..."  1 The  rest  again  relates  to 
perishable  appendages.  It  fairly  agrees,  on  the  whole,  with 
the  statements  of  Sahagun.2 

Duran  alone  has  given  us  a description  of  Tlaloc  as  he 
was  represented  at  aboriginal  Mexico.  “ The  statue  of  it,”  he 
says,  “ was  of  stone  carved  as  the  effigy  of  a frightful  monster, 
the  face  very  ugly,  like  that  of  a lizard  with  very  large  fangs  ; 
. . and  he  goes  on  to  describe  the  adornments  and  trap- 
pings of  the  figure.  3 

If  now,  on  the  supposition  that  the  statue  called  that  of 
the  goddess  Teoyaomiqui  was  one  of  the  four  main  idols  of 
Mexico,  we  compare  it  with  the  statements  herein  collected, 
it  must  strike  us  that  neither  Quetzalcohuatl  nor  Tezcatli- 
poca  properly  corresponds  to  it.  The  choice  is  left  between 
Iluitzilopochtli  and  Tlaloc  ; and  if  we  recall  the  principal 
features  of  the  statue  of  Huitzilopochtli  as  described,  they 
are  found  represented  on  the  sculpture  before  us  : — 

1.  The  general  hideousness  of  its  appearance. 

2.  Its  height  and  bulk. 

3.  The  girdle  or  belt  of  snakes  around  the  body. 

4.  The  skull  or  skulls. 

In  place,  therefore,  of  christening  the  monolith  after  an 

1 Codice  Ramirez  Tratado  2°,  cap.  iv.  p.  117,  agrees  literally  with  Duran. 

2 Ilistoria  General  de  las  Cosas  de  Nueva-Espaiia,  vol.  i.  lib.  i.  cap.  v.  p.  4. 
He  makes  no  mention  of  the  head. 

3 Ilistoria,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxxvi.  p.  135. 


JRIF 


NOTES  ABOUT  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO.  67 


imaginary  composite  deity  of  whose  existence  the  oldest  au- 
thorities make  no  mention,  it  strikes  me  as  much  more  nat- 
ural to  believe  that  it  represents  the  well-known  war  god  of 
the  Mexican  tribe,  Huitzilopochtli ; and  that  consequently  it 
was  indeed  the  famous  principal  idol  of  aboriginal  Mexico,  or 
Tenochtitlan.1 

The  Sacrificial  Stone.  (Plate  VI.) 

The  late  archaeologist  and  historian,  Manuel  Orozco  y Berra, 
has  satisfactorily  proved  the  character  of  this  relic.  I refer  to 
his  valuable  monograph  on  that  subject.2  But  while  grate- 
fully accepting  his  conclusions  in  regard  to  the  character  of 
the  sculpture  and  its  original  purpose,  I still  remain  at  vari- 
ance with  his  deductions  in  regard  to  its  date  and  the  signifi- 
cation of  its  bas-reliefs.  His  courteous,  pleasant,  and  thorough 
rejoinder3  to  my  observations  was,  unhappily,  one  of  the  later 
incidents  of  his  life,  and  I was  myself  precluded  from  inves- 
tigating the  questions  involved  any  further.  When  I reached 
the  City  of  Mexico,  the  first  news  I received  was  that  Manuel 
Orozco  y Berra  had  recently  died.  It  was  a shock  to  me,  for 
I had  hoped  to  make  the  personal  acquaintance  of  the  aged 
scholar.  It  also  effectually  “ closes  the  discussion,"  so  far 
as  I am  concerned. 

The  Sacrificial  Stone  appears  to  be  a regular  cylinder. 
Still,  such  is  not  the  case.  If  the  square  is  applied  to  it,  its 
sides  are  not  vertical,  even  allowing  for  inevitable  wear  and 

1 In  addition  to  the  evidences  given,  I must  allude  here  to  the  following 
statement  by  Tezozomoc,  Cronica,  etc.,  cap.  1.  pp.  415,  416  (speaking  of  the  cap- 
tives), “subieronlos  en  lo  alto  de  el  Huitzilopochtli  adonde  estaba  su  estatua 
frontero  la  gran  piedra  Temalacatl.”  It  is  noticeable  that  the  Stone  of  the 
Sun  and  the  statue  just  discussed  were  found  close  together.  Gama,  Description, 
etc.,  i.  p.  10. 

2 “ El  Cuauhxicalli  de  Tizoc”  in  Anales,  etc.,  vol.  i.  No.  1. 

3 See  p.  55,  note  3.  Senor  Orozco’s  reply  is  in  Anales  del  Museo  National, 
vol.  ii.  No.  1,  pp.  77,  78,  note  2. 


68 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


tear.  This  shows  it  to  have  been  worked  out  by  mere  rule 
of  thumb,  and  without  the  aid  of  instruments.  This  is  further 
illustrated  by  another  circumstance.  There  is,  at  the  base,  a 
concavity,  apparently  an  original  defect  of  the  block.  One  of 
the  figures  in  the  series  around  the  outer  rim  of  the  stone  is 
partly  carved  within  this  depression.  This  would  seem  to 
indicate  that  the  workmen  did  not  have  the  means  to  correct 
the  defect,  but  made  the  best  they  could  of  the  stone  without 
attempting  to  shape  it  nicely. 

The  Indio  Triste.  (Plate  VII.) 

I have  already  stated  that  this  block,  which  is  about  one 
metre  (forty  inches)  high,  and  sixty-one  centimetres  (twenty- 
four  inches)  wide,  was  disinterred  about  1828.  Still,  there  is 
an  earlier  mention  of  a similar  statue,  by  Leon  y Gama.1  The 
Indio  Triste  has  not,  as  yet,  attracted  the  attention  which  it 
really  deserves.  Being  simply  the  figure  of  a squatting  In- 
dian, fairly  executed,  but  without  any  striking  symbolical 
ornaments,  it  has  escaped  the  notice  of  interpreters.  Gama 
has  suggested  an  explanation  of  the  statue  which  he  describes, 
and  by  supposing  that  the  empty  space  between  its  fingers 
was  originally  occupied  by  a drinking-cup,  he  interprets  it  as 
probably  the  statue  of  a god  of  wine. 

Following  the  method  pursued  in  regard  to  the  Stone  of 
the  Sun  and  the  idol  of  Huitzilopochtli,  I have  examined  the 
older  authors  for  any  notice  which  might  correspond  to  the 
Indio  Triste. 

Two  years  ago  I met  with  the  following  statement  by  Fray 
Juan  de  Tobar,2  speaking  of  the  place  of  worship  of  Huitzilo- 
pochtli: “It  had  on  the  tops  of  the  chambers  and  rooms 
where  the  idols  were  a handsome  balcony  (or  balustrade)  made 

1 Description,  etc  , parte  ii.  p.  86,  § 155. 

2 Cidice  Ramirez , Tratado  ii.  cap.  i.  p.  95. 


PLATE  VII 


~\ 


THE 


INDIO  TRISTE, 


NOTES  ABOUT  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 


69 


of  many  small  stones  as  black  as  jet,  set  with  much  regularity, 
so  as  to  form  a field  checkered  black  and  white,  which  was 
very  conspicuous  from  below  ; over  this  balcony  (or  balustrade, 
prctil)  there  rose  turret-like  battlements,  and  on  the  top  of 
the  pillars  were  two  Indians  of  stone,  seated,  with  candle- 
sticks in  their  hands.  . . This  statement  is  corroborated 
by  Duran.1 

The  figure  of  the  Indio  Triste  exactly  fits  the  above  descrip- 
tion. The  hands  join  as  if  he  was  holding  something  in 
front  of  himself,  and  the  size  of  the  opening  thus  left  is  just 
fitted  for  a good-sized  torch.  Brantz-Mayer  has  remarked 
in  regard  to  it : “ This  figure  was  probably  set  on  the  wall  or 
at  the  portal  of  some  edifice,  and  in  his  hand  was  erected  a 
banner  or  insignia  of  command.”2  Had  this  accurate  and 
trustworthy  writer  had  access  to  the  sources  to  which  we 
now  can  refer,  he  might  have  enjoyed  the  pleasure  of  see- 
ing his  suggestion  confirmed,  with  a slight  amendment,  by 
highly  respectable  early  authority ; but  neither  Duran  nor 
Tobar  were  known  or  accessible  when  Colonel  Mayer  wrote 
his  valuable  book  on  Mexico. 

I have  unhesitatingly  accepted  the  Indio  Triste  as  a torch- 
bearer  of  stone,  — consequently  as  a mere  ornament,  without 
any  direct  relations  to  worship  whatever. 


The  Colossal  Head  of  a Snake. 

It  was  impossible  for  me  to  take  measurements  or  make  a 
sketch  of  this  carving.  The  block  represents  the  head  of  a 
snake,  with  feather  ornaments  on  the  back.  The  mouth  is 
open,  and  enormous  fangs  protrude  from  it.  This  stone  was 
found  beneath  the  base  of  one  of  the  columns  of  the  old 

1 Hist,  de  las  Yndias,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxx.  p.  83. 

2 Mexico  as  it  Was  and  as  it  Is,  p.  8S. 


70 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


cathedral,  which  was  razed  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury to  make  room  for  the  present  edifice.  It  appears  that 
the  column  rested  on  the  sculpture,  — had  been  built  on  it. 
Sehor  Garcia  y Cubas,  who  conducts  the  explorations,  informed 
me  that  he  had  discovered  the  fragments  of  another  similar 
serpent’s  head.  It  is  not  impossible  that  they  might  be  the 
broken  pieces  of  a block,  forming  “the  face  and  head  of  a 
serpent,”  which  was  disinterred  on  the  1 8th  of  June,  1792,  on 
the  south  front  of  the  Cathedral,  and  afterwards  disappeared 
again.  Leon  y Gama  gives  the  size  of  that  stone  as  follows : 
length,  one  metre  and  fifty-eight  centimetres  (sixty-two  inch- 
es) ; width  across  the  fangs  {colmil/os),  one  metre  and  twen- 
ty-seven centimetres  (fifty  inches)  ; 1 heights,  respectively,  one 
metre  and  thirteen  centimetres,  and  eighty-five  centimetres 
(forty-four  and  thirty-four  inches).  These  dimensions,  so  far 
as  I could  judge,  nearly  agree  with  those  of  the  head  recently 
exhumed.  Gama  states  that  the  lower  jaw  was  not  attached 
to  his  specimen,  whereas  the  one  lately  found  is  complete. 

Gama  supposes  that  the  lower  jaw  was  never  connected 
with  the  upper  part  of  the  head,  but  lay  on  the  ground  below 
it,  the  two  forming  a doorway  like  the  open  jaws  of  a monster. 
Such  a doorway  existed  in  Old  Mexico  ; Bernal  Diez  saw  and 
described  it.2  The  suggestion,  however  ingenious  it  looks, 
becomes  unnecessary  in  presence  of  the  simple  fact  that  the 
wall,  surrounding  the  cluster  of  mounds  of  worship  of  the  old 
pueblo,  was  composed  of  a series  (like  a procession)  of  snakes’ 
heads,  all  of  colossal  size,  with  mouths  wide  open  and  fangs 
exposed.3  The  annexed  cut  (Fig.  2)  is  a fac-simile  of  Duran’s 

1 Description,  etc.,  ii.  pp.  74,  75,  § 145. 

2 Histories  verdadera , cap.  xcii.  p.  91. 

8 CSdice  Ramirez,  Trat.  ii.  cap.  i.  pp.  94,  95:  “Tenia  este  tcmplo  una  cerca 
muy  grande,  que  forniaba  dentro  de  si  un  muy  hermoso  patio ; toda  ella  era  lab- 
rada  de  piedras  grandes,  a manera  de  culebras  asidas  las  unas  dc  las  otras ; 
llamabasc  csta  cerca  Cohuatcpantli,  que  quiere  decir  cerca  de  Culebras.”  Duran, 
Historia,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxx.  p.  83. 


NOTES  ABOUT  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 


7 1 


picture  of  the  Cokuatepantli , or  “snake-wall.”  We  also  know 
that  the  large  heads  of  that  enclosure  were  used  when  the 
first  cathedral  was  built,  to  support  the  columns  or  pilasters 
of  that  church.1  In  such  a position,  serving  as  basis  for 
a column,  Garcia  y Cubas  found  the  Serpent’s  Head  last 


September;  and  there  is  consequently  but  one  impression 
among  scientific  men  in  Mexico,  — which  impression  I fully 
share,  — that  it  was  one  of  the  pieces  capping  the  outside 
enclosure  of  the  worship-mounds  of  aboriginal  Mexico,  a 
true  and  well  preserved  fragment  of  the  Cohuatepantli ; and 
as  the  one  described  by  Gama  so  closely  agrees  with  that 
found  by  Garcia  y Cubas,  it  is  but  reasonable  to  suppose  that 
both  belonged  to  the  same  construction. 

The  discovery  of  Garcia  is  also  instructive  and  important  in 

1 Duran,  Historia,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxx.  p.  83:  “.  . . las  quales  piedras  el 
que  las  quixiere  ber  baya  a la  yglesia  mayor  de  Mexico  y alii  las  bera  servir  de 
pedestales  y asientos  de  los  pilares  della.” 


7 2 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


respect  to  the  material  of  the  great  wall  mentioned.  He  in- 
formed me  that  beneath  the  block  he  had  found  adobe  bricks, 
one  entire,  and  fragments  of  several  others.  We  thus  learn 
that  the  stone  blocks  representing  snake-heads  rested  on  a 
wall  of  adobe.  This  throws  a singular  light  on  the  architec- 
ture of  aboriginal  Mexico.  A similar  mode  of  construction  is 
met  with  in  other  parts  of  the  Republic,  as  I shall  hereafter 
show  when  treating  of  Mitla. 

This  discussion  of  the  most  important  Indian  statues  found 
in  the  City  of  Mexico  very  naturally  leads  to  the  National 
Museum  where,  with  the  exception  of  the  Stone  of  the  Sun, 
they  are  all  preserved.  If  the  Stone  of  the  Sun  itself  has 
not  yet  been  transferred  to  the  same  place,  it  is  only  be- 
cause the  hall  for  its  reception  is  not  yet  ready.  A great 
many  valuable  objects  of  stone  are  still  kept  temporarily  in 
the  charming  interior  court  of  the  Museum,  but  it  will  not  be 
long  before  they  are  housed  and  cared  for  in  the  way  they 
deserve.  The  most  valuable  and  costly  part  of  the  collection 
is  already  placed  and  exhibited  in  the  upper  rooms,  open  at 
stated  intervals  to  the  public.  Professor  Gumesindo  Men- 
doza, director,  or  curator,  of  the  Museo  Nacional  de  Mexico, 
has  had  a herculean  task  before  him.  His  duty  it  was,  above 
all,  to  save,  and  then  to  place  what  he  was  able  to  save  before 
the  public  in  such  a manner  as  to  induce  that  public  to  save 
more.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  he  has  successfully  performed 
his  task,  particularly  in  archaeology.  The  Museum  presents 
a lucid  array  of  almost  everything  which  aboriginal  art  has 
produced  in  Mexico.  The  house-life  of  the  Indians  before 
the  Conquest,  their  articles  of  dress,  their  mechanical  and 
agricultural  tools,  are  sparingly  represented,  owing  to  want 
of  space.  Senor  Mendoza  is  constantly  collecting,  and  since 
the  Mexican  nation  has  wisely  decided  (though  not  for  the 


NOTES  ABOUT  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 


73 


interest  of  foreign  archaeologists)  that  Mexican  antiquities 
are  to  be  preserved  at  home,  his  material  rapidly  accumulates. 
The  “Anales  del  Museo  Nacional  de  Mexico”  will  eventually 
become  a descriptive  and  critical  catalogue,  beautifully  illus- 
trated, of  the  institution. 

The  inner  court  of  the  building,  now  the  temporary  abode 
of  the  largest  statues,  contains  among  them  also  the  great 
reclining  figure,  made  of  a light-colored  limestone,  exhumed 
at  Chichen-Itza,  in  Yucatan,  by  Dr.  Augustus  LePlongeon 
and  Mrs.  LePlongeon,  and  christened  Chac-Mool,  by  its  dis- 
coverers. Opposite  to  it  has  been  placed  another  and  almost 
identical  sculpture,  but  of  black  volcanic  rock,  and  found,  as 
reported,  in  the  State  of  Tlaxcala.  It  appears  also  that  a 
third  one  is  still  preserved  in  the  garden  of  a house  of  Senor 
Barron  at  Tacubaya.1  Finally,  while  exploring  the  western 
slopes  of  the  extinct  volcano  Yztac-cihuatl,  I heard,  at  the 
pueblo  of  San  Andres  Calpan,  of  a large  sculpture  in  posses- 
sion of  an  Indian  called  Pedro  Garcia.  Upon  visiting  him 
I was  surprised  to  see  a torso,  fairly  executed,  made  out  of 
the  dark  volcanic  rock  so  common  about  the  volcanoes,  and 
called  by  the  Indians  tetzontli.  It  was  very  nearly  life-size, 
and  held  over  the  navel,  with  both  hands,  a round  disk  with 
narrow  rim,  exactly  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Chac-Mool  and 
the  statue  from  Tlaxcala.  The  similarity  was  striking,  but 
as  the  head  and  lower  limbs  were  both  gone,  I could  not  speak 
of  absolute  identity.  This  block  was  found  by  a young  In- 
dian in  a field  on  the  eastern  edge  of  the  Malpais , or  great 
flow  of  lava  encircling  the  volcano  of  Popocatepetl,  between 
the  pueblos  of  San  Buenaventura  Nealtica  and  San  Baltasar, 
on  the  road  to  the  City  of  Atlixco,  consequently  in  the  State 
of  Puebla.  I endeavored,  on  the  19th  of  May,  1S81,  to  pur- 

1 Jesus  Sanchez,  “Estudio  acerca  dc  la  estatua  Uamada  Chac-Mool  6 rey 
tigre,”  in  Anales  del  Museo,  vol.  i.  No.  6,  pp.  274,  276. 


74 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


chase  the  statue  for  the  State  Museum  of  Puebla,  but  failed, 
owing  to  the  mistrust  and  unreliability  so  common  among  the 
Indians  of  that  region. 

The  Chac-Mool  has  excited  not  only  deserved  attention,  but 
also  very  bitter  controversies  about  its  purposes  and  real  ob- 
ject. The  question  turns  on  the  point  whether  it  was  an  idol 
or  not.  Its  discoverers  consider  it  to  have  been  a personal 
monument,  a sepulchral  statue.  I have  not  the  slightest  desire 
to  enter  into  the  controversy  myself,  and  would  only  observe 
here  that  it  has  not  yet  been  determined  what  the  distinguish- 
ing features  of  an  idol  are  in  the  aboriginal  statuary  of  Mex- 
ico. There  are  indications  to  the  effect  that  statuary  made 
for  purposes  of  worship  was  always  composite  ; that  is,  the 
central  form  or  figure  was  so  surrounded  by  forms  denoting 
attributes,  as  to  give  that  confused,  almost  nondescript  ap- 
pearance of  which  the  great  idol  of  Huitzilopochtli  is  typi- 
cal. Should  such  be  the  case,  then  the  Chac-Mool  was  no  idol. 
The  point  concerns  not  this  statue  alone,  but  all  simple 
(not  composite)  human  or  animal  forms  of  aboriginal  Mexican 
art.  As  bearing  upon  the  question  I may  refer  to  the  exist- 
ence, close  to  the  City  of  Mexico,  of  a sepulchral  monument  of 
undoubted  Indian  origin,  antedating  the  Conquest,  and  repre- 
senting the  life-size  figure  of  the  man  whose  memory  it  was 
intended  to  preserve.  This  is  the  bas-relief  on  the  eastern 
base  of  the  hill  of  Chapultepec,  the  effigy  of  Water-rat,  or  Otter 
(Ahuitzotl),  one  of  the  later  head  war-chiefs  of  the  Mexican 
tribe. 

The  hill  of  Chapultepec  is  one  of  those  isolated  rocks  which 
protrude  here  and  there  above  the  swampy  soil  of  the  valley. 
It  was  formerly  surrounded  by  a marsh,  and  was  thus  an 
excellent  place  for  refuge  and  defence.1  The  Mexican  tribe 

1 I found,  on  the  southeastern  slope  of  the  denuded  hill,  beneath  the  palace, 
fragments  of  old  pottery  and  many  obsidian  chips,  specimens  of  which  are  now 
at  the  Peabody  Museum  in  Cambridge. 


NOTES  ABOUT  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 


75 


availed  themselves  of  it  for  a time,  previous  to  their  flight  into 
the  middle  of  the  lagune. 

The  hill  has  an  excellent  fresh-water  spring,  and  swamp 
cypresses  grow  along  its  base,  forming  a grove  around  the 
otherwise  rather  denuded  eminence.  Chapultepec,  owing  to 
its  fresh-water  supply,  was  a point  coveted  by  the  various 
tribes  settled  in  its  vicinity.  When  the  Mexicans,  sallying 
from  the  partly  artificial  island  which  they  occupied  in  the 
lagune,  overpowered  the  Tccpanecos  on  the  mainland,  they 
immediately  seized  Chapultepec,  and  constructed  a dike  from 
it  to  their  pueblo,  along  which  they  conducted  the  water 
of  its  spring  in  large  troughs.  But  the  hill  was  never  used 
as  an  Indian  residence,  still  less  as  a “summer  resort”  for 
the  chiefs,  or  a “royal  villa,”  as  has  been  imagined.1  It 
was  used  to  some  extent  as  a burial-place,  and  a few  of 
the  leading  chieftains  of  Mexico  had  their  effigies  carved  in 
specially  fitted  nooks  and  recesses.2  At  the  close  of  the 
last  century  two  of  these  effigies  were  still  in  existence  ; 3 
but  when  I inquired  about  them  at  the  City  of  Mexico  I was 
assured  that  they  had  completely  disappeared.  Nevertheless 
I found,  on  March  6,  1 88 1 , what  clearly  appears  to  be  the 
remainder  of  the  effigy  of  Ahuitzotl,  the  last  Montezuma’s 
predecessor  in  the  office  of  chief  commander  of  the  Nahuatl 
Confederacy.  It  was  carved  in  half-relief,  and  was  originally 
a full-length  figure  of  a man,  life-size,  stretched  out  on  a ledge 

1 As  a salient  and  striking  object,  and  on  account  of  the  fresh-water  springs, 
Chapultepec  was  worshipped  ; but  I find  no  trace  among  older  authors  of  any 
settlement  there,  still  less  of  a summer  palace,  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest. 

2 Tobar,  CSdice  Ramirez , makes  no  mention  of  such  a custom,  but  Duran 
(Historia,  etc.,  vol.  i.  cap.  xxxi.  pp.  249-252;  cap.  xxxviii.  p.  302;  cap.  1.  p.  403) 
and  Tezozomoc  (Crdnica,  etc.,  cap.  xl.  pp.  368,  369;  cap.  liv.  p.  430,  etc.)  are 
both  very  positive  and  detailed.  The  former  even  gives  a picture  of  one  of  the 
statues;  Tratado  1,  lam.  9. 

8 Gama,  Descripcion , etc.,  ii.  pp.  80,  81.  The  late  Senor  Don  Jose  Fernando 
Ramirez  is  the  only  writer  who  asserts  that  there  were  still  remains  at  his  time. 
This  he  states  in  note  1 on  p.  251  of  vol.  i. ; Duran,  Historia,  etc. 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


76 

of  natural  rock  sloping  at  an  inclination  of  nearly  fifty-five 
degrees.  Only  the  lower  limbs  are  preserved.  The  top  and 
the  whole  body  have  evidently  been  blown  off  ; nothing  re- 
mains of  them  but  three  fragments.  The  feet  also  are  muti- 
lated ; they  appear  to  have  stood  on  an  imperfectly  carved 
moulding.  But  the  principal  features  of  the  monument  are 
the  figure  of  2 d acatl,  or  “ cane  ” (still  visible  to  the  right  of 
what  was  once  the  head),  and  beneath  it  the  picture  of  a water- 
rat.  Both  are  sufficiently  distinct.  The  former  is  a date,  and 
corresponds  to  1507  of  our  era  ; the  latter  is  a name,  and  reads 
“ Ahuitzotl  ” in  the  native  Mexican  language.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  as  to  the  identity  of  the  latter,  and  consequently  no 
doubt  that  the  monument  really  is  that  of  the  chief  thus  called  ; 
but  the  date  is  rather  puzzling.  If  it  signifies  the  year  of  Ahuit- 
zotl’s  death,  then  it  is  at  variance  with  all  the  other  chronolo- 
gies of  the  Mexican  tribe.  It  is  true  that  these  chronologies 
vary  greatly  among  themselves,  although  the  majority  place  the 
death  of  Ahuitzotl  in  1 502,  or  the  year  10 th  tochtli,  or  “rabbit.” 1 
Either,  therefore,  the  date  refers  to  the  year  when  the  sculp- 
ture was  executed,  or  the  chronologies  are  in  error  as  to  the 
year  of  the  death  of  the  chief.  The  rock  is,  however,  so  much 
mutilated  and  worn  that  one  or  more  of  the  numeral  points 
may  be  obliterated  completely.2  This  possibility  (and  a num- 

1 Compare  (in  the  same  volume  of  the  Biblioteca  Mexicana  as  the  works  of 
Tobar  and  Tezozomoc)  the  “ Ojeada  sobre  la  Cronologia  Mexicana,”  by  the  late 
Orozco  y Berra.  It  will  give  the  reader  a very  good  idea  of  the  difficulties  which 
any  one  has  to  encounter  in  an  attempt  to  trace  a chronology  of  events  in  abo- 
riginal Mexico,  even  within  one  hundred  years  previous  to  the  Conquest.  There 
is  but  a single  point  which  may  be  deemed  sure,  the  year  of  Cortes’  arrival,  1519, 
which  coincides  with  the  native  yearly  sign,  1st  acatl,  or  “ 1st  cane.”  From  this 
we  may,  with  some  degree  of  security,  reckon  back.  But  in  regard  to  the  death  of 
Ahuitzotl,  there  are  not  less  than  seven  different  years;  namely,  1494,  1501,  1502, 
1503,  1504,  1505,  and  1516.  If  the  sculpture  at  Chapultepec  refers  to  the  event, 
we  have  an  eighth  one,  1507. 

2 Don  Jose  F.  Ramirez  mentions  but  one  dot  to  the  sign  of  acatl.  If  I have 
been  deceived  in  my  observation,  and  there  is  but  one  dot,  then  the  date  would 
correspond  either  to  1467  or  to  1519. 


NOTES  ABOUT  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 


77 


bcr  of  others)  must  be  taken  into  consideration  and  carefully 
weighed  ere  we  grasp  at  a conclusion,  never  forgetting  that 
the  accepted  chronology  of  ancient  Mexico  rests  on  a very 
slender  basis,  and  that  even  the  undoubtedly  Indian  pictures 
or  sculptures  are  far  from  being  as  reliable  guides  as  is  com- 
monly supposed. 

The  questions  raised  about  the  object  and  purpose  of  the 
Chac-Mool  also  apply  to  the  large  head  of  Serpentine  at 
the  National  Museum,  which  Mr.  Bancroft  has  figured  on 
p.  518  of  vol.  iv.  of  the  “Native  Races.”  It  is  ninety-one 
centimetres  (thirty-six  inches)  high,  and  seventy-three  centi- 
metres (twenty-nine  inches)  wide.  Mr.  Bancroft  justly  re- 
marks about  it:  “The  bottom  being  covered  with  sculpture, 
it  seems  that  the  monument  is  complete  in  its  present 
state.”  T his  is  not  the  only  instance  of  single  carved  heads 
without  bodies  attached  to  them,  which  has  come  under  my 
notice.  In  the  district  of  Cholula,  on  the  hacienda  de  San 
Benito,  and  about  the  pueblo  of  Calpan,  I saw  and  obtained 
a number  of  heads, — mostly  about  life-size,  found  by  the 
side  of  skeletons,  — and  always  without  any  trace  of  a body 
or  limbs.  This  may  indicate  a custom  of  burying  the  effigy 
of  the  deceased  along  with  the  corpse,  — somewhat  analo- 
gous to  the  practice  of  the  ancient  Mexicans,  of  burning  a 
wooden  effigy  in  place  of  the  corpse  of  a warrior  whose  body 
had  remained  in  possession  of  the  enemy.  Such  heads  have 
been,  for  the  most  part,  regarded  as  idols,  but  it  is  worth 
while  to  consider  whether  they  may  not  simply  be  funeral 
portraits. 

I have  already  alluded  to  the  imperfections  of  aboriginal  art 
in  Mexico.  While  many  of  the  faces  and  heads  are  well  done, 
particularly  those  of  clay,  this  excellence  very  rarely,  if  ever, 
extends  to  the  other  parts  of  the  body.  On  the  contrary, 
there  is  always  a certain  disproportion  and  consequent  lack 


7 8 ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 

of  harmony.  The  Chac-Mool,  which  (excepting,  perhaps,  the 
Indio-Triste)  is  the  best  of  all,  still  shows  strange  defects  in 
the  proportions  of  its  lower  limbs.  The  same  is  true  in  regard 
to  the  figures  of  animals.  Quadrupeds  are  mostly  rude  in 
shape  ; still  I have  seen  more  than  one  head  of  a tiger  which 
is  fairly  executed.  Birds  are  always  monsters,  the  workmen 
being  unable  to  overcome  the  difficulty  of  rendering  the  plu- 
mage ; but  all  simple  forms,  like  snakes,  turtles,  frogs,  and 
reptiles  generally,  seem  to  be  well  imitated.  Thus  the  head, 
coils,  and  rattles  of  the  rattlesnake  are  excellent.  Fishes  are 
poorly  represented  ; and  plants,  which  rarely  occur  except  as 
leaves  and  single  flowers,  are  mostly  of  stiff  conventional  types. 
The  art  of  sculpture  in  aboriginal  Mexico,  while  considerably 
above  that  of  the  Northern  Village-Indians,  is  still  not  superior 
to  the  remarkable  carvings  on  ivory  and  wood  of  the  tribes  of 
the  Northwest  Coast,  and  often  bears  a marked  resemblance 
to  them. 

Omitting,  for  the  present,  all  reference  to  pottery,  flint, 
obsidian,  metallic  implements  and  ornaments,  tissues,  and  In- 
dian paintings,  all  of  which  are  represented  in  the  National 
Museum  and  in  private  collections  at  the  city  of  Mexico,  I 
turn  now  to  the  main  part  of  my  work  while  on  Mexican  ter- 
ritory. After  spending  the  3d,  4th,  5th,  and  6th  of  March, 
1881,  at  the  city,  and  partly  in  company  with  M.  Desire 
Charnay,  I concluded,  upon  his  advice,  to  select  the  site  of 
the  former  pueblo  of  Cholula,  in  the  State  of  Puebla,  as  my 
field  for  investigation.  I left  Mexico  on  the  night  of  the  6th, 
by  rail ; and  after  enjoying,  while  swiftly  traversing  the  val- 
ley, the  sight  of  the  great  volcanoes  by  moonlight,  I spent  the 
whole  of  the  7th  of  March  at  Puebla,  and  reached  my  place  of 
destination  on  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  March,  1881. 


Part  III. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CIIOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY. 

' | "O  the  east  of  the  City  of  Mexico  and  of  the  valley  which 
bears  its  name,  beyond  the  two  great  volcanic  peaks  of 
the  Yztac-cihuatl  and  Popocatepetl,  lies  the  State  of  Puebla. 
Like  most  of  the  States  of  the  Mexican  Confederacy  it  is  very 
irregular  in  shape.  The  line  of  the  Vera-Cruz  and  Mexico 
Railroad  divides  it  into  two  unequal  portions,  of  which  the 
southern  is  much  the  larger.  It  lies  between  170  52'  and 
20°  36'  latitude  north;  96°  51'  and  98°  50'  longitude  west. 
Its  population  has  increased  from  491, 291, 1 about  the  close  of 
the  past  century,  to  704,372  in  1878,  and  is  spread  over  an 
area  of  31,120  square  kilometres  (about  12,000  square  miles 
English.)2  Its  general  topography  may  be  thus  briefly  de- 
scribed : The  eastern  and  southeastern  portions  lie  upon  the 
western  slopes  of  the  Sierra  de  Zongolica,  which  constitutes 
a southern  spur  of  the  high  coast-range  ; the  southern  and 
southwestern  are  occupied  by  a broad,  bare  range,  running 
from  the  base  of  the  great  volcano  of  Popoca-tepetl  southeast- 
ward, until  it  faces  the  coast-range  near  Tehuacan.  The 
general  dip  of  the  country  is  to  the  south,  and  its  surface 
in  that  direction  is  cut  up  into  deep  valleys  or  small  basins. 

1 Intendencia  dc  Puebla , p.  195,  MS.  in  possession  of  Senoir  Garcia-Icazbalceta. 

2 According  to  Jose  M.  Garcia,  Ideas  que  se  recopilan  para  la  corrcccion  de 
la  Estadistica  y Geografh  del  Pais,  in  Bolctin  de  la  Socicdad  Mexicana  dc  Gcografla 
y Estadistica,  vol.  vii.  1859,  the  population  in  1838  was  661,902  (p.  139);  in 
1858,  655,622  (p.  120). 


8o 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


The  climate  is  hot,  and  within  the  comparatively  limited 
areas  where  there  is  sufficient  moisture  an  exuberant  vegeta- 
tion flourishes.  This  is  particularly  the  case  in  the  south- 
western part.  The  high  ridges  are  barren,  and  their  summits' 
cool ; so  that  a great  variety  of  climates  and  products  may 
be  found  within  short  distances.1 

The  above  described  portions  of  Puebla  comprise  about 
five  sixths  of  the  whole  area,  leaving  one  sixth  for  its  north- 
western division.  This  section  is  bounded  on  the  east  by 
undulating  ridges,  over  which  the  volcano  of  Orizaba  lifts  its 
silvery  cone.  On  the  south  the  bleak  tops  of  the  cross  range 
terminate  the  horizon.  At  the  north  looms  the  Malinche, 
dark  and  frowning,  with  its  shaggy  mural  summit  ; to  the 
northwest  the  view  is  closed  by  low,  barren  mountains,  and 
on  the  west  the  two  gigantic  volcanoes  of  Mexico  — the 
Yztac-cihuatl  and  the  Popoca-tepetl  in  close  proximity  — 
tower  to  an  immense  height ; for  while  the  plain  lies  on  an 
average  2,100  metres  (or  nearly  7,000  feet)  above  the  level  of 
the  Gulf,  their  snow-clad  tops  rise  respectively  2,700  and 
3,300  metres  (8,700  and  10,700  feet)  higher.  The  city  of 
Puebla  itself  is  situated  only  30  to  40  kilometres  (20  to  25 
miles)  to  the  east  of  their  base.  The  whole  region  forms  a 
level  basin  enclosed  within  the  long  slopes  of  the  two  vol- 
canoes and  of  the  Malinche. 

In  elevation  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  in  fertility  of 
the  soil,  this  upland  plain  compares  very  favorably  with  the 
valley  of  Mexico  ; but  as  it  is  traversed  by  only  one  incon- 
siderable stream,  the  Rio  Atoyac,  its  water  supply  is  scant. 
Although  this  is  a serious  disadvantage,  compensation  is  to 

1 Maize  is  the  great  staple  of  Puebla.  According  to  the  Estadistica  of 
Emiliano  Busto,  in  1879,  out  of  a total  value  of  agricultural  products  of  $11,490,- 
650,  that  of  the  Indian  corn  amounted  to  $8,452,680.  Of  essentially  tropical 
crops,  the  State  in  that  year  produced  5,250,000  kilograms  ( 1 1,550,000  pounds) 
of  sugar,  and  468,960  kilograms  (1,030,027  pounds)  of  rice. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  8r 


be  found  in  the  circumstance  that  the  climate,  owing  to  the 
far  greater  dryness  of  the  air,  is  much  healthier.1 

This  district,  lying  in  the  main  little  north  of  the  nine- 
teenth degree  of  latitude  (which  parallel  passes  through  it  a 
few  miles  south  of  the  city  of  Puebla),  enjoys  the  equableness 
of  a tropical  climate,  tempered  by  the  high  altitude.  Although 
that  city  lies  2,196  metres  (7,203  feet)2  and  Cholula  2,104 
metres  (6,902  feet) 3 above  sea-level,  even  a light  snowfall 
is  of  very  rare  occurrence.  This,  however,  is  due  in  part  to 
the  drought  which  characterizes  the  winter  months  of  the 
year;  for  when  I was  at  Puebla  on  the  7th  of  March,  1881, 
the  patches  of  wheat  about  the  Cerro  de  Guadalupe  showed 
occasional  traces  of  being  frost-bitten.  The  warmest  months 
are  from  April  till  June,  but  during  that  period  my  ther- 
mometer at  no  time  rose,  at  Cholula  or  San  Nicholas  de  los 
Ranchos,  to  above  29°  Centigrade  (84.2°  Fahrenheit)  in  the 
shade.  When  the  rains,  which  last  from  June  till  November, 
begin  to  fall  regularly  every  day,  the  air  grows  cool,  and  the 
morning  is  almost  always  chilly;  so  that  practically  the  sum- 
mer months  are  the  coolest  of  the  year. 

During  the  month  of  November  the  rains  gradually  cease, 
the  air  becomes  dry  and  serene,  and  the  giant  volcanoes  shine 
out  in  unparalleled  splendor.  The  snow-fields  below  their 
summits,  no  longer  fed  by  constant  precipitation,  begin  to 
shrink,  until  the  southern  slope  of  the  Popoca-tepetl  is  left 
almost  bare.  The  snow-line  therefore,  in  Mexico,  is  virtually 
higher  in  winter  than  in  summer.  Winter  is  not  so  much 
the  cold  as  the  dry  season,  and  all  of  Nature  that  rests  during 
that  period  sleeps  the  sleep  of  drought  and  not  of  frost. 

1 Typhoid  fevers  are  endemic  at  Puebla  as  well  as  at  Mexico ; still  they  are 
far  less  malignant  in  the  former.  Intermittent  fevers  occur,  but  not  frequently. 

2 Humboldt,  Essai  politique  sur  la  Nouvelle  Espagne,  vol.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  8, 

p.  158. 

8 Humboldt,  Kosmos , Band  iii.,  1858,  p.  434  ; 6,480  French  feet;  lat.  190  2'. 

6 


82 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


There  is  still  enough  vegetation  left  to  give  a green  tint  to 
the  landscape.  Fields  of  wheat  and  barley  are  to  be  seen, 
and  hedges  and  rows  of  colossal  magueys  and  columnar  cacti, 
and  groups  of  evergreen  copal  trees,1  with  slender,  graceful 
foliage  resembling  that  of  the  drooping  locust,  and  thickets 
of  opuntice,  and  large  and  stately  ash-trees  in  full  foliage, 
while  the  heavy  pine  forests  of  the  tierra  fria  sweep  up  the 
slopes  of  the  great  volcanoes  in  dark  masses.  Although  the 
exuberance  of  the  later  season  is  wanting,  the  Nahuatl  Indian, 
struck  by  the  annual  change  of  vegetation  much  more  than 
by  astronomical  phenomena,  has  called  the  year  xihuitl or 
“ new  green,”  and  placed  its  commencement  about  the  close 
of  February  or  the  middle  of  March.2  Then  the  atmosphere 
begins  to  lose  its  transparency  ; high  and  parching  south 
winds  whirl  clouds  of  sand  over  the  plain,  completely  shroud- 
ing at  intervals  even  the  volcanoes.  Clouds  gather  on  the 
mountain  tops  as  the  day  advances  and  occasionally  overspread 
the  sky  ; sometimes  faint  mutterings  of  distant  thunder  are 
heard.  When  on  the  next  morning  the  sun  rises  clear  and 
bright  from  behind  the  peak  of  Orizaba,  it  shines  upon  freshly 
fallen  snow  on  the  summit  of  the  Malinche,  which  soon  melts 
away  as  the  day  advances.  Gradually,  however,  the  clouds 
sink  to  lower  levels,  and  in  the  afternoon  showers  of  hail,  often 
of  considerable  violence,  sweep  around  the  base  of  the  Sierra. 

1 Schintts  molle. 

" The  beginning  of  the  Mexican  year  is  variously  stated.  Mr.  II.  II.  Ban- 
croft, Native  Races,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  p.  508,  has  carefully  compiled  a table  from 
twenty-one  authors,  indicating  the  epoch  as  stated  by  each  author.  Gama  alone 
places  it  on  the  9th  of  January,  all  the  others  between  the  2d  of  February  and 
the  10th  of  April.  To  this  list  I would  add  the  weighty  statement  of  Fray 
Juan  dc  Tobar,  CSJice  Ramirez,  trat.  ii.  p.  123:  “Era  el  ano  del  mismo 
numero  que  el  nuestro,  y de  ordinario  comenzaba  por  Marzo,  que  es  cuando 
reverdecen  las  plantas  con  nuevas  hojas ; por  cuya  causa  llamaron  al  ano  xihuitl, 
que  es  cl  nombre  de  las  hojas  verdes,  y a la  rueda  llamaban  Toximolpilli  y 
xiuhtlapili,  que  quierc  decir  una  atadura  de  hojas  verdes,  conviene  a saber 
de  anos.” 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  83 


In  April  and  May  the  first  thunder  storms  descend  into  the 
plain;  but  they  are  only  occasional  until  June,  from  which 
time  onward  they  become  of  daily  occurrence.  Every  noon 
the  sky  lowers,  rain  clouds  drift  majestically  from  the  moun- 
tains across  the  table-land,  and  sometimes  two  or  more  storms 
are  visible  at  once.  Whenever  these  meet,  the  rain  pours  in 
torrents  for  an  hour  or  more,  accompanied  by  fierce  and  often 
dangerous  electric  discharges  and  but  very  little  wind.  As 
a rule  the  night  closes  in  with  a gentle,  quiet  downpour  of 
cooling  rain.  The  “ season  of  waters  ” {estacion  de  aguas) 
has  now  fairly  set  in  ; and  in  the  early  morning,  when  the 
sky  has  again  become  clear  and  limpid,  the  eye  ranges  over 
a landscape  of  wonderful  distinctness,  exhibiting  everywhere 
in  its  freshly  springing  foliage  the  magic  effect  of  the  rains. 

We  need  not  wonder  that  such  a region  as  this  northwestern 
corner  of  the  State  of  Puebla  was,  at  an  early  date,  colonized 
by  Spanish  immigrants  settling  alongside  of  the  numerous 
Indian  pueblos  which  had  occupied  it  for  a long  period  before 
the  Conquest.  Its  present  political  divisions  are  character- 
istic as  well  of  this  immigration  as  of  the  aboriginal  occu- 
pation of  the  soil.  The  region  embraces  four  districts : 
Puebla  (which  represents  the  Spanish  settlement),  and  Cho- 
lula,  Huexotzinco,  and  Atlixco,  — each  of  which  constituted 
at  the  time  of  the  Conquest  an  independent  tribe  of  Nahuatl- 
speaking  Indians.  The  population  in  the  year  1878  was: 
Puebla,  72,029;  Cholula,  32,178;  Huexotzinco,  31,796;  total, 

1 36, 003. 1 Adding  to  these  numbers  between  30,000  and 
40,000  for  Atlixco,  the  census  of  which  I failed  to  obtain,  we 
find  one  fourth  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  State  occupying  one 
sixth  of  its  area. 

It  has  been  impossible  for  me  to  secure  any  recent  enumer- 
ation of  races  ; but  in  an  original  manuscript  to  which  there 

1 Busto,  Estadistica,  etc.,  pp.  li.  and  lii. 


84 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


is  appended  no  date1  (although  it  evidently  belongs  between 
1787  and  1800)  I find  the  following  numbers  given:  district 
of  Puebla,  — Spaniards,  19,532  ; Indians,  18,940  ; mixed, 
18,387  ; total,  56,859.  This  shows  a percentage  of  about 
thirty-five  per  cent  of  pure  white  blood,  and  about  thirty- 
three  per  cent  of  pure  Indians.  In  the  other  districts  the 
proportions  are  quite  different. 


Whites. 

Indians. 

Mixed. 

Total. 

Cholula  . . 

1,778 

19,402 

1, 1 20 

22,300 

Hucxotzinco . 

2,165 

16,253 

4,161 

22,579 

Atlixco  . . 

4,990 

23,368 

28,358 

Totals  . . 

8,933 

59,°23 

5,281 

73,237 

In  them  the  whites  represent  twelve  per  cent,  the  Indians 
about  eighty  per  cent,  of  the  whole  population  ; whereas  taking 
all  four  districts  together,  there  would  be  about  twenty-two 
per  cent  of  whites  and  sixty  per  cent  of  pure  Indians. 

I place  some  importance  upon  these  figures  for  the  reason 
that  it  has  been  stated  that  Puebla,  like  Cholula  and  other 
towns,  was  an  ancient  Indian  site.  Such  is  not  the  case. 
Puebla,  like  Atlixco,  was  founded  and  built  on  unoccupied 
soil,  far  from  any  then  existing  Indian  settlement. 

The  ground  on  which  the  city  stands,  west  and  southwest 
of  the  small  rivulet  of  San  Francisco,  bore  the  Indian  name 
of  Cuetlaxcoapan.2  Various  etymologies  have  been  given 

1 Intendencia  de  Puebla,  MS.  in  possession  of  Scnor  Garci'a-Icazbalceta.  Hum- 
boldt, Essai politique  etc.,  vol.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  viii.  p.  1 55,  gives  statistical  data 
of  the  year  1793,  which,  in  general  results,  are  identical  with  those  of  the  manu- 
script named.  I am  therefore  inclined  to  believe  that  the  latter  relates  to  that 
year. 

2 The  earliest  mention  of  this  name  I find  in  Motolint'a,  Ilistoria  de  los 
Indios  de  Nueva-Espaha,  MS.  in  the  splendid  collection  called  Libro  de  Oro  y 
Tesoro  Indico,  belonging  to  Senor  Garcia-Icazbalceta, — “ Vicilapan  y a Cuetlax- 
coapan, que  es  a do  agora  esta  la  ciudad  de  los  Angeles  ” (p.  11) ; “Unas  vezes 
diciendo  Cuetlaxcoapan;  entonces  quieren  decir  el  sitio  de  la  ciudad,  y otras 
vezes  diccn  Vicilapan;  hase  de  entender  aquella  parte  del  arroyo  a San  Fran- 


STUDIES  ABOUT  C HO  LULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  85 

for  this  word,  all  more  or  less  learned,  but  an  intelligent  and 
well-informed  Indian,  Don  Pedro  Flores,  chief  magistrate  of 
the  pueblo  of  Coronanco,  assured  me  that  it  means  simply, 
“ place  where  they  washed  hides.”  Other  natives  subse- 
quently confirmed  this  interpretation.  This  does  not  quite 
agree  with  the  statements  of  Vetancurt,1  who  says  that  the 
word  signifies  “place  where  they  washed  intestines.”  On 
the  strength  of  this  latter  etymology  Puebla  has  been  sup- 
posed to  have  been  anciently  a great  place  of  sacrifice. 
There  is  not  the  slightest  evidence  of  this.  On  the  hill  of 
San  Juan  Centepec,  about  3 kilometres  (2  miles)  west  of 
the  city,  and  south  of  the  carriage  road  to  Cholula,  there  are 
said  to  exist  slight  remains  of  antiquity,  — and  also  to  the 
south  of  the  same  eminence,  near  the  Rio  Atoyac.  But 
although  a few  objects  fabricated  by  the  aborigines  may 
have  been  dug  up  on  the  site  of  Puebla,  no  trace  of  any 
settlement  has  ever  been  found.  The  mention  made  of 
Cuetlaxcoapan  in  older  documents  is  very  slight  and  obscure. 
All  we  can  gather  is  that  the  site  lay  waste  at  the  time  of  the 
Conquest,  and  was  regarded  as  coming  within  the  range  of 
the  tribe  of  Cholula. 

After  the  capture  of  the  pueblo  of  Mexico,  Tlaxcala  became, 
next  to  the  young  city  itself,  then  growing  up  on  the  ruins 
of  the  former  aboriginal  capital,  the  most  important  point. 
In  1527  it  received  its  first  bishop,  Don  P'ray  Julian  Garcds.2 
It  is  stated  that  he  fixed  upon  the  site  for  a Spanish  settle- 

cisco”  (p.  249).  The  manuscript  has  no  title,  but  it  is,  in  many  respects, 
much  more  detailed  and  complete  than  the  printed  Historia,  etc.  In  order  to 
distinguish  the  two  I shall  hereafter  cite  each  as  follows:  Motolinia,  Libro 
de  Oro  MS.;  and  Motolinia,  Historia , etc.,  — always  referring  by  the  latter  to 
the  work  published  in  vol.  i.  of  Coleccion  de  Documcntos. 

1 Teatro  Mexicano,  edition  of  1871,  vol.  ii.  pp.  361,  362.  lie  gives  various 
etymologies  besides. 

2 Vetancurt,  Teatro  Mexicano,  vol.  ii.  cap.  iv.,  “Tratado  de  la  Ciudad  de  la 
Puebla  de  los  Angeles,”  p.  371. 


86 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


ment  within  convenient  distance  of  both  Tlaxcala  and  Cho- 
lula,  where  Puebla  now  stands.3  One  of  the  few  thoroughfares 
existing  in  the  country  passed  nearby;  and  two  Spaniards, 
Esteban  de  Zamora  and  Pedro  Jaime,  had  established  a small 
trading-house  on  the  otherwise  unoccupied  spot,  as  well  as  a 
blacksmith’s  bench,  for  the  accommodation  of  occasional  trav- 
ellers.1 2 In  their  letter,  dated  30th  of  March,  1531,  to  the 
Empress,  the  Oidores,  Salmeron,  Maldonado,  Ceynos,  and 
Ouiroga  state  that  they  had  selected  the  site  “ two  leagues 
from  the  city  of  Cherula  (Cholula),  where  there  is  very  good 
land,  in  such  parts  as  not  to  injure  any  Indians.”  3 Several 
reasons  prompted  the  Spaniards  to  desire  to  have  a settlement 
of  their  own  in  this  region.  In  the  first  place,  the  most  power- 
ful tribes  of  the  Mexican  table-land  were  then  in  the  exclusive 
occupation  of  it;  and  it  was  advisable  that  a strong  Span- 
ish post  should  be  established  in  their  neighborhood,  under 
the  disguise  of  a peaceable  town,  which  would  serve  at  the 
same  time  as  a useful  station  between  the  young  City  of 
Mexico  and  the  coast.  In  the  second  place  it  could  not  fail 
to  strike  the  Spaniards  that  the  climate  and  soil  of  the 
country  were  well  adapted  to  the  culture  of  European  cereals 


1 Fray  Juan  Villa-Sanchcz,  Puebla  Sagrada  y Profana,  Informe  dado  a su  rutty 
ilustre  Ayuntamiento  el  aho  de  1746,  published  in  1835  by  Francisco  Javier  dc  la 
Pena,  p.  13.  Motolinia  (I/istoria,  etc.,  trat.  iii.  cap.  xvii.  p.  231)  attributes  its 
foundation  “ a instancia  de  los  frailes  menores,  los  cuales  suplicaron  a estos 
sehores,  que  hiciesen  un  pueblo  de  Espanoles,  y que  fuesen  gente  que  se  diesen 
a labrar  los  campos  y a cultivar  la  tierra  al  modo  y manera  de  Espana,  porque 
la  tierra  habia  muy  grande  disposicion  y aparejo , y no  que  todos  estuviesen 
esperando  repartimientos  de  Indios.”  The  letter  of  the  “ Oidores,”  Salmeron, 
Maldonado,  Ceynos,  and  Quiroga  (published  by  Garcia-Icazbalccta,  Don  Fray 
Juan  dc  Zumdrraga,  etc  , apendice,  pp.  252-257)  says  nothing  of  either. 

- Villa-Sanchcz,  Puebla  Sagrada  y Profana , p.  16.  There  was  then  uua  ven- 
tecilla  kept  by  Estevan  dc  Zamora  and  Pedro  Jaime  (the  latter  a blacksmith), 
“en  cl  lugar  endonde  hoy  son  los  mesoncs  Uamados  del'Roncal  y del  Cristo.” 

3 Carla  d la  Emperatriz , 30  March,  1531,  in  Zumdrraga , appendix,  p.  257, 
“ do  hay  tierras  muy  buenas,  cn  parte  do  no  se  hacc  perjudicio  a Indios." 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  87 


which,  until  then,  had  to  be  imported  at  great  cost.1  Spanish 
settlers  might  naturally  turn  their  attention  to  raising  wheat, 
and  by  their  example  the  Indians  might  be  taught  to  do 
the  same  thing  ; and  thus  gradually  systematic  agriculture 
would  be  introduced  in  place  of  the  desultory  horticulture 
heretofore  exclusively  practised.  The  application  for  the 
right  of  founding  a city  was  therefore  received  with  favor 
by  the  Spanish  crown;  and  on  the  28th  of  September,  1531, 
a royal  grant  was  issued  establishing  the  City  of  the  An- 
gels (/ a Ciudad  de  los  Angeles ),  now  the  city  of  Puebla  de 
Zaragoza.2 

It  was  on  the  1 6th  of  April,  1532,  that  I7  ray  Tori  bio  (Mo- 
tolim'a)  performed  the  act  of  formally  blessing  the  newly 
erected  huts  and  the  site  for  the  church  of  Puebla.3  Thirty- 
three  building-lots  ( solares ) had  been  set  off  to  as  many  orig- 
inal colonists  who  composed  the  population.  The  friars 
of  the  Order  of  St.  Francis  had  control  of  spiritual  affairs, 
and  by  their  influence  the  Indians  of  the  surrounding  pueblos 
had  been  brought  to  assist  the  colonists  voluntarily.  One  hun- 
dred and  sixty  Indian  hands  had  originally  helped  in  the  con- 
struction of  the  first  humble  thatch-roofed  houses.  When  these 
were  consecrated,  a large  number  of  the  natives  gathered  to 
participate  in  the  ceremony,  and  as  some  of  them  came  to 
settle  near  the  town  they  gradually  formed  Indian  pueblos 
like  Amozoc  in  its  vicinity.4 * 


1 Salmeron,  Maldonado,  etc.,  Carta,  etc.,  in  Zumdrraga,  p.  252  of  appendix. 
Motolinia,  Historia,  etc.,  trat.  iii.  cap.  xvii.  pp.  232,  233. 

1 Humboldt,  Essai  politique,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  viii.  p 158. 

3 Villa-Sanchez,  Puebla  Sagrada  y Prof atta,  p.  17.  Motolinia  ( Historia , etc., 
trat.  iii.  cap.  xvii.  p.  232)  says  1530;  but  this  is  an  evident  slip  of  the  pen  of 
the  ecclesiastic  who  himself  blessed  the  new  site.  It  is  not  possible  that  the 
place  could  have  been  built  before  the  legal  concession  was  made,  and  the  date 
of  the  merced  settles  the  question. 

4 According  to  Villa-Sanchez,  Puebla  Sagrada  y Profana  (p.  17),  three  hun- 

dred and  twenty  Indians  assisted  in  building  the  huts  of  the  first  Spanish  settlers. 


88 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Many  privileges  were  granted  to  the  churches  of  the  city. 
Thus,  according  to  an  act  of  the  29th  of  August,  1536,  the 
Indians  of  the  pueblo  of  Calpan,  situated  at  least  27  kilo- 
metres (18  miles)  west  of  Puebla,  had  begun  to  build  a church 
of  stone  in  the  new  town  ; and  on  the  20th  of  July,  1538,  the 
Queen  of  Spain  confirmed  to  the  municipality  of  Puebla  the 
right  to  compel  these  Indians  to  continue  the  erection  of 
the  said  building,  allowing  them  in  compensation  a large  dimi- 
nution of  tribute.1  All  this  is  further  evidence  of  the  fact 
that  the  site  of  Puebla  and  its  neighborhood  were  unoccupied 
at  the  time  of  the  Conquest. 

The  growth  of  Puebla  is  best  shown  by  figures : — 


In  1532  it  began  with  original  settlers  (whether  with  or 

without  families  is  not  stated)  to  the  number  of  . . . 33 

In  1571,  it  contained  (besides  200  Indian  houses),  of  Span- 
iards, somewhat  more  than  2 500 

In  1678  (adults,  capable  of  communion)  3 79,800 

In  1 746  4 53>°66 

After  1787  and  previous  to  1800 5 52,7 17 


Motolinia  ( Historia , etc.,  trat.  iii.  cap.  xvii.  pp.  232,  233)  mentions  only  those 
Indians  who  assisted  at  the  festival  of  the  blessing  of  the  new  settlement.  The 
Relation  particular  Je  toda  la  Provincia  del  Santo  Evangelio , que  es  de  la  Orden  de 
Sant  Francisco  en  la  Nucva  Espatia , y los  limites  della,  hasta  donde  se  extiende,  y 
de  todos  los  monaster ios  de  la  dicha  Orden  que  hay  en  ella,  y cl  mimero  de  frailes 
que  hay  en  cada  monasterio , etc.,  a manuscript  belonging  to  Seiior  Garcia- 
Icazbalceta,  of  the  year  1571,  says,  in  regard  to  the  Indian  population  of 
Puebla  and  of  its  surroundings:  “No  tienen  cargo  de  pueblos  de  Indios,  porque 
aquclla  ciudad  se  fundo  en  tierra  despoblada  dellos,  aunque  despues  que  los 
Espanoles  hicieron  alii  su  asiento,  se  han  allegado  y avecindado  fucra  en  los 
arrabales,  algunos  que  han  venido  de  los  pueblos  comarcanos  ” (p.  24). 

1 Libro  Segundo  de  la  Fundacion  l Historia  de  la  Ciudad  de  Puebla,  manuscript 
attributed  to  Vcytia,  in  the  Museo  Nacional  of  Mexico,  cap.  i.  (no  paging). 

2 Relation  particular  de  toda  la  Provincia,  etc.,  MS.,  A D.  1571,  p-  24. 

3 Villa-Sanchez,  Puebla  Sagrada  y Prof ana,  p.  38.  He  relies  upon  the  state- 
ments of  Don  Miguel  Zcron  Zapata : “ Scscnta  y nueve  mil  ochocientas  personas 
adultas  capaces  de  comunion.’’ 

4 Ibid.,  p.  38. 

3 Intendencia  de  Puebla,  MS. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  89 


About  1808  (according  to  Humboldt)  1 67,600 

In  1852  (according  to  Almonte)  2 7 1 ,63 1 


In  1878  (official  statistics  of  the  federal  government)  3 . . 68,634 

These  figures,  like  most  statistics  of  population,  do  not 
deserve  absolute  credit ; still  they  are  instructive.  They  arc 
sufficiently  trustworthy  to  justify  us  in  dividing  the  three 
and  a half  centuries  of  the  existence  of  Puebla  into  three 
periods : — 

1.  Fifty  years  of  slow  progress  and  little  growth. 

2.  One  hundred  years  of  development  unequalled,  perhaps, 
during  the  seventeenth  century. 

3.  Two  centuries  of  stagnation. 

That  the  new  settlement  did  not  grow  rapidly  during  the 
first  half-century  of  its  existence  is  not  surprising.  It  passed, 
while  still  young  and  feeble,  through  the  terrible  ordeals  of 
the  epidemics  of  1545  and  1576;  but  after  the  last  named 
plague  its  development  was  remarkably  rapid.  Its  industries 
prospered.  The  Church,  while  insisting,  perhaps  too  much, 
upon  outward  display  and  unprofitable  expenditure  in  archi- 
tecture, was  a great  employer  of  labor  and  creator  of  fixed 
wealth  ; and  at  the  same  time  it  founded  institutes  of  learn- 
ing, of  whose  treasures,  left  intact  by  civil  wars,  I have  often 
gratefully  made  use.  The  name  of  Don  Juan  de  Palafox  y 
Mendoza,  ninth  bishop  of  Puebla,  stands  foremost  in  connec- 
tion with  almost  every  improvement  made  during  that  flour- 
ishing period.  The  subsequent  decline  and  stagnation  of  the 
city  were  mainly  due  to  the  unfortunate  policy  of  isolation 
adopted  by  Spain  towards  its  colonies.  This  isolation  did  not 
so  much  affect  the  Indian,  who  was  always  fairly  protected  in 

1 Essai  politique,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  p.  158. 

2 Bolctin  de  la  Sociedad  Mcxicana  de  Gcografia  y Estadistica,  vol.  vii.  1859. 
Jose  M.  Garcia,  Ideas  qtie  se  recopilan  para  la  correccion  de  la  Estadistica  y Geo- 
grafia  del  Pais,  p.  120. 

3 Emiliano  Busto,  Estadistica,  etc.,  p.  li. 


90 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


his  limited  aspirations,  but  it  weighed  down  the  Spanish  immi- 
grant in  his  attempts  to  create  a domestic  industry  (or  Mexico. 
It  is  absolutely  incorrect  to  suppose  that  the  Spaniards  set- 
tling on  Mexican  soil  were  nothing  but  mere  booty-seekers 
and  ruthless  adventurers.  As  soon  as  the  commotion  of  the 
Conquest  was  over,  the  men  of  “sword  and  cape”  were  grad- 
ually supplanted  by  tillers  of  the  soil  and  by  mechanics. 
These,  as  the  figures  show,  rapidly  prospered.  But  while  the 
colonies  rose,  Spain  itself  began  to  decline,  and,  in  proportion 
as  it  fell,  became  more  and  more  avaricious  of  the  resources 
of  the  former.  By  excluding  Mexico  from  all  foreign  inter- 
course it  ruined  the  future  of  its  own  children  on  Mexican 
soil ; and  Puebla,  as  a Spanish  city,  suffered  heavily  in  conse- 
quence. To  these  causes  of  its  decline  must  be  added  two 
epidemics,  — the  sarampion,  of  1692,  and  the  matlazahuatl , of 
I7371 

I shall  not  undertake  to  discuss  the  reasons  why  Puebla  has 
advanced  so  little  during  this  century,  — they  belong  to  a 
period  the  history  of  which  cannot  yet  be  written  ; but  there 
is  every  hope  that  the  era  of  peace,  now  at  last  begun  in 
Mexico,  will  become,  for  the  beautiful  “ City  of  the  Angels,” 
an  era  of  prosperity  recalling  the  early  centuries  of  its 
existence. 

It  may  be  objected  that  discussions  like  the  foregoing  are 
foreign  to  studies  whose  purpose  is  strictly  archaeological ; 
but  I have  felt  that,  in  this  particular  instance,  such  a digres- 
sion was  indispensable.  A confusion  has  always  existed,  in 
regard  to  the  past  of  Mexico,  between  the  known  and  the 
conjectured.  Too  many  productions  of  historical  times  have 
been  unreasonably  assumed  to  be,  in  part  at  least,  relics  of  an 
unknown  past.  It  is  therefore  important,  in  every  special  case, 
to  establish  first  what  belongs  clearly  to  authentic  history, 


1 Puebla  Sagrada  y Prof  ana,  pp.  41,  63. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY. 


91 


and  then  to  pass  on  to  the  investigation  of  archaeological 
facts.  The  result,  if  any,  will  be  to  transfer  phenomena,  here- 
tofore assumed  to  belong  to  the  latter  class,  to  the  domain 
of  the  former. 

I turn  now  to  the  district  of  Cholula,  where  for  four  months 
of  my  stay  in  Mexico  I made  my  headquarters  among  its  kind 
and  friendly  inhabitants. 

The  Rio  Atoyac  forms  the  dividing  line  between  Puebla 
and  Cholula,  and  the  western  boundary  of  the  former.  It 
takes  its  source  on  the  slopes  of  the  Yztac-cihuatl,  running 
nearly  due  east  until  north  of  the  pueblo  of  San  Lorenzo 
Olmecatlan  j1  then  bends  to  the  south  past  Puebla,  traversing 
the  whole  State  in  a winding  course,  and  finally  empties  into 
the  Rio  Zacatula,  in  the  State  of  Guerrero.  The  Atoyac  is  a 
shallow  stream  which,  reduced  to  a narrow  fillet  in  winter, 
often  becomes  a turbid  mountain-torrent  in  summer,  — partic- 
ularly between  Puebla  and  Cholula,  where  both  of  its  banks 
are  steep  and  rocky,  with  an  occasional  interval  of  timbered 
bottom-land.  About  2 miles  (3  kilometres)  due  west  of  the 
former  city,  a fine  bridge  of  hewn  stones,  called  Puente  dc 
Mexico,  crosses  the  river.  Until  the  railroad  now  in  con- 
struction towards  Matamoras-Yzucar  is  finished,  the  tramway 
connecting  Cholula  with  the  State  capital  will  continue  to 
pass  over  the  bridge.  This  structure  was  built  in  the  second 
half  of  the  sixteenth  century.2 

1 Variously  written  Olmecatlan,  Almccatlan,  Amecatlan.  The  word  may  be 
significant,  and  apply  to  the  so-called  Olmecas,  who  are  reputed  to  be  the 
founders  of  Cholula.  See  La  Piramide  dc  Cholula,  in  vol.  iii.  of  the  Museo 
Mexicano,  1S44,  Note  2. 

2 Gabriel  de  Rojas,  Relacion  dc  Cholula,  15S1,  MS.,  p.  15:  “ Es  rio  mediano 
y que  se  vadea  por  muchas  partes,  sobre  el  cual  esta  una  buena  puente  de 
solo  un  arco  en  el  camino  que  viene  de  la  ciudad  de  los  Angeles  a Mexico, 
que  se  llama  la  puente  de  Cholula.”  The  little  tienda,  kept  now  on  the  right 
bank  near  the  bridge,  dates  from  a concession  to  Miguel  Mendez,  dated  14th 
October,  1634.  Archivo  General,  Mercedes,  vol.  xxxix.  fol.  1S6. 


92 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Large  cotton-factories  and  mills  line  the  northern  bank  of 
the  river,  all  driven  by  water-power  except  one,  which  is  run 
by  steam.  Hundreds  of  Indians  find  occupation  in  these  es- 
tablishments, which  have  gradually  supplanted  the  hand-loom 
of  former  days,  which  was  once  to  be  found  in  almost  every 
house  of  the  pueblos  of  Cholula.  There  are  also  large  flour- 
mills, and  occasional  picturesque  ruins  marking  the  sites  of 
early  manufactories.1 

On  account  of  the  well-known  predilection  of  Indians  for 
the  neighborhood  of  water-courses,  I hoped  to  find  aboriginal 
remains  along  the  river.  In  the  vicinity  of  the  Puente  de 
Mexico,  the  owner  of  the  venla,  Don  Trinidad  Lopez,  kindly 
acted  as  my  guide ; but,  although  there  are  ruins,  they  inva- 
riably contain  red  brick,  which  is  a sure  indication  of  their 
Spanish  origin.  There  may  be  older  remains  beneath,  but 
excavations  would  be  necessary  to  prove  this.  We  know, 
as  yet,  so  little  of  the  surface  of  Mexico  through  system- 
atic archaeological  explorations,  that  subsoil  investigations, 
although  desirable,  might  not  necessarily  lead  to  reliable 
deductions.  My  ramblings  with  Seiior  Lopez,  however,  made 
me  acquainted  with  the  very  ancient  aboriginal  mounds  of 
San  Josd  del  Rancho  Viejo.  Although  not  immediately  on 
the  bank  of  the  river,  its  neighborhood  accounts  naturally 
for  their  position.  I have  already  alluded  to  the  remains 
which  are  said  to  exist  beyond  the  hill  of  Centepec,  on  the 
eastern  or  Puebla  side  of  the  Atoyac.  North  of  the  bridge 
the  district  of  Cholula  still  claims  a small  territory  on  the 
same  bank.  This  tract  is  traversed  by  low  ridges,  and  on 

1 In  the  Archivo  General  of  Mexico  I found  a concession  for  a “mill  and 
fulling-mill”  [molino  y batan)  as  early  as  1576,  — Merced  & Augustin  Villanueva , 
Mercedes , vol.  x.  fol.  145;  and,  in  vol.  xv.  fol.  70,  Merced  al  Hospital  de  eonbale- 
denies  de  Cholula , for  a similar  establishment,  in  1589.  The  so-called  Molino  de 
San  Diego,  north  of  Cholula,  dates  back  to  the  Merced  d Rodrigo  Mendez  del 
Castillo , 24  July,  160S,  — Mercedes,  vol.  xxvi.  fol.  75. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  93 


some  of  them  artificial  mounds  occur.  Near  the  western 
bank,  opposite  to  the  place  mentioned,  the  superintendent  of 
the  hacienda  of  San  Domingo,  Don  Jose  dela  Luz  Madrid, 
told  me  that  low  mounds  had  been  explored  which  yielded 
much  ancient  pottery,  as  well  as  stone  slabs  for  grinding 
grain  ( inetlatl , or  nictates),  and  other  articles  of  daily  house- 
hold use.  Close  by,  a number  of  skeletons  were  unearthed. 
It  thus  appears  that  the  river-banks  on  both  sides  were 
inhabited  at  certain  localities  in  former  times,  at  least  south 
of  the  bend  which  I have  already  mentioned  as  near  San 
Lorenzo  Olmecatlan  ; but  no  considerable  settlement  seems 
to  have  existed  beyond  the  one  of  San  Jose  del  Rancho 
Viejo,  of  which  I shall  hereafter  speak.  This  is  explained  by 
the  simple  reason  that  the  fertile  lands  properly  begin  at 
some  distance  west  of  the  river  itself.  At  all  events  the 
aborigines,  whose  remains  we  have  noticed,  were  a mound- 
building, pottery-making  people,  and  probably  given  to  hor- 
ticulture. Whether  these  settlements  were  simply  outskirts 
of  the  central  pueblo  of  Cholula,  or  villages  belonging  to 
another  age  and  another  stock,  it  is  impossible  to  decide. 
There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  when  the  Spanish  Conquest 
took  place  both  banks  of  the  Atoyac  were  regarded  as 
belonging  to  Cholula. 

After  crossing  the  Puente  de  Mexico,  and  rounding  the 
cultivated  knoll  on  which  the  mounds  of  San  Jose  del  Rancho 
Viejo  stand,  the  plain  of  Cholula  proper  comes  into  full  view. 
It  is  nearly  level,  with  a very  gentle  rise  to  the  north  and  a 
decline  to  the  south,  and  it  terminates  to  the  west  at  the  long 
slopes  of  the  volcanoes.  The  district  of  Cholula  extends  up 
to  the  very  top  of  the  Popocatepetl,  and  includes  part  of  the 
southern  crest  of  the  Yztac-cihuatl.  The  inhabited  portion  of 
it,  however,  is  principally  the  plain  itself,  with  the  exception 
of  a few  pueblos  built  at  the  base  of  the  high  peaks,  like  San 


94 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Lucas  Atzala,  San  Mateo  Ozolco,  San  Andres  Calpan,  Santi- 
ago Xalitzintla,  and  San  Nicolas  de  los  Ranchos.  It  must  be 
noted  that  these  villages  have  been  but  recently  added  to  it, 
having  formerly  been  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Huexotzinco. 
The  southeastern  corner,  embracing  Santa  Clara  Ocoyucan 
and  San  Bernardino  Chalchihuapan,  runs  partly  into  the  cen- 
tral mountain-range  of  the  State.  The  most  recent  census 
of  the  district,  made  by  Don  Jose  Maria  Reyes  Ramirez  in 
1880,1  gives  to  the  whole  district  a population  of  35,334.  It 
is  divided  into  seven  municipalities  : — 


In  the  north  : Coronango, 

1 1 

pueblos 

5.652 

souls 

In  the  west : San  Andres  Calpan, 

3 

99 

3.387 

99 

San  Nicolas  de  los  Ranchos, 

3 

99 

3.596 

99 

In  the  southwest : Santa  Ysabel, 

9 

99 

4,282 

In  the  south  and  southeast : Ocoyucan, 

5 

99 

3,602 

99 

Centre  and  east : San  Andres  Cholula, 

7 

99 

4,205 

99 

San  Gabriel  Cholula, 

*3 

99 

5,089 

99 

The  latter  municipality  contains,  besides,  the 
Cholula  with 

city  of 

5,52i 

99 

Total 

35,334 

In  all:  1 city,  51  pueblos,  30  haciendas,  and  21  ranchos. 


At  least  three  fourths  of  the  inhabitants  are  Indians  speak- 
ing the  Nahuatl  language,  no  other  aboriginal  idiom  being 
permanently  represented  in  the  district.  It  will  be  noticed 
that  the  north,  east,  and  centre,  which  are  the  most  level  sec- 
tions, contain  together  20,467  inhabitants,  or  fifty-eight  per 
cent  of  the  whole  population.  If  we  subtract  from  the  total 
the  two  western  sections,  added  but  a short  time  ago,  it 
increases  the  proportion  to  about  seventy  per  cent  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  original  district  of  Cholula. 

Agriculture  forms  the  main  occupation  of  the  people.  Ac- 
cording to  official  statistics  of  1879,  Cholula  raised  in  that 

1 Estadistica  Geograjica  del  Distrito  de  Cholula,  MS. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  95 


year,  agricultural  products  to  the  aggregate  value  of  £5 66. 760. 1 
About  three  centuries  ago,  cochineal  was  a staple  product  of 
the  region,  but  its  culture  was  gradually  abandoned,  like  that 
of  cotton.  The  maguey  is  extensively  cultivated,  though  the 
pulque  is  of  that  repulsive  kind  named  calicntc,  and  the  leaves 
of  the  great  Agave  supply  the  lack  of  firewood.  Except 
on  the  slopes  of  the  volcanoes,  there  is  little  timber  in  the 
district. 

Although  actually  very  level,  even  the  plain  of  Cholula  has 
variations  of  climate  within  short  distances.  Slight  depres- 
sions produce,  at  such  high  altitudes,  local  differences  shown 
in  the  growth  or  absence  of  certain  plants,  the  ripening  or 
not  ripening  of  certain  fruits. 

The  methods  of  agriculture  still  conform  more  or  less  to 
those  of  former  periods.  Owing  to  the  concentration  of  rain- 
fall within  about  five  months  of  the  year,  artificial  irrigation 
is  largely  resorted  to.  The  snowfields  of  the  Yztac-cihuatl 
afford  the  chief  supply  of  water  for  the  plain  of  Cholula. 
The  innumerable  fillets  of  limpid  water  trickling  down  its  de- 
clivity converge  to  a few  streams  which,  mainly  through  the 
dark  barraitca,  near  Calpan,  burst  into  the  open  plain  where 
they  seem  gradually  to  disappear  in  the  soil,  but  not  until 
some  of  the  water  has  been  led  into  conduits  by  which  it  is 
distributed  over  the  arable  ground. 

About  the  middle  of  March  the  fields  are  regularly  irrigated, 
and  when  the  ground  has  become  well  soaked,  ploughing  begins. 
The  soil  of  the  plain  is  a volcanic  detritus,  sandy-looking  and 
very  productive.  The  uncouth  plough  imported  by  the  Span- 
iards three  centuries  and  a half  ago  still  does  fair  service. 
Drawn  by  a pair  of  stout  oxen,  harnessed  by  the  horns,  it 

1 Among  these  were  maize,  18,278,240  kilograms;  wheat,  1,491,000  kilograms  ; 
barley,  1,775,000 kilograms ; beans,  761,120  kilograms;  red  pepper,  chile,  193,080 
kilograms;  and  potatoes,  102,000  kilograms. 


96 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


readily  furrows  the  light  sod.  It  has  but  one  handle,  and  the 
driver  uses  his  right  hand  to  wield  a long  iron-pointed  goad.1 
(Plate  X.  Fig.  i.)  During  the  last  days  of  March  the  white 
corn  is  put  into  the  ground,  and  in  the  latter  part  of  April 
the  yellow  and  blue  corn  is  planted,  and  about  the  same  time 
also  beans  and  gourds.  After  planting,  irrigation  ceases,  and 
the  crops  are  left  to  grow,  with  occasional  weeding,  until  the 
close  of  the  rainy  season  in  November,  when  the  maize  is 
gathered.  On  the  other  hand,  wheat  and  barley  are  sown  in 
November,  and  they  are  harvested  from  the  close  of  April  to 
the  beginning  of  June.  In  some  parts  of  the  plain  the  wheat 
was  fully  ripe  on  the  20th  of  last  April.  Thrashing  is  mostly 
done  with  horses  and  mules,  and  the  sickle  is  still  largely 
used  for  reaping. 

In  the  western  portions  of  the  district2  some  cultivable 
fields  are  found  upon  the  slopes  of  the  volcanoes,  and  even 
within  the  limits  of  the  forest  on  its  sides,  in  localities  where 
irrigation  is  not  possible.  These  higher  regions  enjoy  a rain- 
fall more  or  less  throughout  all  the  year.  On  the  heights 
around  the  pueblo  of  San  Mateo  Ozolco,  northwest  of  San 
Nicolas,  I saw  wheat-fields  and  blooming  maguey  in  May. 
The  elevation  above  sea-level  is  about  2600  metres  (8coo 
feet),  yet  the  crops  do  not  vary  so  much  in  kind  as  in  time 
of  maturity.3 

1 American  ploughs  are  coming  into  use  now,  but  the  natives  cut  off  the 
right  handle,  holding  the  implement  by  the  left  hand  only.  I have  also  seen 
riding-ploughs  ; and  at  Panzacola,  about  4 kilometres  (zi  miles)  northwest  of 
Puebla,  agricultural  implements  are  manufactured  after  North  American  pat- 
terns. 

2 The  municipalities  of  Calpan  and  San  Nicolis  de  los  Ranchos. 

8 The  drinking-water  for  Ozolco  is  carried  up  from  a deep  and  precipitous 
barranca , beyond  the  fields,  by  women.  It  forcibly  recalls  the  Potreros,  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  in  New  Mexico,  where  of  old  the  pueblos  were 
supplied  with  water  daily  from  canons  with  almost  vertical  sides,  and  hundreds 
of  feet  below  the  surface.  Such  are  the  Potrero  Viejo,  the  Potrero  de  la 
Canada  quemada,  the  Potrero  de  en  el  Medio,  and  others. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  97 

In  the  same  district  an  industry  has  been  preserved  which, 
though  it  has  obtained  a wider  scope  since  the  Conquest,  still 
antedates  that  period.  It  is  the  hewing,  out  of  the  dark-gray 
volcanic  rock  called  tetzontli  (“  hairstone  of  the  grinding- 
slabs,  metlatl , found  in  every  Mexican  house.  This  rock 
comes  from  the  malpais , or  lava-bed,  which  begins  south  of 
San  Nicolas  de  los  Ranchos,  beyond  the  mountain  stream 
called  by  that  name.  It  lies  about  the  foot  of  the  Popoca- 
tepetl like  a rugged  platform,  deeply  cleft,  with  a few  ridges 
and  isolated  peaks  such  as  the  Cerro  de  Tecuahuitecoya  and 
Cerro  de  Tetlyollotl,  rising  above  it,  in  advance  of  the  giant 
that  towers  in  their  rear.1  Thickets  of  oak,  holly,  and  occa- 
sional coni  ferae  are  scattered  over  its  corrugated  surface.  The 
malpais  is  well  defined  only  around  the  great  volcano,  while 
the  sides  of  the  Yztac-cihuatl  run  out  in  massive  plateaus. 
At  a short  distance  from  San  Nicolas  the  lava  is  quarried 
with  iron  sledges  and  crowbars,  and  brought  on  donkeys  in 
convenient  blocks  to  the  pueblo  of  whose  population  many  are 
stone-cutters.  By  steel  picks  of  various  sizes,  these  blocks 
are  hewn  into  the  three-legged  metlatl,  or  its  long,  pointed 
crushing-pin,  — the  metlapilli  or  son  of  the  metlatl.  From 
early  morning  the  click  of  the  hammers  is  to  be  heard  in  the 
pueblo.  A plain,  full-sized  metlatl  sells  for  i8|  cents,  and  a 
metlapil  for  one  third  of  that  price.  These  useful  articles  are 
carried  on  the  backs  of  donkeys  to  Puebla  for  sale,  — a dis- 
tance of  about  30  kilometres  (20  miles).  The  metlatl  of  to- 
day is  always  flat,  and  the  metlapilli  is  long,  pointed  at  both 
ends,  and  generally  four-sided.  The  metlatl  of  old  was  con- 

1 Humboldt  [Kosmos,  vol.  iv.  pp.  34S,  349)  describes  particularly  the  mal- 
pais between  San  Nicolas  de  los  Ranchos  and  San  Buenaventura,  but  does  not 
speak  of  any  vegetation.  This  is  significant.  Have  the  thickets  of  oak  and 
holly,  which  I have  traversed  on  foot  for  hours, — sometimes  in  peril  from 
robbers,  — grown  since  1S04? 

* 


7 


98 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


cave  ; and  its  crushing-pin  either  long,  cylindrical,  and  heavy, 
or  flat,  like  those  of  the  New  Mexican  pueblos. 

I have  always  seen  the  grinding-slab  standing  upon  legs, 
and  all  made  of  one  stone  ; and  nowhere  have  I met  with 
frames  such  as  those  into  which  the  Indians  of  New  Mexico 
set  their  hand-mills. 

The  metlatl  is  occasionally,  though  not  often,  adorned  with 
simple  figures,  and  its  surface  is  always  left  rough,  or  rather 
picked  with  a sharp  tool  like  a mill-burr;  but  this  intentional 
roughing  is  not  so  elaborate  as  the  dressing  of  a mill-stone. 
Besides  the  corn-grinder,  pepper-mortars  are  also  made  of  lava. 
They  are  three-legged  and  hollow,  with  a spout.  Dressed 
slabs  of  stone,  lajas,  used  for  building  purposes,  are  also 
manufactured  at  San  Nicolas  de  los  Ranchos. 

Although  the  inhabited  parts  of  the  district  of  Cholula,  as 
already  stated,  do  not  extend  further  west  than  the  pueblo 
of  Santiago  Xalitzintla,  the  slopes  higher  up,  and  even  the 
very  summit  of  the  volcano,  are  the  seat  of  three  peculiar 
industries.  These  are  charcoal-burning,  turpentine-gather- 
ing, and  sulphur-mining ; and  none  of  them  antedates  the 
Conquest.  The  burning  of  charcoal  about  the  Popoca- 
tepetl takes  place  almost  exclusively  in  that  region  called  the 
Monte,  among  the  extensive  forests  of  pines  which  ascend 
from  the  lava-beds  to  the  limits  of  tree  vegetation.  As  it 
floats  along  the  sides  of  the  volcano,  the  smoke  from  the 
smouldering  charcoal  pits  might  be  mistaken  for  that  of 
solfataras,  of  which,  however,  there  are  none  outside  of  the 
crater.1 

1 The  charcoal  is  packed  into  crates  and  brought  into  Puebla  for  sale,  some- 
times on  donkeys,  sometimes  on  the  backs  of  men.  A good  deal  of  it  is  also  sold 
in  the  pueblos  of  the  plain,  where  it  supplies  the  place  of  both  firewood  and 
maguey  leaves  for  cooking  purposes  in  those  houses,  where  the  pigeon-holed 
range  is  used  in  place  of  the  common  Indian  hearths. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  99 


The  gathering  of  turpentine  is  mostly  confined  to  the 
Monte  of  the  Yztac-cihuatl,  and  therefore  is  mainly  done  in 
the  district  of  Huexotzinco.1 

The  crater  of  the  Popoca-tepetl  is  a valuable  mine  of  native 
sulphur.  Its  vast  cup  has  a diameter  of  nearly  800  metres 
(about  one  half  an  English  mile),  with  such  precipitous  sides 
of  varying  heights,  that  it  is  considered  impossible  to  descend 
into  it  unless  by  means  of  a rope  and  crane.  These  are  used 
whenever  sulphur  digging  goes  on,  and  a rope  of  enormous 
length  is  said  to  be  required.  The  laborers  pass  the  night  at 
the  foot  of  the  summit,  mostly  on  the  western  side,  and  go  up 
every  morning  before  day-break.2  It  is  known  that  only  a few 
years  after  the  Conquest  mining  of  sulphur  was  attempted  in 
Mexico.  It  was,  however,  soon  abandoned,  and  it  is  only  of 
late  that  it  has  been  systematically  resumed.  Before  the 
Conquest,  the  natives  never  ventured  near  the  summit  of 
the  mountain. 

Ice,  or  rather  snow,  is  brought  to  the  plain,  chiefly  from  the 
Yztac-cihuatl,  whose  snow-fields  are  more  extensive  and  of 
firmer  consistency  than  those  of  its  loftier  neighbor. 


1 The  full-grown  Ocotl  (Pintu  variabilis)  is  selected  for  this  purpose.  About 
one  metre  above  the  soil  the  bark  and  wood  are  cut  obliquely  upon,  one  side 
of  the  tree,  so  as  to  leave  an  incision  beneath  like  a step.  This  step  is  hol- 
lowed out  to  a bowl  (poso),  and  in  it  the  liquid  resin  of  the  tree  collects.  Every 
eight  days  an  Indian  empties  the  bowl  into  a tin  can,  and  brings  the  whole  to  one 
of  the  places  where  the  necessary  machinery  for  distillation  and  refining  is  kept. 

2 The  sulphur  when  quarried  is  packed  in  mats,  petates  of  four  arrobas 
(46  kilograms  = 101  lbs.)  each,  and  hoisted  up  by  the  crane,  and  when  about 
twenty-five  such  mats  have  been  raised,  they  arc  all  tied  together  by  a rope.  An 
Indian  squats  down  on  the  snow,  making  a seat  or  cushion  of  his  zarape,  and 
then,  taking  in  his  hand  the  lower  end  of  this  rope,  he  slides  down  the  great  cone 
of  snow  with  great  velocity,  drawing  after  him  the  string  of  mats.  For  the  dig- 
ging and  hoisting  he  is  paid  eighty-seven  and  a half  cents  per  mat.  At  the 
Rancho  de  Tlamacaz,  a cluster  of  wooden  buildings  lying  on  the  northern  slope 
of  the  volcano,  near  the  limits  of  tree-growth,  the  sulphur  is  distilled  in  iron  re- 
torts, and  is  then  ready  for  market. 


IOO 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Humboldt  has  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  volcanoes 
of  Mexico  rise  on  a line  extending  almost  due  east  and  west 
from  the  Gulf  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  as  if  they  had  started  up 
along  a great  transcontinental  fissure.1  If  such  is  the  case, 
then  the  volcanic  system  of  which  the  Yztac-cihuatl  is  the 
northern,  the  Popoca-tepetl  the  southern  summit,  forms  a 
cross-range  or  spur  running  at  right  angles  to  the  main  rent. 
Both  of  the  great  eminences  were  thrown  up  on  the  crest  of 
this  range.  This  becomes  very  apparent  if  we  compare 
the  appearance  they  present  from  the  east,  or  Cholula  side, 
with  that  from  the  territory  of  Chaleo,  in  the  valley  of 
Mexico,  in  the  west.  While  from  San  Mateo  Ozolco,  for  in- 
stance, the  Popoca-tepetl  rises  with  an  unbroken  slope  sweep- 
ing up  gracefully  and  uninterruptedly  to  the  snow-clad  top,  the 
same  mountain,  as  seen  from  Amecameca,  which  lies  nearer  to 
its  base,  and  is  2,480  metres  (8,135  feet)  above  sea-level,  shows 
a short  cone  of  eruption  set  upon  the  steep  slopes  of  its  foun- 
dations. The  Yztac-cihuatl  is  far  more  massive  than  its  coni- 
cal neighbor,  but  from  the  east  it  descends  first  in  rocky  steps, 
then  in  wooded  swellings ; while  from  the  west  its  long  icy 
crest  appears  strikingly  like  a woman  in  a white  shroud  lying 
on  her  back  upon  a steep-sided  platform.  Therefore  the  name, 
signifying  “ white  woman,”  was  given  to  it  on  the  western  side, 
in  the  valley  of  Chaleo ; whereas  at  Cholula  it  was  formerly 
called  Yztac-tepetl  (“white  mountain”),  in  contradistinction 
to  Popoca-tepetl  (“  smoke  mountain  "),  as  the  active  volcano 
was  always  styled.  (Plate  VIII.) 

The  Popoca-tepetl  has  its  skeleton  formed  of  dark  porphyritic 
and  basaltic  rocks,  while  all  its  ribs  and  protuberances  are  cov- 
ered over,  and  smoothed  down  by  an  enormous  deposit  of  vol- 
canic scoriae,  to  which  is  due  the  regular  form  of  the  peak. 

1 Kosmos , vol.  iv.  p.  312.  The  four  highest  volcanoes  of  Mexico  lie  on  a line 
from  east  to  west,  between  latitude  18°  59'  and  190  20'. 


YZTAC  TEPETL  OR  YZTAC'CIHUATL ' THE  WHITE  WOMAN.  FROM  THE  EAST. 


102 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Rancho  of  Tlamacaz,  the  traveller  has  the  summit  of  the 
volcano  always  on  his  left.  The  steep  pyramid  gradually 
turns  into  a monstrous  dome  or  flat  cupola,  called  by  the 
Spaniards  by  the  significant  name  of  “the  half-orange.”  It 
almost  fills  the  entire  southern  sky,  — a dark-gray  white- 
capped  hump,  whose  chilly  neighborhood  is  oppressive. 

The  Popoca-tepetl  has  been  ascended  so  often  of  late  that 
I may  well  dispense  with  the  details  of  a tedious,  but  not  in 
the  least  degree  dangerous,  journey.  When  I stood  on  the 
brink  of  the  crater,  — a yawning  caldron  in  which  the  smoke 
of  the  three  solfataras  mingled  with  whirling  clouds, — the 
thermometer  indicating  io°  C.  (521  F.),  not  only  was  the  sky 
overcast,  but  we  were  in  the  midst  of  a regular  snow-fall. 
Nobody  was  working  in  the  crater  at  the  time,  and  the  crane 
had  been  removed  ; and  as  it- was  impossible  in  the  dense 
fog  to  think  of  reaching  the  Pico-mayor,  or  highest  point, 
which  stands  about  160  metres  (about  525  feet)  above  the 
southeastern  brink  of  the  crater,  I reluctantly  turned  back. 
Every  outlook  was  cut  off  by  clouds.  In  an  hour  we  re- 
traced our  steps  down  the  slope,  and  when,  near  the  bar- 
ranca of  Uiloac,  we  reached  the  limits  of  vegetation  again, 
the  sun  broke  through  the  clouds,  and  the  great  volcano 
soon  cleared,  its  outlines  shining  in  bright  and  tantalizing 
distinctness. 

I have  already  alluded  to  the  shape  of  the  summit  of  Popoca- 
tepetl. From  Puebla  it  looks  conical,  because  the  Pico-mayor 
stands  behind  the  crater.  (Plate  IX.).  As  seen  from  the  north, 
the  profile  is  apparent.  Previous  to  the  year  1664  that  profile 
was  probably  different,  inasmuch  as  an  elevation,  similar  to 
the  western,  stood  over  the  eastern  rim  of  the  crater.  It  fell 
during  that  year,  causing  such  a commotion,  that  at  Puebla  “ the 
whole  city  was  startled,  doors  and  windows  opened  at  the  shock, 
and  the  ceiling  of  the  staircase  of  our  convent  fell  down.”  Thus 


PLATE  IX. 


POPOCA-TEPETL,  FROM  PUEBLA,  LOOKING  WEST. 


Various  Details  of  Modern  Architecture. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  103 


writes  a contemporary,  the  Franciscan  Fray  Augustin  de 
Vetancurt.1 

It  has  been  positively  stated  to  me  by  geologists  that  the 
Popoca-tepetl  has  had  no  eruption  for  centuries,  which  may  be 
true  so  far  as  the  emission  of  lava  is  concerned  ; but  Sahagun, 
speaking  of  the  so-called  Toltecs,  mentions  a volcanic  eruption, 
though  the  mountain,  from  which  it  is  said  to  have  occurred, 
is  difficult  to  identify.2  Torquemada  twice  describes  the 
appearance  of  a giant  with  long  thin  arms,  with  which  he 
embraced  and  smothered  the  doomed  Toltec  tribe.  This 
spectre  was  followed  by  a white  child  seated  on  the  top  of  a 
very  high  mountain,  from  whose  putrefied  head  fetid  gases 
spread  over  the  country.3  If  this  be  the  myth  of  a volcanic 
eruption,  it  may  have  reference  to  the  Popoca-tepetl. 

It  is  certain,  however,  that  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest  the 
volcano  was  in  active  operation,  emitting  smoke  and  throwing 
out  rocks4  with  loud  detonations.  The  smoke  disappeared  in 
1528  ; but  in  1540  an  eruption  began  with  such  force  that  the 
pueblos  at  the  base  of  the  mountain  were  dismayed  by  the 
subterraneous  roar  preceding  and  accompanying  the  outburst. 
The  ashes  or  cinders  covered  the  ground  for  many  leagues 
around,  and  were  carried  as  far  east  as  Puebla,  northeast  as 
Tlaxcala,  while  to  the  northwest  they  fell  at  a distance  of  1 5 
leagues  (38  miles,  or  62  kilometres).5  The  mountain  contin- 
ued to  emit  columns  of  smoke  at  intervals  until  1594.  On 
the  13th  of  October,  1663,  at  two  o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  a 
dense  cloud  of  ashes  suddenly  burst  out  of  the  crater  to  a 
great  height,  darkening  the  sky.  On  St.  Sebastian’s  day,  the 

1 Teatro  Mcxicano,  vol.  i.  trat.  ii.  cap.  iv.  p.  77. 

* Ilistona  general  de  las  Cosas  de  Nueva- EspaTia,  vol.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  x.  p.  254. 

3 Monarc/iLi  Indiana,  etc.,  lib.  i.  cap.  xiv.  p.  38. 

4 Cortes,  Carta  Segttnda,  p.  22.  Andres  de  Tapia,  Relacion,  etc.,  p.  574. 

5 Motolim'a,  Libro  de  Oro,  MS.  cap.  65,  pp.  263,  264;  copied  or  at  least 
corroborated  by  Gomara,  Segunda  Parte  de  la  Cronica,  p.  33S. 


104 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


following  year,  the  fall  of  the  eastern  rim  of  the  crater,  already 
referred  to,  took  place,  and  cinders  again  descended  upon 
Puebla.1  In  1692  all  tokens  of  activity  had  well-nigh  dis- 
appeared. In  the  last  and  the  present  centuries  the  Popo- 
catepetl has  a few  times  shown  a film  of  smoke  above  its 
summit.2  Earthquake  shocks  occur  every  year  in  its  vicinity, 
and  the  inhabitants  of  San  Nicolas  de  los  Ranchos  are  oc- 
casionally startled  by  a dull  sound,  like  a plaintive  moan 
muttered  by  the  slumbering  giant. 

On  the  northern  slope  of  the  upper  dome  of  the  volcano 
projects  the  basaltic  point  of  the  Pico  del  Frayle,  plainly 
visible  at  a great  distance,  like  a spur  issuing  from  the  side  of 
the  mountain.  Further  down,  and  at  the  foot  of  the  dome 
itself,  lies  the  Rancho  of  Tlamacaz,  3,897  metres  (12,800 
feet)3  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  The  cliff,  or  cerro,  bear- 
ing the  same  name,  overhangs  it  to  the  north.  Beyond  the 
latter,  and  the  uncouth  hump  of  the  Cerro  Gordo,  is  the 
Cumbre,  a treeless  ridge,  forming  the  divide  between  San 
Nicolas  in  the  east  and  Amecameca  in  the  west. 

The  Cumbre  is  historically  famous  on  account  of  its  passage 
in  November,  1519,  by  Cortes  and  his  body  of  Spaniards  on 
their  way  from  Cholula  to  the  valley  of  Mexico.  I have  taken 
some  pains  to  investigate  the  route  followed  by  him  on  that 
occasion,  and  find  that  after  leaving  the  pueblo  of  Calpan  (not 
Xalitzintla,  as  some  of  my  friends  at  Cholula  were  inclined  to 
believe)  the  conqueror  moved  up  to  the  north  of  San  Mateo 
Ozolco  on  a long  slope  belonging  to  the  drainage  system  of  the 

1 Vetancurt,  Teatro  Mexicatio , vol.  i.  p.  77. 

2 Humboldt,  Essai  Politique,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  viii.  pp.  344,  345.  That 
{treat  traveller  can  well  be  positive  on  the  subject,  since  he  approached,  on  the  24th 
January,  1804,  as  near  to  the  volcano  as  San  Nicolas  de  los  Ranchos,  whence  he 
saw,  at  half-past  five  P.  M.,  a dense  cloud  of  black  smoke  rolling  out  of  the  crater. 
It  is  also  positively  stated  that  storms  arc  at  present  preceded  by  tokens  of  activity 
on  the  part  of  the  mountain. 

3 Geographische  Hittheilungcn,  1S68,  p 97. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CIIOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  105 


Yztac-cihuatl,  into  the  Monte.  There  are  still  traces  of  an  old 
Spanish  road  in  that  direction.  Passing  through  a place  called 
Cuauhnehuatl,  Cortes  crossed  the  Cumbre  about  noon,  and 
from  the  summit  turned  to  the  south,  so  as  to  hug  the  slopes 
of  the  Popocatepetl.1  Bending  thence  to  the  northward,  it 
was  while  they  were  yet  in  the  higher  timbered  regions  that 
the  Spaniards  enjoyed  that  first  glorious  view  of  the  valley 
and  the  lakes  which  Prescott  has  so  graphically  described.2 
His  picture  of  it,  however  inimitable,  barely  does  justice  to  the 
extent  and  beauty  of  the  scenery,  so  far  as  Nature  is  concerned. 
But  he  might  have  omitted  the  lament  over  the  subsequent 
changes.  Those  changes,  even  as  regards  the  picturesque 
alone,  have  certainly  been  improvements.  Even  admitting  that 
the  population  may  have  decreased  since  the  Conquest,  the 
change  from  primitive  horticulture  to  intelligent  agriculture, 
and  the  introduction  of  new  plants,  as  well  as  the  change  in 
architecture,  have  increased  instead  of  lessening  the  beauty 
of  the  scene.  The  City  of  Mexico,  with  its  domes  and 
spires  glistening  in  the  noon-day  sun,  is  certainly  a finer 
sight  than  was  the  old  pueblo,  resting  on  the  dull  waters  of 
the  lagune  like  an  adobe  patch  surmounted  by  the  clumsy 
mounds  of  worship. 

When  Cortes  traversed  the  eastern  slope  up  to  the  Cumbre, 
he  found  that  slope  completely  uninhabited  above  Calpan. 
This  is  a fact  not  to  be  forgotten.  The  western  declivity  was 
in  a similar  condition,  and  Amecameca,  now  a large  village, 
was  barely  noticed  by  the  conquerors.3 

1 There  is  a direct  descent  from  the  top  (a  bleak  ridge)  to  Amecameca;  but 
if  the  Spaniards  enjoyed  the  view  of  the  valley  of  Mexico  soon  after  passing  the 
Cumbre,  they  must  have  bent  to  the  south  for  a short  distance,  and  taken, 
as  tradition  reports,  the  longer  and  easier  route,  now  called  the  Camino  Real.  I 
descended  by  the  shorter  route  on  the  27  th  of  May,  and  ascended  by  the  longer 
on  the  day  following. 

2 History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  vol.  ii.  book  iii.  cap.  viii.  pp.  51,  52. 

3 Cortc's,  Cor tn  Segunda,  pp.  22,  23  ; Bernal  Dicz,  Historia  verdadcra,  etc.,  cap. 
Ixxxvi.  pp.  So,  81. 


io6 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


North  of  the  Cerro  Gordo  the  depression  connecting  the  two 
volcanoes  begins  to  rise  towards  the  Yztac-cihuatl.  The  crest 
contains  caves,  where  I was  assured  that  the  Indians  still  con- 
ceal stone  statues,  before  which  they  continue  to  perform  idola- 
trous rites  in  secret.  I intended  to  visit  these  caves  on  the 
24th  of  May,  but  my  Indian  guides,  while  promising  to  lead  me 
to  them,  finally  carried  me  far  away  to  the  north.  The  region 
is  an  utterly  wild  labyrinth  of  steep  and  lofty  rocks,  partly  over- 
grown by  timber,  through  which  narrow  gorges  are  cut,  which 
sometimes  widen  out  to  little  valleys.  It  is,  and  was  during 
times  of  distinct  tradition,  completely  uninhabited  ; and  now 
turpentine-gatherers  and  hunters  alone  roam  through  it. 

The  crest  terminates  at  the  foot  of  the  southern  point  of  the 
Yztac-cihuatl.  As  already  stated,  this  mountain,  while  lower 
now  than  the  Popoca-tepetl,  is  much  more  massive,  resting  on  a 
base  about  twice  as  long  from  north  to  south,  and  somewhat 
broader  from  east  to  west,  than  that  of  the  active  volcano. 
This  base,  or  pedestal,  may  be  considered  as  reaching  up  to 
the  snow-line,  and  on  it  rises  a snow-covered  crest,  compara- 
tively low,  with  three  summits  from  south  to  north,  of  which 
the  northern  one  is  the  highest.  The  base  projects  at  both 
extremities  very  distinctly,  and  at  the  southern  end  a lofty 
columnar  crag  rises  into  the  snowy  regions,  leaving  a gap 
between  it  and  the  main  summit  to  the  north. 

I have  spoken  of  the  different  aspects  presented  by  the  vol- 
canoes from  the  east  and  west  sides.  As  seen  from  the  upper 
valley  of  Chaleo,  the  Yztac-cihuatl  has  a placid,  undisturbed 
appearance,  with  its  undulating  snowy  ridge  extended  like  a 
woman  in  her  last  repose.  From  the  Cholula  side  it  presents 
a torn  mural  front,  slightly  amphitheatral  to  the  southeast, 
from  beneath  which  huge  wooded  plateaus  sweep  down 
towards  the  plain,  cut  through  by  steep  gorges  of  great 
length.  It  took  me  a day’s  journey  on  foot,  and  considerable 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  107 


toil,  to  ascend  through  the  gorge  called  barranca  de  Apulco 
up  to  its  headwaters,  the  Cienega  de  Tecucho,  close  to  the 
snow-line.  The  Monte  of  the  Yztac-cihuatl,  while  not  less 
solitary  than  the  Monte  of  the  volcano,  is  much  more  vast ; 
its  whole  area  is  covered  by  stately  pines,  and  there  is  a con- 
stant abundance  of  water,  which  we  miss  in  the  latter.  Not 
only  do  several  brooks  sometimes  pour  down  through  the 
same  barranca , but  the  almost  vertical  slopes  of  the  higher 
regions  are  perfect  fountains,  and  the  narrow  belt  projecting 
from  under  the  snow  is  covered  with  pools  of  limpid  water. 
Into  the  deep  gorge  of  Apulco  four  cascades  descend  from 
great  heights. 

The  rock  of  the  Yztac-cihuatl  is  more  compact  than  that  of 
the  volcano.  It  is  lighter  colored,  sometimes  reddish,  seldom 
amygdaloid  or  spongy,  and  very  uniform.  Volcanic  ashes  are 
seen  in  occasional  patches  about  the  snow-line.  Pumice- 
stone  was  shown  to  me  at  Calpan,  but  it  probably  came  from 
the  volcano.  I searched  diligently  for  obsidian,  and  at  last 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  there  is  none  to  be  found  on  either 
mountain.  Neither  could  I find  any  trace  of  chalchihuitl.  I 
consider  this  negative  result  conclusive  in  regard  to  obsidian, 
since,  owing  to  its  extensive  use  by  the  natives  before  the  Con- 
quest, we  must  conclude  that  it  most  probably  cropped  out  in 
large  masses  easily  discernible ; but  as  the  various  green  min- 
erals to  which  the  name  chalchihnitlx  is  applied  were  much 
more  valuable,  it  is  probable  that  they  were  only  found  in  thin 
seams,  which  are  either  exhausted,  or  which  escaped  my  obser- 
vation. A thorough  geological  exploration  can  alone  decide 
the  point. 

1 The  name  should  properly  be  written  chal-xihuitl  (x  standing  for  s/i),  as  it 
is  pronounced  by  the  Mexican  Indians.  They  are  still  very  reticent  about  these 
stones.  At  the  Hacienda  of  Buena  Vista  I was  positively  assured  by  an  Indian 
that  chalchihuitl  occurs  on  the  slopes  of  the  Yztac-cihuatl,  but  when  I asked  him 
to  show  me  the  place,  he  denied  all  knowledge  of  the  locality. 


io8 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Humboldt  has  remarked  that  the  longitudinal  axes  of  the 
two  highest  craters  in  Mexico,  — those  of  Orizaba  and  of 
Popocatepetl,  — run  from  southeast  to  northwest. 1 These 
craters  have  each  a tendency  to  grow  in  a southeasterly  direc- 
tion. The  Yztac-cihuatl  has  the  aspect  of  a volcano,  once  far 
higher  than  either  of  its  present  neighbors,  whose  crater  has 
fallen  in  on  the  southeast  side.  The  gap  thus  formed  seems 
to  have  been  gradually  worn  out  to  such  an  extent  as  com- 
pletely to  obliterate  the  whole  eastern  part  of  the  sum- 
mit. The  snowy  crest  and  a few  portions  of  its  western 
base  left  standing  seem  to  be  the  last  remnants  of  the 
original  cone  of  eruption.  The  debris  of  the  east  slope  and 
top  accordingly  would  now  constitute  the  soil  of  the  district 
of  Cholula.  It  is  indeed  singular,  that,  while  the  lower  slopes 
themselves  of  the  Yztac-cihuatl  rest  on  solid  rock,  still  lower 
down  the  barrancas  cut  through  immense  deposits  of  volcanic 
detritus  or  sand.  This  is  very  plain  in  the  barranca  of 
Atiopan  (through  which  pass  the  waters  of  Calpan),  the  bar- 
ranca of  Cuahuitenco  (between  Calpan  and  San  Nicolas), 
and  east  of  the  latter  place  the  picturesque  barranca  del 
Teoton  on  the  Hacienda  of  San  Benito.  These  masses  of 
volcanic  ddbris  thin  out,  as  they  spread  eastward,  to  a fertile 
layer  of  black  volcanic  soil  of  sandy  appearance,  reaching 
very  nearly  to  the  Rio  Atoyac.  It  seems  reasonable  to  con- 
clude, therefore,  that  the  plain  of  Cholula  and  the  territory  of 
Huexotzinco  owe  their  present  topography  and  physical  basis 
to  the  wasting  of  the  high  volcano,  whose  ruins  are  still  extant 
in  the  present  mountain  of  Yztac-cihuatl. 

This  inference  that  the  Yztac-cihuatl  may  be  an  ancient 
wasted  volcano  bears  upon  archaeology  in  two  ways.  In  the 
first  place  it  touches  the  question  of  the  antiquity  of  man  on 
the  plain  of  Cholula.  No  local  tradition  that  could  be  applied 


1 Essai  politique,  vol.  i.  p.  165. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  109 

to  such  a geological  cataclysm  has  been  found  among  the 
Indians  of  Mexico.  But  the  cosmological  legends  of  the 
aborigines  speak  of  destructions  of  the  world  by  fire  and  by 
earthquakes,  which  overthrew  the  mountains  and  changed 
their  forms ; and  tales  of  this  sort  must  be  taken  in  a local 
sense.  The  earth  is  small  to  man  in  the  lower  stages  of 
culture.  His  valley,  or  the  table-land  on  which  he  lives  and 
expects  to  die,  — these  are  the  world  to  him  ; and  in  treating 
of  “ages  of  creation  ” as  described  by  the  American  Indians, 
we  should  always  bear  in  mind  the  warning  of  Father  Joseph 
de  Acosta  concerning  the  deluge  in  America : “ There  is 
among  them  commonly  a distinct  knowledge  of,  and  much 
talk  about,  the  deluge ; but  it  cannot  be  well  ascertained 
whether  this  deluge  to  which  they  refer  is  the  universal  one 
related  by  the  Holy  Scriptures,  or  whether  it  was  some 
other  deluge  or  special  inundation  of  the  regions  which  they 
inhabit.”  1 

If  on  the  plains  about  Cholula  man  preceded  the  for- 
mation of  the  layers  of  volcanic  detritus  now  covering  its 
surface,  then  vestiges  of  such  ancient  occupation  must  be 
sought  for  beneath  those  layers.  The  existence  of  buried 
remains  along  the  Rio  Atoyac,  where  the  volcanic  deposits 
crop  out,  is  not  a proof  of  this,  as  such  remains  may  belong 
to  a later  age.  But  special  investigations  carried  on  suf- 
ficiently far  back  from  the  exposed  surfaces  to  avoid  mis- 
taking objects  which  have  fallen  down  or  have  been  washed 
in  for  such  as  have  remained  in  situ,  would  possibly  deter- 
mine the  question.  Still  here  arises  another  difficulty.  The 
torrent-like  rains  of  the  tropics  denude  the  slopes,  thus  ex- 
posing the  tcpctlatl,  a yellow  indurated  clay  forming  the  base 
of  the  whole  region.  I have  often  found  pottery  and  obsidian 
flints  and  broken  metates  resting  immediately  on  this  subsoil. 

1 Ilistoria  natural y moral  de  las  Indias,  1608,  lib.  i.  cap.  25,  p.  82. 


I IO 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Heavy  objects,  besides,  might  possibly  sink  through  the  lighter 
superficial  strata  to  considerable  depths.  Discoveries  in  the 
tepetlatl  itself  would  be  of  much  greater  positive  value,  but 
the  age  of  that  material  in  its  relation  to  volcanic  deposits 
must  first  be  carefully  determined. 

The  hypothesis  which  I have  suggested  also  applies  to  the 
relative  age  of  both  high  peaks.  If  the  Yztac-cihuatl  is  a 
burnt-out  volcano,  then  Popoca-tepetl,  as  its  position  and  form 
indeed  indicate,  is  of  more  recent  origin.  Subsoil  investi- 
gations on  the  latter  would  therefore  have  to  be  conducted 
with  due  regard  to  such  a difference  in  age.  Besides,  we  may 
well  ask  if  the  tradition  already  related  of  the  white  child 
appearing  upon  a high  summit  might  not  perhaps  be  an  in- 
distinct record  of  the  formation  of  the  latter  mountain,  with 
its  snowy  cone,  within  the  period  of  dim  human  remem- 
brance ? I place  no  stress  on  either  of  these  suggestions, 
but  throw  them  out  as  queries,  which  it  is  for  specialists 
to  answer. 

From  the  foot  of  the  volcanoes,  about  due  east  of  San 
Nicolas  de  los  Ranchos,  there  extends  a line  of  isolated  vol- 
canic eminences.  In  the  presence  of  the  giants  behind  them 
they  appear  like  hills,  although  elsewhere  they  would  be  re- 
garded as  considerable  mountains.  They  are,  reckoning  from 
west  to  east,  the  Teoton,  the  Tecaxete,  and  the  Cerro  de 
Tzapotecas.  The  last  named  terminates  about  4 kilometres 
{2)/2  miles)  west  of  the  city  of  Cholula. 

Cholula  lies  upon  a perfectly  level  plain,  unbroken  except 
by  the  great  artificial  mound  called  the  Pyramid,  which 
stands  boldly  out  on  the  eastern  outskirts  of  the  city.  There 
are  no  streams  in  the  vicinity,  and  circular  wells  furnish  alka- 
line water  at  a depth  of  from  5 to  22  varas  (4^  to 
metres,  or  14  to  60  feet).  In  the  streets  wide  conduits  of 
red  brick  are  still  occasionally  found,  belonging  to  old  chan- 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CIIOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  \ i i 


nels  of  Spanish  origin.  At  present  the  supply  of  drinking- 
water  is  brought  on  donkeys  or  by  men  from  Coronango, 
8 kilometres  (5  miles)  to  the  north.  There  is  a fountain  in 
the  central  square  which  was  built  by  the  Spaniards  in  1581, 1 
but  although  the  Indians  still  resort  to  it  for  their  household 
wants,  the  wealthier  classes  (among  whom  are  included  many 
aborigines)  prefer  the  waters  of  Coronango,  the  wholesome 
qualities  of  which  they  learned  soon  after  the  Conquest. 
The  little  rivulet  which  flows  towards  the  city  from  San 
Antonio,  on  the  southeastern  point  of  the  Cerro  de  Tzapo- 
tecas,  is  only  used  for  irrigation  and  for  the  washing  of 
clothes. 

The  city  is  divided  into  four  wards,  and  is  laid  out  with  the 
greatest  regularity,  with  streets  running  at  right  angles,  and 
generally  paved,  though  towards  the  outskirts  the  sandy  soil 
appears.  Their  width  is  about  7 to  10  metres  (23  to  33  feet), 
and  as  they  are  very  straight,  and  the  houses  often  are  one- 
storied, their  appearance  is  neither  dark  nor  dingy.  The  nar- 
row pavements  close  to  the  houses  are  mostly  made  of  sheets 
of  lava  ( lajas ) quarried  at  the  foot  of  the  volcanoes,  but  the 
middle  of  the  street  is  depressed  so  as  to  form  a channel.  In 
the  centre  of  the  city  lies  the  public  square,  called  the  Zocalo, 
— a lovely  garden,  shaded  by  Eucalyptus  trees,  and  blooming 
with  roses  and  geraniums.  To  the  west  of  it  extends  the 
market-place,  still  generally  called  the  Tianquiz.2 

Of  the  public  buildings,  the  churches  claim  principal  atten- 
tion. In  the  northeast  corner  of  the  square  stands  the  great 
Franciscan  convent,  with  three  places  of  worship,  — the  con- 
vent-church proper,  the  so-called  Tcrcer-ordcn , and  finally  the 
Capilla  Real, — a magnificent  construction.  Its  roof  rests  on 

1 Relacion  de  Cholula,  MS.,  also  map  accompanying  it. 

2 On  the  southwest  corner  of  the  Tianquiz  there  stands  an  ash  tree,  which, 
planted  in  1852,  has  already  reached  a diameter  of  1 50^  (5  feet). 


I I 2 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


sixty-four  large  round  columns,  which  support  sixty-three 
arches.  The  interior  of  this  vast  hall,  in  which  I have  seen 
as  many  as  three  thousand  people  gathered  on  Good  Friday, 
is  much  neglected,  even  the  rain  being  suffered  to  enter.  Its 
one  hundred  and  four  windows  are  mostly  broken,  and  there 
are  but  few  altars  still  in  use. 

The  convent  of  the  Franciscans  was  begun  in  the  early 
part  of  the  sixteenth  century;  at  least  a building  of  that  kind 
existed  in  Cholula  prior  to  1529.1  The  present  one  is  said  to 
have  been  finished  in  1604,  and  the  royal  chapel,  formerly 
called  “chapel  of  the  natives  ” (and  still  regarded  as  specially 
belonging  to  the  Indians),  in  1608.2 

The  convent,  whose  proper  name  is  San  Gabriel  Cholula, 
is  said  to  rest  on  the  spot  where  stood  the  principal  mound 
of  worship  of  the  aborigines  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest.3 
Recent  excavations,  however,  made  by  the  Christian  Brothers, 
whose  college  is  now  in  the  building,  have  not  brought  any 
antiquities  to  light.  The  inner  court  in  which  these  inves- 
tigations were  conducted  has  a gallery  or  archway  running 
around  it,  on  whose  columns  are  painted  the  portraits  of  twelve 
Fathers  who  lived  in  the  convent  at  an  early  date,  headed  by 
Fray  Miguel  Navarro,  and  closing  with  Fray  Joan  Osorio; 
most  of  whom  are  known  to  have  lived  and  died  in  the  six- 
teenth century. 

1 Garcia-Tcazbalceta,  Zumdrraga,  Appendice,  p.  243.  “ Informacion,”  be- 
ginning at  Cholula,  3d  May,  1529,  “Guardian  del  Monastcrio  del  pueblo.  Fray 
Alonso  Xuarez.” 

2 Jose  Maria  Reves  Ramirez,  Estadlstica  geogrdfica  del  distrito  de  Cholula , 
MS.  18S0.  On  the  steps  of  the  court  is  carved  the  date,  1608,  while  on  the 
stone  cross  that  of  1660  is  given.  In  1652  the  Capilla  Real  was  taken  from  the 
Franciscans  and  given  to  the  secular  clergy.  Vetancurt,  Crimea  de  la  Provincia 
del  Santo  Evangel io  de  Mexico , pp.  172  and  173. 

3 Gabriel  de  Rojas,  Relacion  de  Cholula , MS.,  1581,  § 14:  “ Estos  dos  Indies 
estaban  en  un  templo,  el  mayor  que  habia  in  esta  ciudad,  que  se  llamaba  Quezal- 
coatl  (donde  agora  es  el  convento  de  religiosos  que  hay  en  ella).” 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  \ 13 


On  the  northwest  corner  of  the  Zocalo  is  the  great  Parroquia, 
or  principal  church  of  the  city.  It  is  of  more  modern  date, 
but  I have  not  been  able  to  learn  when  it  was  built.  The 
edifice  is  a stately  one,  and  when  on  the  iSth  of  March,  after 
sunset,  its  two  towers  began  to  blaze  in  the  light  of  huge 
torches,  the  sight  was  weird  and  imposing.  Its  patron  saint 
is  St.  Peter,  and  its  proper  name,  San  Pedro  Tlatiltenanco.1 
While  the  books  of  the  parish  begin  in  1641  only,  there  is  a 
mention  of  a church  of  San  Pedro  y San  Pablo  Tlaquil- 
tenanco  in  a document  of  the  year  1555,  the  said  church 
being  then  in  process  of  construction.2  It  is  certain,  how- 
ever, that  in  1581  the  site  now  occupied  by  the  ParrSquia 
was  that  of  the  Court  of  Justice,  or  Audiencia , a long  two-story 
building  with  arches  and  portals  in  front,  as  it  is  represented 
on  a map  of  Cholula,  executed  in  the  latter  year. 

Besides  the  Parroquia , the  city  contains  at  least  twenty-two 
other  churches,  not  counting  the  shrine  of  Nuestra  Senora  de 
los  Remedios,  on  the  summit  of  the  so-called  pyramid,  and 
that  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe,  on  a natural  hill  west  of 
the  city.  A number  of  these  are  abandoned  and  decaying. 
Although  I have  not  been  able  to  fix  the  dates  when  these 
various  churches  were  built,  there  is  an  evident  indication  of 
shrinkage  in  the  fact  that  those  which  are  abandoned  lie  in 
the  outskirts  of  the  city.  Farther  on  I shall  show  that  this 
shrinkage  is  not  an  evidence  of  depopulation,  but  of  con- 
centration around  an  interior  nucleus.  At  the  close  of  the 
seventeenth  century  the  city  contained,  besides  the  convent 
and  the  royal  chapel,  eighteen  hermitages,  “ some  of  which 
may  serve  as  churches.”3  It  appears,  therefore,  that  the 

1 Ramirez,  Estadistica,  MS. 

2 Testamento  de  Capixlahuatzin , MS:  “Que  mi  hi  jo  Sebastian  de  Mendoza 
Cuatlapol  a de  acabar  de  hacer  la  Yglesia  de  San  Pedro  y San  Pablo  Tlaquil- 
tenanco  en  la  tierra  del  Senorio.” 

8 Vetancurt,  Cronica,  etc.,  p.  173. 


8 


ii4 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


large  sanctuaries  now  standing,  including  the  Parroquia,  are 
the  work  of  the  past  century,  and  furnish  no  evidence  of  a 
larger  population  in  previous  times. 

There  are  no  government  buildings  at  Cholula.  In  the 
block  west  of  the  Zdcalo,  the  Gefe  politico  of  the  district  and 
the  municipality  of  the  city  have  their  offices  in  the  locality 
called  the  Portalcs.  There  also  are  the  jail  and  the  archives. 
The  offices  of  the  various  judges  are  scattered  among  the 
private  houses.  The  Portalcs , before  referred  to,  were  built 
in  1646,  under  the  vice-royalty  of  the  Marquis  de  Salvati- 
erra,  for  government  purposes,  according  to  a tablet  of  stone 
inserted  in  the  outer  wall  near  the  jail.  But  in  1581  that 
whole  space  was  still  vacant ; the  Corrcgidor  occupied  an  iso- 
lated house  south  of  the  Zocalo , and  the  Audiencia  met,  as 
already  stated,  on  the  site  of  the  actual  Parroquia}  The 
bulk  of  the  people,  exclusively  Indians,  lived  in  groups  of 
houses  farther  away  from  what  is  now  the  centre  and  busi- 
ness part  of  the  city,  leaving  that  centre  much  more  un- 
occupied than  at  the  present  time. 

Cholula  proper  has  but  few  industries.  Cotton  goods  are 
woven  in  private  houses  on  hand-looms,  which,  however,  are 
no  longer  of  the  primitive  mechanism.  Fireworks  are  manu- 
factured to  perfection  and  in  great  quantities,  and  there  are 
one  or  two  small  stills ; otherwise  there  is  little  done.  The 
abandoning  of  the  cochineal  culture  was  the  first  blow  to 
the  place,  and  the  growth  of  Puebla  has  cast  a blight  over 
the  large  Indian  pueblo. 

The  fabrication  of  pottery  was  transferred  to  the  young 
Spanish  city,  not  in  a compulsory  way,  but  gradually  in  the 
natural  course  of  events.  Finally  the  establishment  of  cotton 
mills  on  the  Rio  Atoyac  has  greatly  diminished,  if  not  com- 
pletely ruined,  the  home  industry  of  Cholula. 

1 See  map  of  Cholula  of  the  year  1581. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY,  i i 5 


I have  already  stated  that  the  city  is  divided  into  four  wards. 
These  wards  and  their  relative  situations  are  as  follows  : 

In  the  Northwest,  Santiago,  ....  1,645  souls. 

Northeast,  Jdsus, 1,220  “ 

Southwest,  Santa  Maria,  . . . 1,509  “ 

Southeast,  San  Pablo,  . . . . 1,147  “ 

Total, 5,521  souls, — 

occupying  an  area  of  1,325  acres.1  This  includes  fields,  gar- 
dens, and  even  the  base  of  the  so-called  pyramid  which  alone 
covers  twenty-five  acres,  so  that  little  more  than  one  half  of 
the  whole  surface  is  occupied  by  the  buildings  proper.  They 
are  all  of  adobe  and  stone,  but  the  former  prevails.  They  are 
frequently  one-storied,  rectangular  or  square,  built  around  an 
inner  court,  and  whitewashed  and  painted  on  the  outside. 
Large  doorways,  closed  by  double  doors,  which  in  the  older 
buildings  are  decorated  as  well  as  strengthened  by  wrought- 
iron  nails,  give  entrance  to  the  better  houses.  The  sides  of 
these  doorways,  and  even  the  lintels,  are  often  made  of  red 
brick  ; and  in  that  case  a squared  wooden  beam  is  laid  across 
the  top.  The  corners  of  the  buildings  are  sometimes  of 
brick  also,  but  hewn  blocks  of  lava,  mostly  parallelopipeds, 
are  equally  used  in  such  places.  Of  stone  lintels  I have  seen 
four  kinds,  besides  the  tall  portals  of  modern  dwellings. 

One  is  simply  a heavy  parallelopiped  of  lava,  resting  on  the 
sides  at  both  ends.  The  other  is  also  flat,  but  composed  of 
trapezoidally  cut  blocks,  those  in  the  middle  being  wedge- 
shaped,  so  as  to  form  a key-stone.  The  third  kind  is  a very 
flat  arch,  with  two  irregular  wedges  forming  key-stones. 

The  fourth  kind  is  very  peculiar,  and  I have  not  as  yet 
seen  it  anywhere  else  than  at  Cholula,  and  its  former  quarter 
of  San  Andres,  now  an  independent  pueblo.  I know,  in  fact, 


1 Ramirez,  Estadlstica,  etc.,  MS. 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


I 16 


of  but  four,  three  of  which  are  in  the  city,  and  one  in  San 
Andres.  It  is  also  a low  flat  arch,  composed  of  only  three 
pieces,  one  of  which,  as  the  annexed  cut  shows  (a),  is  a perfect 
key-stone,  fitted  in  between  two  blocks  ( b ) and  ( c ).  These 
last  lintels,  as  well  as  the  sides  of  their  doorways,  are  elabo- 


rately carved  with  human  faces,  bearing  a strange  resemblance 
to  those  found  on  ancient  pottery.  Still  there  are  other  marks 
showing  that,  although  undoubtedly  of  Indian  fabric,  they  post- 
date the  Conquest. 

The  rooms  of  the  houses  are  generally  very  high,  and  the 
windows  few  in  number  but  large,  with  iron  railings,  and 
closed  by  heavy  wooden  shutters  on  the  inside.  The  ceilings 
are  of  wood,  supported  by  regular  joists,  which  in  the  better 
houses  are  well  painted  and  have  a pretty  effect.  The  roofs, 
invariably  flat,  are  made  of  adobe,  with  a calcareous  com- 
position, impermeable  to  rain,  overlaying  it.  The  method  of 
constructing  the  roofs  bears  directly  upon  archaeological  ques- 
tions, as  does  almost  every  point  relating  to  the  present  archi- 
tecture of  Cholula.  There  is  such  a strange  admixture  of 
aboriginal  and  imported  features  that  it  is  very  difficult  to  dis- 
criminate between  them  ; so  that  a full  statement  of  what  now 
exists  is  needed  to  prevent  misconceptions  in  regard  to  what 
are  remains  of  former  times. 

There  is  neither  cellar  nor  chimney  to  be  found  in  the 
whole  district  of  Cholula.  Cellars  are  not  necessary,  as  the 
climate  is  so  temperate  that  all  stores  can  be  preserved  above 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY,  i i j 


ground ; and  if  the  weather  ever  grows  unusually  cool,  the 
rooms  are  wanned  by  braziers,  while  the  food  is  cooked  in  long, 
generally  semi-circular,  brick  ranges.  These  have  their  convex 
front  perforated  by  a number  of  pigeon-holes  for  the  fire,  with 
a fire-place  immediately  above,  and  are  fed  with  charcoal  only, 
so  that  no  smoke  is  created.  What  smoke  does  arise  from  an 
Indian  hearth  eventually  finds  its  escape  through  the  door  and 
windows.  Not  unfrequently  this  hearth  is  placed  in  a corner 
of  the  inner  court,  with  no  other  shelter  than  a few  boards 
or  maguey-leaves. 

Although  the  aboriginal  population  is  fairly  represented  in 
the  city  of  Cholula,  its  stronghold  proper  is  the  villages  or  pue- 
blos. There  are  many  pueblos  which  do  not  contain  a single 
white  man  ; in  others  the  Cura  is  the  only  one  not  of  Indian 
blood.  It  would  seem,  therefore,  to  be  easy  to  study  the  customs 
and  manners  of  the  aborigines  ; but  in  reality  it  is  a very  dif- 
ficult work.  In  the  first  place  the  Indians  have  been  in  close 
contact  with  the  whites  for  nearly  four  centuries  past,  and  have 
consequently  modified  to  a great  extent  their  habits  and  mode 
of  life.  In  the  second  place  the  Indian  of  the  Nahuatl  stock 
is  naturally  shy  and  suspicious,  and  not  prone  to  give  reliable 
information  on  any  topics  whatever  unless  he  is  thoroughly 
satisfied  either  that  such  information  is  absolutely  harmless, 
or  that  it  will  be  a direct  benefit  to  him  to  tell  the  truth. 
Those  who  are  not  sufficiently  prepared  for  the  task  might 
reside  for  months  in  a pueblo  without  deriving  any  profit 
from  such  residence,  though  treated  with  the  greatest  polite- 
ness and  affability. 

1 hough  the  Nahuatl  Indian  is  often  as  tall  as  any  native 
North-American  of  average  height,  his  frame  seems  to  be 
more  delicately  formed  than  most.  I did  not  see  in  the  whole 
district  a clumsily  built  Indian.  Their  chests  are  less  broad 
than  the  negro’s  ; their  arms  are  not  so  long  as  his,  and 


n8 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


their  hands  and  feet  are  small  and  slender.  If  the  whites  in 
Mexico  were  a more  broad-shouldered,  strong-limbed  race,  like 
the  people  of  the  North,  the  aborigines  would  seem  to  be  phys- 
ically a smaller,  much  more  delicate  type,  as  the  pueblo  Indians 
of  New  Mexico  seem  in  the  streets  of  Santa  Fe.  Though  they 
are  naturally  straight  and  rather  graceful,  the  habit  of  carry- 
ing loads  on  their  backs,  or  rather  foreheads,  and  of  using  hoes 
and  shovels,  often  bends  their  forms.  In  spite  of  his  slender 
frame,  however,  the  Indian  is  strong  and  remarkably  endur- 
ing. While  riding  from  San  Nicolas  to  Calpan  on  the  i8ih  of 
May  I overtook  a boy,  only  fourteen  years  of  age,  who  was 
going  to  Iluexotzinco  on  foot,  a distance  of  1 6 kilometres  (io 
miles),  to  return  the  same  day  with  a load  of  3 arrobas  (7 5 lbs.) 
on  his  back.  Grown  men  frequently  carry  6 arrobas  (15  1 lbs.) 
and  even  8 arrobas  (202  lbs.)  long  distances.  The  effects  of 
early  training  should  not,  however,  be  overlooked  here.  The 
women  carry  as  heavy  loads  as  the  men,  in  proportion  to  their 
size;  and  both  sexes  are  steady,  and  fast  walkers.  Returning 
from  or  going  to  market,  they  sometimes  trot  for  leagues. 
The  altitude  of  the  region  and  the  consequent  thinness  of 
the  air  much  facilitate  walking,  as  I have  often  experienced. 

Although  there  is  not  that  great  difference  in  height  be- 
tween the  sexes  which  strikes  the  observer  among  the  pue- 
blos of  New  Mexico,  the  women  naturally  are  somewhat 
smaller  than  the  men.  Their  features  are  often  round  and 
their  faces  flat  ; noses  slightly  upturned,  and  pouting  lips 
abound  ; and  invariably  they  have  large  dark  eyes  and  long 
jet-black  hair.  Still  I have  seen  many  with  thin  features 
The  men  appeared  to  me  generally  to  have  thinner  faces, 
and  consequently  sharper  profiles ; unusually  high  cheek 
bones  occur,  but  not  as  a rule.  The  hair  of  the  men  is  mostly 
straight,  black,  but  not  always  coarse.  In  general,  I must 
confess  my  inability  to  detect  any  peculiar  type.  Measure- 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  \ 19 


merits  alone,  and  of  a large  number  of  individuals  of  both 
sexes,  could  give  trustworthy  results  ; but  unless  such  meas- 
urements were  made  by  command  of  the  Government,  it 
would  be  unsafe  to  attempt  them.1 

The  study  of  the  physical  characteristics  of  the  Indians  in 
the  Cholula  district  is  rendered  very  uncertain,  by  the  utter 
impossibility  of  determining  whether  any  particular  individual 
can  be  regarded  as  of  pure  type  or  not.  The  two  races  are 
so  blended  that  we  can  seldom  judge  whether  any  one  is  of 
unmixed  blood,  or  whether  there  is  something  of  the  Mestizo 
in  him.  I was  consequently  compelled  to  consider  those 
as  Indians  who  called  themselves  such,  and  lived  after  the 
Indian  manner,  and  claimed  the  Nahuatl  language  as  their 
native  tongue. 

An  early  document  says  in  regard  to  the  idiom  at  Cholula : 
“ They  speak  it  somewhat  more  clumsily  than  at  Mexico  and 
Tezcuco.”  2 I am  unable  to  decide  on  this  point,  but  must  re- 
call the  fact  (already  mentioned  in  Part  I.)  that  the  Nahuatl 
of  Cholula  struck  me  as  much  more  euphonious  and  elegant 
than  that  of  the  coast-range  near  Orizaba  and  Tehuacan. 
The  former  is  a clear-sounding  labial  and  lingual  speech  ; the 
latter  contains  gutturals,  or  certainly  strong  aspirates.  These 
cut  up  the  flow  of  language,  so  to  speak,  and  give  to  it 
that  peculiar  clumsiness  which  justifies  the  ancient  Mexican 
term  popoluca,  “stutterer,”  applied  by  the  valley  tribes  to 
others.  It  has  been  supposed  that  only  such  aborigines  as 
spoke  foreign  idioms  were  included  under  this  head,  but  in 
view  of  the  marked  difference  in  sound  just  mentioned,  I sus- 

1 At  San  Juan  Cuauhtlantzinco,  a village  formed  after  the  Conquest  by  In- 
dians from  Cholula  and  Tlaxcala,  I noticed  that  the  forehead  of  the  men  ap- 
peared to  retreat  from  the  superciliary  ridge.  The  frontal  bone  itself  was  short, 
and  seemed  almost  vertical.  The  face  was  generally  slightly  prognathous. 

2 Rojas,  Relation  de  Cholula , MS.  § 5:  “Hablan  todos  la  lengua  Mexi- 
cana,  algo  mas  tosca  que  los  de  Mexico  y Tezcuco.’’ 


120 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


pect  that  it  also  applied  to  branches  of  the  Nahuatl.  In  re- 
gard to  the  peculiar  sound  of  that  language  as  I heard  it  here 
spoken,  I can  only  say  that  there  is  not  the  slightest  analogy 
between  it  and  the  pueblo  idioms  in  New  Mexico.  This  may 
appear  to  be  a superfluous  or  even  trivial  remark  ; but  we 
should  never  forget  that  while  the  grammatical  construction 
of  languages  has  always  been  the  object  of  study,  the  man- 
ner of  the  formation  of  sound  is  yet  but  imperfectly  known. 
In  the  present  case  the  question  arises  as  to  which  was  the 
original  mode  of  speech  ; whether  the  clear-sounding,  vocal, 
Italian-like  enunciation  of  the  plateaus,  or  the  roughly  aspi- 
rated, almost  guttural  tones  of  the  mountains.  Is  the  former 
a result  of  higher  development,  or  the  latter  a consequence 
of  isolation  and  decay  ? 

Much  has  been  said  about  long  words  in  the  Mexican 
tongue.  So  far  as  my  experience  goes,  such  words  in  practice 
are  used  as  sentences  and  not  as  single  substantives.  Greet- 
ings are  very  formal,  and  appear  almost  interminable;  but  they 
are  mere  set  phrases,  with  Spanish  words  intermingled,  which 
are  “ rattled  out,”  accompanied  by  gestures  of  great  and  often 
dignified  politeness.  I have  no  doubt  that  they  are  inheri- 
tances from  the  early  period  of  Spanish  domination. 

The  Indians  of  Cholula  cling,  very  tenaciously,  to  certain 
fashions  of  clothing.  It  is  not  to  be  concluded,  however,  that 
the  articles  worn  are  of  the  same  fashion  as  at  the  time  of  the 
Conquest.1  The  present  dress  of  a male  Indian  consists  of 
a white  cotton  shirt,  originally  called  uipilli , now  worn  with 

1 They  gradually  began  to  change  towards  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury. Rojas,  Relation,  etc,  § 15:  “ A1  presente  se  visten  en  general  de 
camisas  y zaragiieles  que  de  los  Espanoles  han  tornado,  todo  de  algodon,  y 
algunos  dellos  usan  zapatos,  y todos  sombreros,  al  uso  espanol,  y otros  traen 
los  propios  zapatos  antiguos  que  llaman  Cactli,  y en  general  traen  las  dichas 
mantas  blancas,  que  llaman  tilmatl,  anudadas,  como  he  dicho,  al  hombro 
derccho.” 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  \ 2 1 


sleeves.  This  shirt  is  commonly  unbleached,  although  some- 
times a fine  bleached  one  is  bought  at  Puebla,  with  a tucked 
and  plaited  front,  like  a French  blouse,  and  worn  on  Sundays. 
Wide  trousers,  also  of  white  cotton,  hang  down  to  the  knee  ; 
the  lower  limbs  are  bare,  and  the  foot  rests  on  (not  in)  a 
sandal,  — cactli.  Th ccactli  consists  of  a sole,  made  of  strong 
tanned  leather,  with  strips  of  skin  (sometimes  of  deer-hide, 
or  often  mere  pieces  of  raw-hide)  sewn  to  it  in  front  and  on 
both  sides.  The  two  strips  in  front  are  passed  between  the 
great  and  the  second  toes,  and  thence  around  the  ankle,  where 
they  are  tied  ; those  from  each  side  meet  the  others  on  the 
instep.  Thus  the  foot  is  left  virtually  bare,  the  sole  alone  be- 
ing protected  ; and  this  shoe  the  Indians  greatly  prefer  to 
any  other  for  walking.  The  head  is  always  covered  by  a 
broad-brimmed  hat,  made  out  of  petate,  or  matting, — a very 
durable  and  exceedingly  practical  article. 

Beneath  the  trousers  or  white  drawers  they  still  wear 
the  maxtlatl  or  original  diaper.  It  is  singular  how  long  this 
ancient  garment  has  remained  in  use.  I found  it  among  the 
pueblos  of  New  Mexico,  worn  beneath  machine-made  panta- 
loons from  factories  in  New  England. 

To  protect  themselves  from  the  cold,  or  rather  from  the 
chilliness,  more  keenly  felt  in  a climate  otherwise  equable, 
woollen  zarapes,  or  blankets,  are  used.  They  are  commonly 
made  of  coarse,  gaudily-colored  wool,  by  Indians  of  the  State 
of  Tlaxcula  (or  some  other  places) ; or  sometimes  of  cotton 
with  a slit  so  as  to  admit  the  head. 

The  common  dress  of  the  women  is  a petticoat,  — some- 
times of  cotton,  and  often  of  dark  heavy  wool.  This  gar- 
ment is  made  in  one  piece  and  fastened  behind,  both  sides 
overlapping.  Beneath  it  they  wear  a chemise  without  sleeves, 
often  embroidered  with  beads.1 

1 These  embroideries,  made  by  Indian  women  of  Cholula  and  vicinity,  cost 


122 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


In  addition  to  these  articles  of  clothing  the  women  wear 
the  reboso,  a long  scarf  of  blue  cotton,  imitating  a narrow 
shawl  introduced  by  the  Spaniards.  But  I have  seen  the 
women  of  the  pueblo  of  Tlaxcallantzinco,  east  of  Cholula,  on 
their  way  to  market  wearing  an  embroidered  breast-cloth, 
through  which  they  pass  the  head,  and  whose  stitched  pat- 
terns are  very  similar  to  those  still  exhumed  on  the  coast  of 
Peru.1 

The  Indian  woman  either  wears  the  cactli,  or  goes  bare- 
footed. The  head  is  often  covered  by  a hat  of  matting,  which 
they  remove  as  scrupulously  as  the  men  do  at  greeting,  and 
in  addition  they  wind  around  the  head  a tress  of  their  own 
lustrous  hair,  with  bright-colored  ribbons  interwoven.  This 
turban-like  ornament  certainly  antedates  the  Conquest.2 

Small  children  often  wear  merely  a shirt.  But  even  a 
child  of  four  years  old,  if  a boy,  is  dressed  in  little  trousers ; 
if  a girl,  in  a small  skirt.  The  innocent  nudity  of  the  chil- 
dren in  the  pueblos  of  the  north  is  not  seen  among  the 
Indians  of  Cholula. 


from  $1  to  $2  per  set.  It  is  singular  that  the  word  chaquira  for  bead,  which 
belongs  to  a language  of  the  Isthmus  (Coiba  or  Cueva),  should  have  been  carried 
by  the  Spaniards  as  far  north  as  the  New  Mexican  pueblos,  and  as  far  south 
as  Peru  and  Chili. 

1 This  is  an  aboriginal  garment,  dating  from  before  the  Conquest.  It  is  well- 
described  by  Rojas,  Relacion , etc.,  § 15:  “ Y sobre  las  naguas  un  guipilli  de  la 
propria  hechura  de  sobrepelliz  sin  mangas;  con  sus  ruedos  6 cenefas  labradas 
dc  algodon  de  colores  con  fluecos  de  pelo  de  conejos  y liebres  y pluma  de  patos, 
adcrezado  para  aquel  cfecto.  Tienen  estos  guipilles  dos  escudos  cuadrados,  uno 
cn  los  pechos  y otro  en  las  espaldas,  muy  labrados  de  muchos  colores  y oro,  con 
tliversas  figuras,  como  son  de  aves  y pescado,  y animales,  el  cual  traje  usan 
ahora  sin  discrepar.”  I tried  in  vain  to  purchase  one. 

- XV.  Bullock,  Six  Months'  Residence  and  Travels  in  Mexico,  1824,  pp.  78,  197. 
Rojas,  Relacion,  etc.,  § 15:  “El  cabello  cs  negro  y muy  largo,  en  el  cual  se 
dan  algunos  nudos  y lazadas  cn  la  cabeza,  que  a su  modo  parece  bien.”  This 
head-dress  is  figured  on  the  Indian  paintings  of  the  sixteenth  century,  to  which 
I shall  refer  hereafter,  called  Mapa  dc  Cuauhtlantzinco,  and  Mapa  de  Chalchihua- 
pan,  both  from  the  district  of  Cholula. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  \ 23 


The  dwellings  of  the  aborigines  in  the  pueblos  proper 
deserve  careful  study.  There  are  several  features  about  them 
of  ancient  origin,  and  as  I have  satisfied  myself  that,  with  the 
exception  of  mounds,  remains  of  architecture  which  ante- 
date the  Conquest  have  almost  completely  disappeared,  the 
Indian  houses  of  to-day  should  be  the  more  closely  studied  in 
order  to  trace  reminiscences  of  strictly  aboriginal  times.  Even 
in  the  pueblos  there  is  a difference  in  construction  between 
the  houses  of  the  wealthy  and  those  of  the  poor ; besides, 
there  is  a marked  contrast  between  those  of  the  Plain  and 
those  of  the  Sierra.  I must  premise  by  saying  that  every 
family  lives  by  itself,  and  that  there  is  no  trace  of  communism, 
so  far  as  shelter  is  concerned. 

When,  on  the  23d  of  March,  I presented  myself  at  the 
pueblo  of  Cuauhtlantzinco,  in  order  to  copy  certain  aboriginal 
paintings  there  preserved,1  I was  not  received  as  I expected. 
I was  not  even  allowed  to  stay  in  the  pueblo,  but  an  Indian  of 
the  place,  Don  Joaquin  Tepoztecatl,2  secretly  offered  me  the 

1 These  paintings,  which  are  known  by  the  name  of  Mapa  dc  Cuauhtlantzinco , 
I wish  to  call  Codice  Campos,  in  order  to  distinguish  them  from  the  old  map  of 
the  pueblo,  as  well  as  to  do  justice  to  the  venerable  curate  of  Cholula,  to 
whom  we  owe  their  preservation.  They  are  of  the  highest  importance  for  the 
history  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  and  are  executed  in  oil-colors,  on  European 
paper,  filling  two  wooden  frames.  By  direction  of  the  Padre  D.  Jose  Vicente 
Campos,  who  discovered  the  sheets  some  thirty  years  ago  and  saved  them  from 
decay,  they  were  pasted  on  cotton  sheeting  and  framed.  Each  sheet  is  0.40  by 
0.30  metre  (16  by  12  inches)  in  size,  and  contains  scenes  from  the  Conquest, — 
not  badly  executed,  — and  portraits  of  aborigines.  Each  bears  a text  written  in 
Nahuatl,  which  the  Padre  Campos  translated  into  Spanish  by  the  aid  of  the  Indians 
themselves,  and  the  translation  he  has  added  to  the  charts.  The  Indians  claim 
that  the  paintings  are  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  that  they  were  executed  bv 
one  Tepoztecatl.  All  my  endeavors,  and  those  of  the  venerable  priest,  to  secure 
permission  to  copy  the  Mapa  utterly  failed.  The  natives  actually  concealed  — 
perhaps  buried  — the  pictures,  after  having  invited  me  to  their  pueblo  to  take  a 
copy,  and  having  permitted  me  to  see  them  for  a few  moments  only.  If  my  sul> 
sequent  stay  at  the  pueblo  has  not  been  without  result,  it  wras  against  the  wish  of 
the  population,  whose  stupidity  and  treachery  I wish  to  place  on  record  here. 

2 To  his  friendship  and  aid  I owe  what  little  work  I could  do  at  Cuauhtlant- 
zinco. lie  was  my  only  supporter  in  the  midst  of  a hostile  village  of  1,400  souls. 


124 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


hospitality  of  his  house,  which  I at  once  accepted,  and  thus 
remained  eleven  days  in  the  pueblo,  much  against  the  will  of 
its  people.  Although  at  my  own  request,  owing  to  lack  of  space 
in  his  house,  I moved  the  next  day  into  another  building 
belonging  to  him,  I was  at  his  home  daily,  and  thus  had  the 
opportunity  of  studying  two  Indian  houses  of  the  better  class 
in  the  plain  of  Cholula. 

Plate  X.  Fig.  2 gives  a diagram  of  Tepoztecatl’s  residence  ; 
Fig.  3,  the  main  door  (a)  ; Figs.  8 and  9,  the  roof  and  ceiling. 
It  is  a rectangle,  23.5  metres  (77  feet)  long,  and  only  3.80 
metres  (i2j/£  feet)  wide.  The  height  of  room,  roof  included, 
is  4.56  metres  (15  feet),  of  which  the  roof  occupies  about  0.75 
metre  (2l/2  feet).  The  walls,  of  adobe,  have  an  average  thick- 
ness of  0.42  metre  (17  inches),  which  is  quite  sufficient  for  a 
one-story  building. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  there  are  three  sections,  or  rooms, 
respectively  lettered  I.,  II.,  and  III.  I.  is  the  principal  house, 
and  its  length  alone  is  1 1.40  metres  (37  feet  4 inches).  The 
entrance  is  towards  the  east,  by  the  large  double  door  (a), 
and  the  floor  is  raised,  so  that  two  steps  ascend  to  the  doorsill 
(Fig.  3).  Around  the  east  and  south  sides  extends  a projec- 
tion of  red  brick.  This  apartment  is  the  sala,  or  grand  room; 
and  at  its  southern  end  stands  the  family  altar,  with  the  image 
of  the  patron  saint. 

Rooms  II.  and  III.  are  subsequent  additions  to  I.  They  are 
low^er,  and  the  doors  ( b , c,  d)  all  enter  without  steps,  the  floor 
being  on  the  level  of  the  ground  outside.  II.  is  used  as  a 
storeroom,  and  III.  for  a kitchen.  The  whole  building  has 
not  a single  window  ; in  fact,  in  the  whole  district  ol  Cholula 
there  is  not  an  Indian  dwelling  with  a window  in  it.  The 
wide  door  furnishes  ample  light  and  air,  and  it  is  always  open, 
except  at  night  and  when  the  family  is  absent. 

The  floor  of  all  three  apartments  is  merely  clay ; but  that 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  125 


of  I.,  being  filled  up,  is  firmer  and  smoother  than  those  of  the 
two  others.  Some  Indian  houses  have  their  floors  paved  with 
brick,  like  those  of  the  houses  of  Cholula;  but  these  are  not 
numerous.  In  the  court,  or  garden,  in  front  of  this  building, 
near  the  northeast  corner  and  the  trees  marked  ce , Joaquin 
and  I dug  up,  at  a depth  of  0.50  metre  (20  inches),  fragments 
of  a layer  of  coarse  whitish  composition,  0.0 1 metre  (\  of 
an  inch)  thick,  which  he  called  the  remnants  of  an  old  floor. 
This  composition,  if  originally  of  Indian  origin,  does  not  con- 
tain burnt  lime.1  I have  been  told  also,  that  red  clay  ( tlahuitl , 
— washed  with  blood),  as  in  the  New  Mexican  pueblos,  was 
formerly  used  for  the  composition  of  ground-floors.  I give 
this  information  for  what  it  may  be  worth. 

While  the  doorway  a is  built  up  of  brick  and  whitewashed, 
the  door  b has  a single  slab  of  lava  placed  across  its  top  as  a 
lintel  ; but  the  doors  c and  d are  much  more  primitively  con- 
structed. Five  round  sticks  of  wood,  with  the  bark  peeled  off, 
are  placed  above  as  a lintel,  resting  on  the  adobe  at  both  ends, 
and  supported  besides  at  each  side  of  the  door  by  a round 
under-post.  This  very  awkward  lintel  reminded  me  of  a sim- 
ilar one  found  in  the  abandoned  Cave  Dwellings  of  the  Rito 
de  los  Frijoles  in  New  Mexico. 

The  roof  and  ceiling  are  represented  in  Figs.  8 and  9.  The 
joists  or  timbers  (quauhmanil,  in  Nahuatl)  are  squared  with 
the  axe,  and  laid  across,  not  lengthwise.  The  splinters  ( qiiauh - 
pixotl ),  Fig.  9,  are  placed  edgewise.  Then  follow  o.  10  metre 
(4  inches)  of  earth  ( tlalli ),  and  finally  the  impermeable  top- 
layer  of  tenixtl ' also  o.  10  metre  (4  inches)  thick,  and  now 
composed,  I am  told,  of  burnt  lime,  with  fragments  of  lava 

1 As  early  as  1581,  the  nearest  lime-kilns  were  at  Puebla,  and  in  the  hands  of 
the  Spaniards  alone.  Relation,  etc.,  §31:  “ V la  cal  de  la  ciudad  de  los  Angeles 
. . . . de  donde  traen  la  piedra,  y en  homos  que  dentro  de  esta  ciudad  tienen  la 
cuecen.” 


A IiCI IDEOLOGIC  A L INSTITUTE. 


I 26 

or  pebbles.  The  earth  is  firmly  pounded  down;  and  then  the 
coat  of  lime  is  spread  over  it,  and  bits  of  lava  are  pressed 
into  the  lime  with  a pointed  stick.  The  use  of  burnt  lime  cer- 
tainly post-dates  the  Conquest,  but  as  the  roofs  of  ruins  — at 
Mitla,  for  instance  — are  also  capped  with  a layer  of  a white 
impermeable  substance,  which  effervesces  with  acids,  the  pro- 
bability is  that,  in  aboriginal  times,  pulverized  limestone, 
unburnt,  was  used  for  a similar  purpose. 

This  adobe  is  made  without  straw,  although  this  is  not  the 
general  custom.  The  foundations  of  the  house  are  of  broken 
stone  and  rubble,  for  the  extent  of  room  I.  The  other  two 
apartments  rest  with  their  adobe  walls  on  the  ground.  In 
former  times  the  Indian  of  the  Plain,  like  the  Pueblo  Indian 
of  New  Mexico,  dug  a trench  about  0.50  metre  to  0.75  metre 
(20  to  30  inches)  deep,  or  deeper,  until  he  reached  the  tcpctlatl , 
so  as  to  rest  the  foundations  of  his  house  on  that  impermeable 
clay  ; now,  this  precaution  is  rarely  taken. 

To  the  east  wall  of  the  house  (its  front)  is  joined  a partly 
interrupted  adobe  wall,  along  whose  north  side  grows  a hedge 
of  columnar  Cereus.  There  is  also  an  interruption  west  of 
the  point  b,  which  is  filled  by  a row  of  Cereus.  "q,  q,  q,  is 
another  adobe  enclosure,  partly  decayed.  The  whole  forms  a 
fragmentary  court  in  front  of  the  house,  23^  by  20.68  metres 
(77  by  68  feet),  which  contains  the  well  (le),  the  Cereus  hedges 
{Hi),  and  an  ahuacate  tree  ( j). 

The  eastern  wall  has  the  oven  ( k ) for  the  baking  of  cala- 
bashes, and  the  ancient  stone  cross  (/)  built  against  its  west 
side  (Fig.  7).  This  court  was  formerly  occupied  by  buildings, 
but  there  is  no  tradition  that  they  were  ever  used  for  dwelling 
purposes.  Still  the  cross  is  said  to  have  rested  on  a floor, 
now  destroyed,  which  would  indicate  the  former  existence  of 
a sala  there.  There  are  other  adobe  foundations  (IV.),  which 
appear  like  ruined  outhouses.  The  present  owner  positively 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  127 


asserts  that  the  apartment  I.  was  the  original  home  of  his 
family,  built  not  less  than  three  centuries  ago,  when  Cuauh- 
tlantzinco  was  founded.1  He  admits  that  the  house  has  been 
repaired  and  even  improved,  but  nevertheless  insists  that  the 
size  and  shape  are  old,  post-dating  the  Conquest  by  less  than 
half  a century.  Thus  he  acknowledges  that  all  brick-work  is 
of  a later  period,  that  the  joists  or  beams  are  new,  that  the 
upper  crust  of  the  roof  has  been  replaced,  and  that  the  door 
itself,  with  its  wrought-iron  hinges,  is  very  recent.  Tepozte- 
catl  assured  me  that  prior  to  the  Conquest  the  houses  had  no 
doors  (a  fact  otherwise  confirmed),2  but  that  soon  after  a rude 
door  was  introduced.  This  was  made  of  rough  planks,  fas- 
tened together  by  strips  of  leather  or  flexible  roots,  and  was 
opened  and  shut  by  a wooden  latch  inside,  drawn  up  by  a fibre. 
It  was  hung  to  a round  post,  swinging  in  the  two  stones, 
represented  in  Fig.  4.  The  upper  stone  (Fig.  5)  is  a thin 
wedge-like  slab,  0.32  metre  (13  inches)  long,  and  0.08  metre 
(3  inches)  thick,  worked  out  to  a ring  at  one  end.  This  ring 
has  an  outer  diameter  of  0.14  metre  (nearly  5 inches).  The 
lower  stone  (Fig.  6)  is  a block  nearly  square,  0.37  metre  (15 
inches)  long,  0.27  metre  (11  inches)  broad,  and  0.17  metre 
(7  inches)  high,  in  which  a slightly  conical  hole,  0.08  metre  (3 
inches)  deep,  and  0.12  metre  (4  inches)  in  diameter,  has  been 
drilled.  Thus  the  doorpost  could  revolve  freely,  as  the  lower 
stone  was  laid  upon  the  doorsill,  and  the  upper  wedged  into 

1 The  foundation  of  Cuauhtlantzinco  dates  back  to  the  time  of  Cortes, — 
therefore,  between  1519  and  1528.  I shall  allude  to  it  hereafter.  The  church 
bears  a date  which  is  claimed  to  be  1522,  but  I read  it,  1722.  In  the  Testirnonio 
de  la  Merced  de  San  Juan  Cuauhtlantzinco,  MS.,  there  is  a claim  of  a grant  based 
upon  a promise  on  the  part  of  Cortes  for  assistance  rendered  to  him.  I shall 
be  more  explicit  on  this  point  hereafter. 

2 Gomara,  Segunda  Tarte  de  la  Crimea,  etc.,  p.  440  : “ No  hay  puertas  ni  ven- 
tanas  que  cerrar,  todo  es  abierto  . . . .”  Juan  Bautista  Pomar,  Relacion  de  la 
Ciudad  de  Tezcoco,  MS.  1582,  xxxi.  p.  513  of  copy:  “ No  tenian  estos  aposentos 
puertas  sino  u'nas  portadas  de  madera.” 


128 


A RCIL'EOL OGICA L INSTITUTE. 


the  adobe  above,  having  the  ring  protruding.  I found  both  of 
the  stones  represented  in  Fig.  8 in  the  court-yard,  and  after- 
ward saw  them  in  situ  in  old  churches.  These  primitive  door- 
hinges,  even,  are  therefore  a Spanish  invention,  at  the  period 
when  iron  was  still  scarce  in  Mexico. 

A ground  plan  of  the  house  in  which  I lived  at  Cuauhtlan- 
tzinco  is  given  in  Plate  X.  Fig.  19.  It  was  also  of  adobe, 
and  its  walls  are  0.50  metre  (20  inches)  thick.  The  size  of 
the  adobe  differs  in  the  building  used  as  the  sola  (I.),  and  in 
the  part  now  serving  for  kitchen,  entrance,  and  storeroom 
(1I„  III.,  and  IV.), — measuring  in  the  former,  in  all  three 
directions,  respectively,  055,  0.33,  and  0.13  metre  (22,  13, 
and  4 inches);  in  the  latter,  0.50,  0.41,  and  0.12  metre  (20, 
16,  and  4 inches).  This  building  is  recent,  the  joists  of  the 
sola  bearing  the  date  of  1796.  It  was  erected  for  a public 
storehouse,  and  not  for  a residence,  and  the  doorway  is  elabo- 
rately ornamented.  In  other  respects  it  is  similar  to  the  first 
one  described,  but  the  wall  is  still  entire,  forming  an  enclosed 
court. 

These  two  buildings,  as  I have  before  remarked,  may  be 
regarded  as  fair  specimens  of  the  better  class  of  Indian  houses 
in  the  Cholula  Plain.  A great  many  appear  to  have  only  one 
room  ; still  there  is  always  a kitchen  shed  outside,  and  a little 
outhouse  used  for  storing. 

Beyond  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  Cholula,  towards 
the  mountains,  we  meet  with  a different  style  of  architecture. 
The  flat  roof  of  heavy  material  is  gradually  replaced  by  a steep 
roof  of  thatch  ; and  in  place  of  the  three  rooms,  the  family  lives 
in  three  distinct  and  separate  houses. 

The  thatched  roof  is  either  two-sided  (Plate  X.  Fig.  12)  or 
four-sided  (Fig.  11).  In  every  case  it  is  made  of  hanks  of 
straw,  or  mountain-grass  (zacat/),  bound  with  maguey  fibres 
{pita),  and  fastened  on  a rude  framework  of  poles,  so  as  to  over- 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  129 

lap  each  other.  Not  a nail  enters  into  the  whole  construction. 
These  thatch  covers  are  sometimes  very  heavy,  but  how  far 
they  are  to  be  regarded  as  a native  fashion  admits  of  question. 
If  they  were  made  of  straw  only,  there  would  be  no  doubt 
about  their  being  a Spanish  importation  ; but  sometimes  they 
are  made  of  long  grass,  which  certainly  grew  in  the  district  of 
Cholula  prior  to  the  Conquest  ; and  as  they  are  so  much  like 
the  thatched  roofs  of  the  coast,  and  of  Oaxaca,  I am  in- 
clined to  regard  them  as  ancient  in  shape,  if  not  in  material. 
(Plate  X.  Figs.  14,  15,  1 6,  17,  18.) 

In  the  Sierra,  some  of  the  buildings  owned  and  inhabited 
by  Spanish  families  have  the  flat  roofs  of  the  Plain,  but  the 
gable  roof  is  the  rule.  Sometimes  large  shingles,  fastened  by 
two  wooden  nails,  are  used,  like  the  clapboards  on  early  houses 
in  the  western  part  of  the  United  States.  This  method  of 
covering  is  rare  on  the  Cholula  side,  but  almost  universal  in 
the  valley  of  the  Chaleo  ; and  I also  found  it  in  the  eastern 
parts  of  the  State  of  Puebla,  about  Tehuacan. 

The  building  material  of  the  walls  in  the  Sierra  is  stone 
and  wood.  The  three  classes  of  Indian  buildings  already 
mentioned  are  distinct,  not  only  in  their  uses,  but  very  often 
in  the  material  out  of  which  they  are  made.  These  three 
structures  are  sometimes  all  in  one  enclosure  ; but  they  are 
also  often  scattered,  so  that  two  stand  on  one  lot,  and  the  other 
on  another.  Fig.  10  gives  an  idea  of  a group  of  two. 

The  sala  ( tcopantzintli , little  place  of  God)  is  represented 
on  the  ground-plan  by  I.,  of  which  Fig.  12  gives  a gable-end 
view.  It  is  commonly  of  hewn  stone,  and  the  corners  are 
formed  by  upright  parallelopipeds.  The  stones  are  often  laid 
dry,  sometimes  with  a thin  coat  of  adobe  clay  between,  and 
rarely  in  mortar.  1 he  masonry  is  heavy,  but  presenting  a 
good  appearance,  and  having  but  one  door  (Fig.  13),  with  lintel 
and  sill,  generally  of  a single  block  each.  There  are  no  win* 

9 


1 30 


A RCH GEOLOGIC  A L INSTITUTE. 


clows,  but  merely  a small  square  hole  in  one  of  the  gable-ends, 
close  to  the  pinnacle.  The  sala,  as  in  the  Plain,  contains  the 
family  altar,  and  pictures  of  the  Virgin  and  Saints,  has  the 
floor  of  adobe  or  brick,  and  no  ceiling. 

The  kitchen  ( tezcalli , — house  of  the  one  who  grinds  on  the 
mctatc ) is  generally  made  of  upright  rough  boards  or  poles, 
bound  to  an  inner  frame  of  posts  and  laths  (Fig.  12),  with  a 
thatched  roof  heavier  than  that  of  the  sala,  and  often  four- 
sided. 

The  storehouse  ( ccncalli , — house  of  ripe  corn)  is  commonly 
designated  by  the  Spanish  word  troje , corrupted  into  tolos/ia  by 
the  Indians.  While  the  sala  and  kitchen  are  always  in  the 
same  grounds,  the  storehouse  frequently  stands  apart  on  a 
different  lot.  It  is  made  of  very  thick  planks,  roughly  hewn 
and  dovetailed  at  the  corners,  and  stands  some  0.90  metre 
(3  feet)  above  the  ground,  on  four,  six,  or  eight  posts  or  stones. 
The  roof  is  similar  to  that  of  the  kitchen.  In  the  Plain,  I 
have  also  seen  storehouses  made  of  cornstalks,  set  vertically, 
and  tied  to  an  inner  frame,  or  forming  a conical  hollow  stack. 
But  such  frail  structures  are  temporary,  and  mostly  used  for 
maize  only.  The  pueblos  of  the  territory  of  Huexotzinco,  such 
as  Santiago  Xaltepetlapan  and  San  Simon  Tlalnicontla,  have 
peculiar  contrivances  for  storing  their  corn.  They  are  little 
round  towers  of  stone  or  adobe,  always  whitewashed  outside, 
about  3 metres  (9  to  10  feet)  high,  narrower  at  the  base  than 
at  the  top,  with  a square  air-hole  near  the  roof.  This  is  com- 
posed of  boards,  and  resembles  a Chinese  hat  in  form,  and  can 
be  removed  at  will.  It  is  kept  in  place  by  heavy  stones  laid 
on  it,  as  is  the  custom  in  Switzerland. 

Thus  it  appears  that  while  the  inhabitant  of  the  Plain  con- 
centrates his  rooms  within  one  building,  the  dweller  of  the 
Sierra  makes  of  each  apartment  a distinct  house. 

The  greater  difficulty  in  constructing  large  houses  of  stone 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY,  i 3 1 

than  of  adobe,  may  be  assigned  as  the  cause  of  this  difference; 
but  the  chief  reason,  I believe,  may  be  found  in  the  shape  of 
the  roof.  While  it  is  easy  to  extend  a flat  roof  over  a wide  sur- 
face (as  the  large  pueblo  houses  of  New  Mexico  amply  demon- 
strate), or  to  make  long  and  high  sheds,  like  those  used  by  the 
inhabitants  of  the  South  Sea  Islands,  a gable  roof,  resting  on 
vertical  walls,  is  a much  more  intricate  fabric.  When,  there- 
fore, the  character  of  the  soil  rendered  the  manufacture  of 
adobe  less  desirable,  or  even  impossible,  or  the  abundance  of 
wood  and  stone  made  their  exclusive  use  as  building-materials 
a matter  of  practical*Convenience,  the  pitched  roof  was  adopted. 
Such  is  the  case  in  the  western  and  southern  districts  of  CI10- 
lula,  and  all  over  the  Tierra  caliente.  But  as  the  Indian  was 
unable  to  make  the  roof  large  and  strong  enough  to  accom- 
modate all  his  needs  under  one  shelter,  he  built  a separate  hut 
for  each  particular  purpose. 

This  same  feature  appears  among  the  sedentary  Indians  of 
New  Mexico.  In  that  country,  up  to  the  time  of  its  second 
settlement  by  the  Spaniards,  after  1680,  the  round  estufa 
played  an  important  part  in  house  life.  It  was  the  dormitory 
cf  the  men.  Women  cooked  and  slept,  together  with  the 
children,  in  the  square  cells  of  the  great  communal  piles. 
The  latter  also  contained  apartments  specially  reserved  for 
storage.  Now,  however,  that  the  family  has  become  better 
constituted,  each  is  a distinct  unit ; and  consequently,  while 
the  estufa  is  at  present  used  exclusively  for  public  purposes, 
each  family  has  three  rooms,  one  for  winter,  one  for  summer, 
and  one  for  the  stores.  In  Mexico,  where  there  is  no  need  of 
special  regard  being  paid  to  climate,  the  use  to  which  each  of 
the  three  places  is  devoted  is  different. 

The  sala  is  seldom  inhabited,  in  a strict  sense  of  the  word. 
It  is  the  spare-room,  the  gala-room,  — the  place  of  reception,  of 
family  worship,  of  festivals.  The  kitchen  contains  the  hearth, 


132 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


the  metlatl,  and  all  the  simple  apparatus  for  cooking.  Unless 
a stranger  is  present,  meals  are  taken  there;  and  if  that  stran- 
ger is  not  a white  man,  he  also  eats  in  the  kitchen.  The 
family  sleeps  sometimes  in  the  kitchen,  but  frequently  in  the 
storehouses.  Of  late,  some  of  the  men  have  begun  to  make 
use  of  the  sala  for  the  night.  There  is  a curious  analogy 
between  the  present  and  the  ancient  estufa  of  New  Mexico,  in 
that  both  were  used  exclusively  as  places  of  festive  resort  and 
quarters  for  males ; the  similarity  between  the  New  Mexican  and 
the  Mexican  kitchens  and  storehouses  is  also  obvious.  While 
this  would  not  justify  us  in  tracing  relationships,  it  evidently 
establishes  the  present  division  of  the  Mexican  Indian  house, 
into  three  sections,  as  being  a very  ancient  aboriginal  custom. 

The  house  life  of  any  people  stands  in  direct  relation  to  its 
conceptions  about  consanguinity  and  affinity.  At  the  time  of 
the  Conquest,  the  power  of  the  kin  or  gens  was  still  strong 
enough  in  Mexico  to  encroach  daily  upon  the  family  unit,1  but 
this  power,  in  the  district  of  Cholula,  has  since  been  completely 
broken,  and  our  system  of  consanguinity,  at  least  theoretically 
and  officially,  has  been  completely  adopted.  The  strenuous 
efforts  of  the  Church  to  enforce  marriage,  as  understood  in 
Europe,  bear  witness  to  the  protracted  struggle  between  the 
clergy — who  could  not,  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  under- 
stand fully  the  peculiar  nature  of  a system  of  relationship  then 
in  a period  of  transition2  — and  the  Indians,  who  comprehended 

1 Compare  my  Social  Organization  and  Mode  of  Government  of  the  Ancient 
Mexicans , pp.  567-570,  623-630.  Nearly  three  years  have  elapsed  since  that 
essay  was  written,  two  of  which  have  been  spent  in  further  documentary  studies; 
and  nearly  one  has  been  passed  by  me  among  the  Indians  of  Mexico  and  New 
Mexico.  There  I lived,  not  only  in  their  neighborhood,  but  as  they  themselves 
do;  and  I have  found  no  occasion  to  change  any  of  the  conclusions  reached  in 
that  or  any  of  my  previous  papers.  That  these  papers  are  based  upon  the  labois 
of  Lewis  II.  Morgan,  I need  not  state;  but  I refer  principally  to  Ancient  Society 
for  a more  thorough  study  of  the  questions  in  issue. 

2 The  conditions  of  marriage  among  the  Indians  were  never  fully  understood 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  A AD  ITS  VICINITY.  133 


still  less  the  new  ideas  thrust  upon  them.  In  consequence  of 
it  the  kin  disappeared,  but  slowly,  and  apparently  its  last  vestige 
was  the  communal  tenure  of  lands.  The  Laws  of  Reform 
officially  obliterated  that  last  trace  of  it.  Still,  there  are  tokens 
of  the  former  existence  of  the  kin,  left  in  the  very  bosom  of 
the  family,  in  the  Indian  family-names  of  the  people. 

An  old  MS.  of  the  year  1555  — written  by  an  interpreter,  in 
the  Nahuatl  language,  with  European  letters,  for  and  in  behalf 
of  the  principal  men  of  Cholula  — begins  as  follows  : “ We,  the 
old  men,  chiefs  and  caciques,  say  that  we  now  put  on  record 
in  writing,  that  we  were  the  first  ones  held  worthy  of  receiving 
the  grace  of  God,  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ;  and  also  that  it  was 
told  that  the  true  faith  would  come,  and  the  holy  baptism, 
and  that  we  should  be  named  each  one  for  himself."1  In  the 
early  documents,  therefore,  such  as  the  record  of  division  of 
lands  in  1566,  about  Calpan  and  adjoining  territories,  the 
Indians  appear  with  Spanish  family-names.2  But  already  the 
Merced  of  Cuauhtlantzinco  contains  Indian  personal  names  in 
the  Nahuatl  idiom,  transformed  into  regular  appellatives.  In 
this  way  Tepoztecatl  (cutter  of  copper)  and  Xicotencatl  (man 

or  explained  until  Mr.  Morgan  revealed,  in  his  works,  the  system  and  termi- 
nology of  Indian  relationship.  The  early  missionaries  have,  on  that  account, 
left  very  contradictory  pictures.  But  they  solved  the  question  by  enforcing  the 
marriage  rules  established  by  the  Church,  and  thus  changed  both  system  and 
terminology  in  Mexico.  We  may  regret  this  in  a certain  sense,  but  cannot  attach 
any  blame  to  them  for  so  doing. 

1 Tcstamento  de  Capixlakuatzin , MS.  This  document,  originally  written  in 
Nahuatl,  and  signed  by  Kray  Martin  de  Valencia  as  testifying  witness,  is  the  last 
will  of  Geronimo  de  Mendoza,  whose  Indian  name  is  Capixlahuatzin,  and  who 
was  one  of  the  principal  men  of  Cholula  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest.  It  was 
translated  into  the  Spanish  language,  and  I copied  it  from  the  MS.  in  possession 
of  Don  Jose  Maria  Reyes  Ramirez,  at  Cholula.  The  original  may  still  be  in 
existence,  though  its  whereabouts  is  unknown.  It  bears  date  1555. 

2 I found  this  document  in  possession  of  Don  Ignacio  Canto,  at  San  Nicolas 
de  los  Ranchos.  It  was  originally  written  in  Nahuatl ; but  I only  saw  the  Span- 
ish translation,  which,  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  I will  hereafter  call  Junta  dc  San 
Aricolas.  The  meeting  look  place  on  12,  13,  and  14  October,  1566. 


134 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


with  a bee  at  his  lips)  became  hereditary  names.  Thus,  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  the  condition  was  very  similar  to  that  now 
prevailing  in  the  pueblos  of  New  Mexico,  where  every  Indian 
has  his  native  name,  and  a Spanish  family  appellation  besides. 
In  Mexico,  subsequently,  the  Indian  personal  name  has  often 
become  his  acknowledged  family  one,  and  he  receives,  when 
baptized,  a Spanish  personal  name.  Thus,  Joaquin  Tepozte- 
catl  and  Santiago  Xicontencatl  are  persons  well  known  to  me. 
All  this  corroborates  what  has  already  been  stated  elsewhere, 
that  the  Indian,  before  the  Conquest,  had  only  a personal 
name,  and  that  it  was  the  kin,  gens,  or  clan  which  alone  pos- 
sessed a generic  appellative.  Of  such  names  of  kinships, 
traces  still  remain  in  the  family  names  of  many  pueblos 
of  Cholula : for  example,  Cuauhtli  (eagle),  Tochtli  (rabbit), 
Tecuhtli  (chief). 

In  the  designations  used  for  relationships  there  are  no  remi- 
niscences left  of  an  older  terminology  than  those  which  I have 
mentioned  in  my  essay  on  “ Social  Organization  and  Mode  of 
Government  of  the  Ancient  Mexicans.”  While  a great  many 
terms  enumerated  in  that  paper  still  remain  in  use,  they  have 
lost  the  signification  which  they  had  before  and  at  the  time  of 
the  Conquest.  No  other  limitations  to  marriage  are  now 
known  but  those  established  by  the  Church,  which  are,  offi- 
cially at  least,  strictly  followed.  The  introduction  of  civil 
marriage  has  of  late  again  disturbed  marital  customs,  and 
will  tend  to  obliterate  what  may  have  been  handed  down  from 
ancient  times.  Thus  it  interferes  with  the  force  of  parental 
authority.  Previous  to  the  first  Provincial  Council  of  Mexico, 
held  in  1555,  it  was  “the  custom  among  the  Indians  not  to 
marry  unless  with  the  license  of  their  principal  men,  or  to 
take  a wife  unless  given  by  their  hand.”  This  custom  was 
a consequence  of  gentilism,  and  of  organization  by  kin,  and 
was  done  away  with  by  this  Council  on  the  ground  that 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  I 35 


“matrimony  does  not  enjoy  that  liberty  among  free  persons 
which  it  should  have.”  1 But  to  the  authority  of  the  kindred 
succeeded  that  of  the  parents  on  both  sides.  I was  present 
at  the  pueblo  of  Coronanco,  or  Coronango,  when  the  question 
of  paternal  authority  was  the  subject  of  an  interesting  discus- 
sion. Now,  in  the  course  of  a few  years,  civil  marriage  will 
probably  do  away  with  the  last  formal  obstacle  of  this  kind. 

It  was,  and  still  is,  always  the  young  man  who  sends  for  the 
young  woman  ; and,  formerly,  special  envoys  were  employed  for 
that  purpose,  or  the  father  made  such  application.  In  1581 
the  girl  was  still  actually  purchased,  “ so  that  he  who  had 
daughters  considered  himself  as  richer  than  he  who  had 
sons,  contrary  to  the  opinion  of  the  Spaniards.”  The  girl 
brought  nothing  but  her  clothes,  and  the  bridegroom  bore  all 
cost  of  the  festival.2  A similar  custom  still  prevails  among 
the  Indians  of  the  New  Mexican  pueblos. 

An  Indian  marriage  at  Cholula,  and  in  the  district,  if  the 
parties  are  wealthy,  is  a protracted  festivity.  After  the  bles- 
sing in  church,  the  attendants,  headed  by  the  officials  of  the 
pueblo,  all  go  to  the  bridegroom’s  residence,  where  they  are 
treated  to  chocolate,  atollc , and  tamales.  Thence  they  go  to 
the  house  of  the  bride  to  receive  a similar  welcome  ; then  back 
to  the  bridegroom’s  house  to  partake  of  a formal  meal.  After- 
wards the  whole  crowd  returns  to  the  home  of  the  bride;  and, 
loading  themselves  with  her  wearing-apparel,  trinkets,  the 
nutates,  metlapilcs , and  other  cooking  utensils,  they  carry  them 

1 Concilios  Provinciates,  Primero  y Segundo,  celebrados  por  la  tuny  Noble,  y nitty 
Leal  Ciudad  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1769.  Cap.  lxxii.  p.  147. 

2 Relacion  de  Cholula,  MS.  § 13:  “ Hase  usado  siempre,  y se  usa  hoy,  que  las 
mugeres  casan  sin  dote  alguno,  sino  el  vestido  que  llevan  encima,  y siempre 
demandan  ellos  a cllas,  sin  moverse  de  parte  de  ella  el  matrimonio,  en  el  cual  el 
novio  hace  la  costa  a toda  la  parentcla,  y asi  se  tiene  por  mas  rico  y dichoso  el 
padre  que  tiene  hijas,  que  no  el  que  tiene  hijos,  al  revesdelos  Espanoles.”  I was 
also  told,  and  state  it  for  what  it  may  be  worth,  that  it  is  still  customary  to  send 
two  principal  men  to  beg  for  the  girl.  Compare  Social  Organization,  p.  620. 


136 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


in  formal  procession,  with  the  bride  herself,  to  the  new  home. 
There  the  young  couple  sit  down  under  the  image  of  the  pat- 
ron saint,  and  all  the  attendants  take  formal  leave  of  them, 
accompanying  their  greetings  with  more  or  less  sound  advice. 
This  was  formerly  done  by  an  old  man  in  behalf  of  all,  but 
now  each  one  performs  it  on  his  own  account;  so  that  the 
whole  ceremony  to  this  point  is  not  only  a long  but  also  a very 
dreary  affair.  But  afterwards,  dancing  begins  to  the  sound  of 
the  flute,  the  psaltcrio,  the  bajo,  etc.;  pulque  circulates  freely; 
and  a noisy  festival  is  kept  up  in  the  court  of  the  bridegroom’s 
residence,  sometimes  for  three  days  in  succession. 

. Until  the  laws  abolishing  communal  tenure  of  lands  in  Mex- 
ico were  promulgated  in  1857,  any  newly  married  pair,  whose 
parents  could  not  boast  of  worldly  possessions,  by  applying  to 
the  authorities  of  the  pueblo,  might  secure  a tract  of  cultivable 
soil.  Although  the  communal  lands  are  now  divided  into  pri- 
vate possessions,  it  often  happens  that  when  a young  couple 
starts  in  the  world  the  municipal  authorities  apply  to  one 
of  the  richer  inhabitants  for  a parcel,  which  he  donates  to  the 
new  beginners.  The  original  grants  of  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment conveyed  ample  ground  to  the  Indian  settlements.  The 
original  Merced  to  the  pueblo  of  Cholula,  dated  27th  of  Octo- 
ber, 1537,  comprises  “ one  legua  in  every  direction  from 
their  church,”1  or  4 square  legttas,  equivalent  to  17,174  acres, 
nearly  three  fourths  of  a township  in  the  State  of  Illinois. 
To  the  pueblo  of  Cuauhtlantzinco  M/2  caballcrias  were  origi- 
nally granted  by  Merced , confirmed  14  June,  1587, 2 to  which,  in 
17 16, 3 there  were  added  4 caballerias  more.  As  the  caballcna 
is  equal  to  12  fanegas , or  about  250  acres,  the  pueblo  possessed 

1 Merced  de  Cholula , MS.  Copy  taken  from  the  archives  of  the  city. 

2 Testimonio  de  la  Merced  de  San  Juan  Cuauhtlantzinco,  MS.,  accompanied  by 
a plat.  Copy  of  both  in  my  possession. 

3 Auto  de  Posesion  del  Rancho  de  Jesus  Nazar eno,  MS. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  137 


a communal  area  of  2,125  acres.  The  present  population  is 
1,447  souls.1  In  regard  to  Cholula,  we  must  not  overlook  the 
fact  that  the  grant  in  question  also  included  the  pueblo  of  San 
Andres  Cholula.  If  we  add  the  population  of  the  latter  to 
that  of  the  city,  and  also  that  of  San  Rafael  Comae,2  the  4 
square  leagues  now  support  a population  of  at  least  7,000  souls; 
one  inhabitant  to  2^  acres  — and  Cuauhtlantzinco,  one  to 
1 y2  acres  — originally  granted.  These  figures  are  instructive 
as  illustrating,  not  the  density  of  the  Indian  population,  of 
which  they  give  no  correct  idea,  but  the  slight  needs  of  the 
aborigines,  because  of  their  simple  and  primitive  mode  of 
life. 

The  simple  custom  of  carrying  the  bride  to  her  new  home, 
together  with  the  grinding-slabs,  the  pots,  pans,  and  cooking 
utensils,  is  not  without  significance  for  the  house-life  of  the 
aborigines  of  Cholula.  It  is  analogous  to  the  custom  prac- 
tised before  the  Conquest,  of  placing  by  the  side  of  the 
new-born  babe,  if  a boy,  a bow  and  arrow,  if  a daughter,  a 
spindle-whorl,3  each  symbolical  of  future  duties.  The  woman 
furnishes  the  kitchen,  — her  future  domain,  where  she  rules 
supreme,  doing  all  the  work  herself,  or  with  help  of  young 
sisters,  or  other  women.  While  I was  at  Cuauhtlantzinco, 
a young  couple  with  one  child,  and  with  the  wife’s  mother, 
moved  into  the  house  whose  ground-plan  is  given  in  Plate 
X.  Fig.  19.  They  slept  in  the  deserted  sala,  where  I also 
had  my  bed  ; and  during  my  stay  the  other  apartments — the 
kitchen  and  the  storeroom  — were  organized.  The  women 
planted  the  hearth,  for  which  they  dragged  loose  stones  into 
the  roofless  section  (II.),  and  there  they  placed  the  metate; 
and  it  was  only  when  the  young  husband  returned  from  work 

1 Ramirez,  Estadistica  gcoqrdfica,  etc.,  MS. 

2 Idem.  San  Rafael  was  formerly  a barrio  of  San  Andres  Cholula. 

3 Motolinia,  Historia,  etc.,  Trat.  i°.  cap.  v.  p.  37.  Gomarn,  Segunda  Parte, 
etc.,  p.  438. 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


133 

at  the  railroad  that  he  and  his  brother-in-law  brought  home  a 
load  of  maguey  leaves , with  which  to  make  a temporary  roof. 
There  is  much  in  this  custom,  of  the  exclusive  reservation  of 
the  kitchen  for  the  women,  like  that  of  the  New  Mexican 
pueblo.  There,  what  comes  from  outside  the  house,  as  soon 
as  it  is  inside,  is  put  under  the  immediate  control  of  the 
woman.  My  host  at  Cochitf,  New  Mexico,  could  not  sell  an 
ear  of  corn,  nor  a string  of  chile,  without  the  consent  of  his 
thirteen-year-old  daughter  Ignacia,  who  kept  house  for  her 
widowed  father.  In  Cholula  district  (and  probably  all  over 
Mexico)  the  man  has  acquired  more  power,  and  the  storehouse 
is  no  longer  controlled  by  the  wife.  But  the  kitchen  remains 
her  domain  ; and  its  aboriginal  designation,  tczcalli  (place,  or 
house,  of  her  who  grinds),  is  still  perfectly  justified. 

An  Indian  kitchen  is  a simply  furnished  apartment.  There 
is  no  stove  or  range;  there  are  no  cupboards,  no  sink,  or  table, 
or  chairs.  In  one  corner  of  the  place,  three  upright  stones 
are  set  in  the  ground ; this  is  the  hearth.  The  fire  is  built 
inside  of  this  triangle ; and  on  it  rests  the  comitl,  olla  (the  pot 
or  kettle)  for  boiling,  or  the  flat  comalli,  on  which  the  tortillas 
are  baked.  Except  the  Dictate,  and  sometimes  the  pepper- 
mortar,  and  a few  pots,  jars,  and  pitchers,  there  are  no  other 
implements  or  utensils. 

Indian  food  in  the  Cholula  district  corresponds  in  plainness 
with  the  simplicity  of  the  arrangements  of  the  kitchen.  The 
rule  is  to  take  but  two  meals  daily,  one  in  the  forenoon,  from 
7 to  9 a.  m.,  the  other  in  the  afternoon,  generally  before  sun- 
set. The  diet  is  almost  exclusively  vegetable.  Aiolle,  — very 
much  resembling  liquid  corn-starch,  sweetened  with  brown 
sugar,  — tortillas, — too  well  known  to  need  any  description, — 
or  tamales,  form  the  bill  of  fare  for  breakfast.  Tamales  are 
nothing  else  but  North  American  mush,  sometimes  with  slices 
of  meat  and  peppers  enclosed,  and  baked  in  corn-husks.  For 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  139 


the  afternoon  meal  I have  often  seen  only  tortillas  and  black 
beans,  frijolcs  ( ctl ).1  More  prosperous  families  fare  somewhat 
better ; but  the  three  articles  enumerated  are  always  present, 
and  no  meal  would  be  complete  without  them.  Whenever 
there  is  any  meat,  it  is  generally  chicken  or  turkey.  The 
Indian  household  does  not  sit  around  a common  table,  but  the 
members  all  squat  down  together  on  the  kitchen  floor.  Forks 
and  knives  are  not  ordinarily  used  ; and  when  I spent  the  night 
of  the  3d  of  August  at  the  pueblo  of  San  Bernardino  Chalchi- 
huapan,2  even  the  authorities  of  the  village  could  not  find  a 
spoon  for  me  to  eat  my  frijolcs  with.  The  Indian  is  so  accus- 
tomed to  eat  all  his  food  with  the  tortilla , — which  he  folds  in 
such  a manner  as  to  form  a little  scoop,  — that  fork,  knife,  and 
spoon  are  things  for  which  he  has  no  occasion.  The  tortilla 
has  the  advantage,  besides,  that  the  ladle  is  eaten  with  the 
soup,  and  the  washing  of  dishes  afterwards  becomes  very 
simple.  Nevertheless  the  Indian  of  Cholula  knows  how  to 
cook  better  dishes ; but  some  of  the  ingredients  for  such 
cookery  have  to  be  imported,  and  therefore  they  are  not 
often  seen. 

One  of  these  luxuries  is  chocolate.  Being  a white  man, — 
however  much  I might  pride  myself  on  my  connections  with 
Cochiti  in  New  Mexico, — at  Cuauhtlantzinco  I received  my 
cup  of  chocolate  every  morning.  Sugar  belongs  to  the  same 
category,  and  therefore  sweetmeats  are  rare  ; and  so  is  white 
bread.  The  last-named  two  articles,  of  course,  have  been 
introduced  since  the  Conquest,  but  chocolate  is  well  known 
to  have  been  an  aboriginal  beverage.  It  is  still  beaten  to  a 
foam  after  being  boiled,  and  is  served  with  the  froth  upon 
it.  Little,  if  any,  milk  is  used,  for  the  Indian  is  an  indiffer- 
ent dairy-man;  in  fact,  he  is  almost  awkward  in  his  care  and 

1 Molina,  Vocabularia , etc.,  i.  £.  64;  ii.  f.  29. 

2 The  pueblo  has  929  inhabitants.  Ramirez,  Estadistica , etc.,  MS. 


140 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


treatment  of  domestic  animals.  The  old  sister  of  my  host, 
against  my  repeated  formal  protests,  made  me  Spatiish-Mexi- 
can  dishes  in  profusion,  and  cooked  many  of  them  very  well. 
It  is  evident  that  vermicelli  soup,  boiled  rice,  cabbage,  car- 
rots, potatoes,  etc.,  boiled  and  served  with  beef  (as  puchero), 
green  peas,  even  chile  relleno  (green  chile  stuffed  with  cheese), 
are  no  more  Indian  dishes  proper,  than  are  pastry  or  pies, 
for  the  simple  reason  that  they  have  no  ovens  in  which  to 
bake  them.  The  beehive-shaped  homos  of  New  Mexico  are 
unknown  in  the  Cholula  district,  but  they  use  a small  hutch 
of  adobe  to  dry  their  calabashes  in.  The  chicken  pies,  rab- 
bit pies,  etc.,  which  they  are  said  to  have  prepared  and 
eaten  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  were  only  tamales,  mush 
mixed  with  the  meat  of  the  animals  named.1  While,  to 
a casual  observer,  the  cookery  of  the  Mexican  Indian  some- 
times appears  much  more  advanced  than  that  of  the  New 
Mexican,  we  must  not  forget  that  in  such  cases  the  diet  is 
always  largely  made  up  of  Spanish  dishes,  only  of  rare  occur- 
rence, while  the  purely  Indian  food  remains  extremely  simple, 
even  on  festive  occasions. 

When  I was  measuring  the  so-called  Pyramid  of  Cholula, 
special  Church  festivals  were  celebrated  in  the  Mexicaltzinco 
quarter  of  the  city.  It  is  customary  for  the  principal  men  of 
the  ward  or  pueblo,  on  such  occasions,  to  entertain  the  people 
in  the  court  of  one  of  their  houses,  and  the  hijos  (sons,  — as 
they  call  them,  — or  children)  never  fail  to  appear  in  numbers. 
After  sunrise  they  file  into  the  court  and  squat  down  to  receive, 
each  one,  a cup  of  chocolate  and  four  little  loaves  of  wheat 
bread.  After  midday  they  return,  and  as  many  as  have  room 
squat  down  again  in  the  yard,  and  the  honored  proprietor  treats 
them  to  the  following  bill  of  fare : vermicelli  soup,  tortillas, 

1 I refer  to  Sahagun,  Hist.  General,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  xiii.  pp.  297-300. 
lie  distinguishes,  among  the  tamales,  between  simples  and  mcsclacios. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  14 1 


tamales,  beans,  wheat  bread,  and  molle  de guajolotc.  This  is  a 
very  ancient  custom,  and  the  menu  may  be  considered  a fair 
specimen  of  ancient  Indian  high  living,  with  vermicelli  soup 
and  wheat  bread  as  Spanish  additions.  But  the  molle  is  truly 
aboriginal,  and  consists  of  stewed  turkey  seasoned  with  red 
pepper.  All  things  considered,  the  food  of  the  Indians  of  Cho- 
lula  is  not  very  different  from  that  of  the  New  Mexican  abo- 
rigines,— not  even  from  that  of  the  Iroquois.  Apart  from  the 
chocolate  (which  is  a natural  product  unobtainable  at  the 
north),  its  ingredients  are  reduced  to  corn-meal,  beans,  cala- 
bashes (corresponding  to  the  northern  squash),  native  fowls  or 
game,  and  fruit.  The  fruit  itself  was  also  a foreign  importa- 
tion, as  long  as  no  pears  or  peaches  were  raised,  and  as  plan- 
tains do  not  grow  in  the  district.  The  Indians  never  cooked 
the  fruit.  My  Indian  boy  from  Mexicaltzinco,  Sixto  Garcia, 
at  the  end  of  every  week  begged  a medio  cents)  for  fruit 
( para  la  fruta).  The  habit  of  grinding  corn  well  soaked, 
of  making  out  of  it  thin  cakes  or  mush,  of  boiling  beans  and 
calabashes,  of  broiling  and  stewing  certain  kinds  of  meat, 
forms  the  substance  of  the  knowledge  of  cookery  which  they 
had  acquired  before  the  Conquest.  The  advance  they  had 
made  over  the  northern  Indians  is  reduced,  therefore,  to  the 
tamales,  a composition  of  mush,  meat,  pepper,  and  sometimes 
of  fruit  like  ahuacate,  or  even  the  exotic  banana,  and  to  a more 
perfect  and  varied  seasoning.  This  comes  from  a greater 
abundance  of  material.  Odoriferous  and  medicinal  herbs  are 
very  common,  and  many  of  these  are  eaten  uncooked.  Green 
and  red  pepper,  however,  always  has  been  the  main  spice. 
Salt  is  less  used,  as  it  was  anciently  an  object  of  importation.1 
The  tortillas  are  always  made  without  salt,  but  it  is  sometimes 
strewn  over  them  when  eaten  ; or  slices  of  ahuacate,  green  chile , 

1 Rojas,  Relation,  etc.,  MS.,  § 30:  “La  sal  que  en  esta  ciudad  se  gasta  es  de 
las  salinas  de  Axuchitlan,  que  es  veinte  leguas  de  aqui  . . .” 


142 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


etc.,  are  folded  or  rolled  up  in  the  soft  clastic  tortilla , making 
new  combinations  according  to  the  taste  of  the  eater. 

The  preparation  of  the  food  is  exclusively  the  woman’s 
work,  but  from  its  simplicity  it  does  not  occupy  much  of  her 
time.  She  has  to  grind  twice  a day,  — which  is  her  principal 
kitchen-work,  — for  the  tortillas  are  better  hot  than  cold,  and 
the  preparation  of  the  dough  is  immediately  followed  by  its 
toasting  on  the  comal,  or  platter.  If  she  has  a baby,  the  infant 
— while  the  mother  grinds  or  cooks  — is  suspended  from  the 
kitchen  roof  in  a square  wooden  box,  without  a cover,  either 
bundled  up  in  a zarape,  or  lying  naked  on  it;  and  when  the  ur- 
chin cries,  the  hanging  cradle  is  made  to  swing  by  a push  of  the 
hand.  When  not  cooking  or  grinding,  the  woman  mends  the 
scanty  clothing,  or  does  some  light  work  in  the  field,  or  man- 
ufactures something  for  sale  at  Cholula  or  Puebla.  Wealthier 
people  begin  to  furnish  the  sala  with  tables  or  chairs,  but  a 
bedstead  is  still  very  rare.  The  Mexican  Indians,  like  those  of 
New  Mexico,  sleep  on  the  floor  or  on  a few  boards  ( tarima ), 
wrapped  up  in  or  covered  by  a zarape.  The  bed  is  merely  a 
mat  ( petlatl ) ; when  the  family  rises  in  the  morning,  the  mats 
are  rolled  up  and  shoved  into  a corner.  The  Indian,  when 
travelling  on  foot,  often  takes  his  mat  along,  as  it  is  an  excel- 
lent protection  against  rain. 

Although  the  few  tables  and  chairs  of  an  Indian  family  are 
never  found  outside  of  the  sala,  still  I have  seen,  in  the  kitch- 
ens, low  stools  used  for  seats.  They  do  not  resemble,  except 
in  size,  the  little  three-legged  sitting-blocks  which  I often  used 
in  New  Mexico.  My  host  at  Cuauhtlantzinco  took  his  meals 
on  a small  table,  roughly  made,  about  060  metre  (2  feet)  high, 
and  he  sat  by  it  on  a stool  proportionately  low.  Nowhere 
have  I seen,  however,  the  scooped-out  icpalli  which  was  in  use 
at  the  period  of  the  Conquest,  and  is  still  found  in  the  New 
Mexican  pueblos. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  143 


The  most  conspicuous  piece  of  furniture  of  the  sala  is  the 
altar.  It  is  frequently  only  a wooden  shelf,  supporting  an 
image,  two  little  vases  with  flowers,  which  are  daily  renewed, 
and  other  little  trinkets  of  clay  or  wood.  Above  the  altar 
there  hangs  sometimes  a large  oil-painting  of  the  Virgin.  On 
festive  days,  wax  candles  are  burned  before  it.  There  are  a 
great  many  of  these  large-sized  paintings  in  the  State  of  Pue- 
bla,— some  of  them  not  badly  executed, — the  work  of  native 
artists.1  I have  also  seen  another  decoration,  which  occa- 

sionally is  found  in  the  kitchen.  The  smaller  jars,  pots, 
platters,  cups,  etc.,  of  the  household,  the  painted  xicaras  of 
Olinallan,  are  hung  very  symmetrically  upon  the  wall  opposite, 
which  is  also  adorned  with  flowers. 

In  the  storerooms  or  storehouses  are  kept  the  maize,  cala- 
bashes, beans,  and  pepper  sufficient  to  last  the  family  for  a 
season.  The  most  important  tool  is  the  spade,  which  is  now 
of  the  North  American  pattern,  although  they  still  have  an 
older  kind,  with  a broad  blade  fastened  to  a long  handle. 

Next  to  the  spade,  in  importance,  comes  the  machete,  now  a 
heavy  corn-knife,  making  a truly  fearful  weapon.  Still  I have 
not  found  the  machete  at  Cholula  in  as  common  use  as  in  lower 
districts.  A long  butcher-knife,  however,  is  carried  by  almost 
every  Indian.  Pocket-knives  are  scarce,  as  the  natives  seldom 
have  pockets,  but  carry  their  valuables  either  in  a small  leather 
bag  beneath  the  shirt,  or,  mostly,  in  the  scarf  wound  round 
their  loins. 

1 The  progress  of  art  can  be  traced  from  original  paintings  dating  from  before 
the  Conquest,  — of  which  the  Codice  Mendocino,  and  the  Vaticanus,  also  the  A 11- 
bin,  are  imitations,  — through  the  large  paintings,  of  which  each  smaller  sheet  is 
devoted  to  a special  subject,  found  in  the  Cholula  district,  down  to  the  religious 
pictures  after  European  models.  The  latter  are,  I presume,  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  and  later.  Those  paintings  in  the  Indian  villages,  like  the  Cidice  Cam- 
pos, the  Map  a de  Chalchihuapan,  the  Mapa  de  Tecuanipan,  etc.,  are  an  inter- 
mediate stage  between  the  aboriginal  and  the  later  pictures. 


144 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Hoes  are  not  as  common  as  I expected  to  find  them.  The 
women  sometimes  use  them  in  planting  beans  or  calabashes , 
but  generally  the  grains  are  covered  with  the  foot.  Formerly 
the  planting  was  done  exclusively  in  the  rising  moon. 

The  North  American  axe,  the  most  efficient  tool  ever  in- 
vented for  clearing  forests,  is  only  now  finding  its  way  into 
these  parts  of  Mexico  of  which  I am  treating.  The  narrow, 
thick  iron  wedge  called  by  that  name,  a relic  of  the  Old 
World,  predominates  here.  We  may  wonder  that  the  Mexi- 
cans did  not  sooner  begin  to  use  the  broad,  thin-bladed  imple- 
ment of  to-day  ; but  must  not  forget  that  Mexico  does  not 
furnish  such  occasion  for  its  use  as  the  United  States,  and 
that  where  tropical  forests  occur,  even  the  great  American 
axe  is  but  a useful  improvement,  and  not  an  absolute  relief  or 
remedy.  It  is  known  that  copper  axes  were  used  by  the 
Indians  previous  to  the  Conquest,  and  Dr.  Valcntini  has 
given  some  of  the  forms  of  such  ancient  implements  in  his 
paper  on  “Mexican  Copper  Tools.”1 

Saws  and  chisels  are  beginning  to  be  introduced,  but  all 
implements  of  iron,  of  whatever  kind,  must  always  be  con- 
sidered as  Spanish  importations,  or,  at  best,  as  improvements 
with  change  of  material  upon  a very  imperfect  aboriginal 
model. 

Most  of  the  out-door  labor  devolves  upon  the  men.  The 
Indian  is  an  early  riser,  starting  regularly  for  work  in  the  fields 
at  from  four  to  five  o’clock  in  the  morning,  rarely  as  late  as 
six,  and  taking  his  tortillas,  etc.  with  him  in  the  zarape ; and  he 
works  till  three  or  four  in  the  afternoon,  but  sometimes  only 
till  noon.2 

He  tills  the  soil  either  as  a day-laborer  or  as  proprietor 
to  a certain  extent,  but  he  also  appears  in  the  capacity  of  a 

J Proceedings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  April  30,  1879. 

2 Ilis  daily  wages  are:  as  farm-laborer,  25  to  31^  cents;  as  railroad-hand, 
50  cents  per  day. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  145 


renter ; but  as  the  plots  of  ground  worked  by  him  are  small, 
the  crops  raised  are  in  proportion.  Still,  as  provisions  are  not 
stored  for  more  than  one  season  in  advance,  enough  is  left  that 
may  be  sold. 

Little  traffic  takes  place  between  individuals  at  their  homes. 
The  custom  of  doing  everything  in  common,  that  does  not  per- 
tain strictly  to  domestic  life,  is  so  deeply  rooted  that  the  Indian 
and  his  wife  will  travel  to  market  with  a small  load  of  any 
sort  of  produce  strapped  to  their  backs,  or  saddled  on  their 
donkeys.  These  rudimentary  markets  are  held  in  almost 
every  pueblo  ; but  a regular  one  is  only  met  with  in  the  city  of 
Cholula,  in  which  every  kind  of  object  is  sold,  such  as  pottery, 
portable  clay  stoves,  ropes,  flowers,  trinkets,  cotton  goods, 
etc.  Maize,  wheat,  barley,  beans,  etc.,  are  also  sold  here ; 
and  the  old  custom  still  prevails  for  a government  official  (the 
Secretario  del  Ayuntamicnto)  to  furnish  the  measures,  and  from 
time  to  time  to  circulate  among  the  crowd  to  watch  that  no 
abuse  is  committed.1  This  gives  a very  clear  insight  into 
what  the  aboriginal  fairs  were  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest, 
and  reduces  the  exuberant  description  of  the  daily  markets  at 
Tenuchtitlan  to  a sober  level.2 


1 This  custom  is  related  by  Cortes,  Carta  Segunda,  p.  32  : “ Ilay  en  esta  gran 
plaza  una  buena  casa  como  de  audiencia,  donde  estan  siempre  sentados  diez  6 
doce  personas,  que  son  jueces  y libran  todos  los  casos  y cosas  que  en  el  dicho 
mcrcado  acaecen,  y mandan  castigar  los  delincuentes.  Ilay  en  la  dicha  plaza 
otras  personas  que  andan  continuo  entre  la  gente  mirando  lo  que  se  vende  y las 
medidas  con  que  miden  lo  que  venden,  y se  ha  visto  quebrar  alguna  que  estaba 
falsa.”  Bernal  Diez,  Ihstoria  Verdadera,  etc.,  cap.  xcii.  p.  89:  “Y  tenian  alii 
sus  casos,  donde  juzgaban  tres  juezes  y otro  como  alguaciles  ejecutores  que  mi- 
raban  las  mercaderias.”  This  relates  to  the  old  pueblo  of  Mexico,  but  the  mar- 
ket of  Cholula  forcibly  recalled  the  picture.  Cortes  also  says  that  they  had  no 
weights!  In  some  pueblos,  it  is  still  the  custom  in  many  tiendas  to  use  round 
stones  for  weights,  approximating  quantity  by  pebbles. 

2 Cortes,  Carta  Segunda,  p.  32,  speaks  of  streets  ( calles ) where  certain  articles 
were  sold  at  Tenuchtitlan.  These  streets  are  only  the  rows  of  people  sitting  or 
squatting  in  the  market-places,  between  whom  the  buyers  circulate.  Those  who 


10 


146 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


It  is  not  always  the  case  that  both  man  and  wife  go  to  mar- 
ket together.  But  there  is  not,  in  the  Mexican  Indian  house- 
hold, that  coarse  division  of  rights  and  duties  peculiar  to  other 
tribes  of  aborigines.  While  certain  branches  of  labor  still  per- 
tain exclusively  to  the  woman,  who  does  not  receive  from  the 
other  sex  the  help  regarded  among  ourselves  as  natural,  yet 
she  has  become,  since  the  Conquest,  enough  emancipated 
to  be  the  companion  of  man,  and  not  any  more  his  chief  tool 
and  first  chattel.1  This  is  seen  also  in  marital  life.  Perfect 
equality  in  social  standing  has  taken  the  place  of  a shy  relega- 
tion of  the  woman  to  the  kitchen  and  dormitory.  The  enforce- 
ment of  strict  monogamy  by  the  Church  has  officially  had  a 
powerful  influence.  I am  sorry  to  be  compelled  to  insist  upon 
the  term  official,  for  in  practice,  I heard  great  complaints 
about  looseness  in  intercourse.  But  even  such  looseness  is 
seldom  accompanied  by  brutal  treatment  of  the  weaker  by  the 
stronger  sex.  It  is  not  the  cold  indifference  of  the  New- 
Mexican  Pueblo  Indian,  who,  while  his  wife  and  daughter  freely 
mingle  in  social  gatherings  on  a footing  of  equality  with  him- 
self, yet  pays  little  attention  to  them  when  they  are  stricken 
down  by  sickness.  The  Indian  of  Cholula  is  not  ostensibly 
tender,  but  he  cares  for  his  wife  in  her  hours  of  need. 

There  is  marked  progress  to  be  seen,  for  instance,  since  the 
Conquest,  in  the  manner  of  attending  to  woman  while  in  child- 
birth. Then  the  attendants  on  women  were  females,  and  there 
was  not  the  care  of  a loving  husband,  equally  anxious  to  pre- 
serve his  wife  and  her  child,  but  only  that  of  the  kin,  desirous 
of  increasing  their  numbers  by  seeing  the  offspring  safely 
brought  into  the  world.  What  became  of  the  mother  after- 
sell the  same  things  generally  place  themselves  in  the  same  row.  The  portales 
and  booths  arc  very  simple  contrivances,  in  which  a mantle  ( quachtli ) plays  the 
chief  part. 

1 Social  Organization  and  Mode  of  Government,  pp.  609-613. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY. 


147 


wards  was  of  minor  importance.  Therefore,  whenever  any 
birth  was  exceedingly  difficult,  and  when  even  the  most  brutal 
remedies  were  of  no  avail,  the  suffering  mother  was  left  to  die 
alone.1  Such  cruelties  arc  not  any  longer  committed. 

The  child  is  left  solely  to  the  mother’s  care  ; and  there  is  no 
longer  that  separation  by  sexes,  practised  before  the  Conquest, 
which  placed  the  boy,  as  soon  as  he  was  able  to  strike  a blow, 
and  to  carry  anything,  under  the  exclusive  control  of  the  kin, 
in  order  to  make  a matt  out  of  him.2 

In  aboriginal  times,  both  sexes  kept  rather  aloof  from  each 
other  in  everything  connected  with  rejoicings.  While  unmar- 
ried, the  women  gathered  sometimes  jointly  with  the  men  in 
the  cuicalli  (house  of  the  song),3  but  this  has  a suspicious 
analogy  with  the  New  Mexican  cachina.  In  general,  dancing 
was  an  entirely  different  thing  then  from  what  it  is  now.  It 
was  not  so  much  a pastime  as  a religious  ceremony,  and 
women,  as  minors,  played  but  a very  subordinate  role.  I have 
not  been  able  to  find  any  aboriginal  dances  in  the  whole  Cho- 

1 Sahagun,  Ilistoria  General , etc.,  vol.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  xxix.  p.  186:  “ Y si  por 
ventura  los  padres  de  la  paciente  no  permitian  que  despedazase  la  criatura,  la 
partera  la  cerraba  muy  bien  la  puerta  de  la  camara  donde  estaba;  y la  dejaba 
sola;  y si  esta  moria  de  parto  llamabanla  mocioaquezquc,  que  quiere  deeir 
mugcr  valiente.” 

Compare  the  well-known  pictures  of  the  Codice  Mendocino,  Plates  lviii.  to 
Ixii.  inclusive:  also,  Art  of  War  and  Mode  of  Warfare,  pp.  100  and  101,  and 
Social  Organization,  etc.,  pp.  616-618. 

3 Sahagun,  Ilistoria  General,  etc.,  lib.  viii.  cap.  xvii.  p.  305  : “ Y cada  dia  d la 
puesta  del  sol,  tenian  por  costumbre  de  ir  desnudos  a la  dicha  casa  de  cuicalli, 
para  cantar  y bailar.”  This  custom  of  dancing  naked  recalls  forcibly  the  Cac/iinas 
of  New  Mexico.  The  matter  is  placed  in  a worse  light  by  Tczozomoc,  Crimea, 
etc.,  cap.  xviii.  p.278:  “A  demandarles  sus  hijasy  hermanas  para  que  canten 
cn  cl  lugar  de  los  cantares,  de  dia  y de  noche  que  llaman  cuicuyan.”  Ib.,  pp. 
279,,  2S0  : “ Asi  mismo  habia  casa  de  canto  de  mugercs  que  cantaban  y bailaban, 
y aun  se  hacia  alii  gran  ofensa  a Nuestro-Senor,  que  comenzando  el  canto  y bade 
y como  era  de  noche,  y los  maesos  estaban  bebiendo  y ellas  tambien,  venian  dcs- 
pucs  al  efecto  con  actos  carnales,  y disoluciones,  que  morian  las  mugercs  por  no 
dejar  este  vicio  y pecado ; llaman  a esta  tal  caca  cuicoyan,  6 alegria  grande  de 
las  mugcres.” 


1 48  ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 

lula  district,  unless  it  be  at  Santiago  Xalitzintla.  There,  as  I 
was  told,  in  the  month  of  July  a Church  festival  is  celebrated, 
and  during  the  day  masked  Indians  appear  in  the  plaza,  shout- 
ing like  Apaches.  (The  term  Apache,  in  the  interior  of 
Mexico,  is  synonymous  with  anything  wild  or  fierce.)  On 
the  day  of  the  Carnival  a dance  is  performed  which  they  call 
huehuetque  (old  or  ancient).  I did  not  happen  to  see  it,  but 
was  told  that  there  is,  as  in  New  Mexico,  a female  solo 
dancer,  called  the  malinche.  This  would  militate  against  the 
assumption  of  its  being  aboriginal.  The  malinche  wears  no 
head-dress,  as  in  Cochitf  ; she  dresses  in  an  embroidered  white 
skirt  and  chemise,  and,  while  the  other  dancers  are  all  masked, 
she  has  her  face  bare,  and  one  of  her  performances  consists  in 
making  a doll  bounce  on  a rcboso.  This  feat  is  not  new,  as 
appears  by  the  following  extract  translated  from  Father  Ber- 
nardino Ribeira,  called  Sahagun  : “ The  necromancer  before 
mentioned  performed  another  trick.  He  sat  down  in  the 
market  of  Tianquiztli,  calling  himself  Tlacavepan,  or  also 
Acexcoch,  and  caused  a very  small  boy  (tin  viuchachuclo)  to 
dance  on  the  palm  of  his  hand.”  The  historian  is  alluding, 
not  to  what  occurred  at  his  time,  but  to  a very  old  tradi- 
tion.1 But  I certainly  do  not  draw  the  conclusion  on  account 
of  it  that  the  doings  of  the  malinche  are  only  reminiscences 
of  a long-gone  past,  any  more  than  I should  feel  justified  in 
connecting  the  toy-monkeys  sold  in  the  streets  of  Mexico  and 
elsewhere,  climbing  up  or  riding  along  a string,  with  the  doll 
dancing  on  the  malinche’s  reboso.  Still  there  is  an  undisputa- 
blc  analogy  between  these  things. 

The  other  dances  generally  performed  are  exclusively  Span- 
ish, or  at  least  so  mixed  that  the  Indian  element  is  hard  to 
discriminate.  The  Tlaxcaltcco 2 bears  an  aboriginal  name, 

1 Historia  General,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  ix.  pp.  252,  253. 

2 This  custom  of  naming  the  dances  after  tribes  is  ancient.  Thus  Sahagun, 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  149 


but  has  a decidedly  Spanish  music.  The  Mcxicano  and  the 
Poblano  are  what  their  names  indicate  ; so  is  the  yarabe.  The 
latter  is  generally  danced  by  one  or  two  pairs,  sometimes  on  a 
low  platform  of  boards,  in  order  to  produce  a rattling  noise. 
The  name  forcibly  recalls  the  Haravies  of  Peru.1  Jarabe,  in 
Spanish,  signifies  syrup.  I shall  not  venture  a definition  of  the 
word  designating  the  dance,  but  it  is  certainly  not  Nahuatl. 

The  music  or  tune  of  these  dances  is  rendered  in  a precise, 
correct,  and  expressive  manner  by  the  aborigines.  Three 
classes  of  musical  instruments  are  found  in  the  district : — 

1.  Modern  ones,  of  European  invention  and  importation,  or 
manufactured  in  Mexico. 

2.  Ancient  types  still  in  use  and  often  of  recent  construc- 
tion. 

3.  Old  aboriginal  instruments,  now  disused  but  still  pre- 
served as  relics. 

To  the  latter  may  be  added  the  clay  flutes  and  the  perfo- 
rated conch-shells,  still  occasionally  met  with  about  the  Great 
Pyramid. 

I have  found  many  Indians  capable  of  writing  music,  but 
while  I offered  liberal  pay,  could  not  induce  them  to  copy  for 
me  a single  piece.  The  songs  of  the  pueblos  of  New  Mexico 
are,  like  those  of  the  northern  Indians  in  general,  a mixture 
of  monotonous  recitative  and  rhythmic  whoops,  without  any 
pretension  to  either  harmony  or  melody.  But  the  Mexican 
Indian,  while  playing  a song  with  pleasing  accuracy,  and  even 
with  feeling,  on  one  of  his  instruments,  will  at  the  same 
time  scream  it  in  the  most  atrocious  manner. 

Ilistoria,  lib.  viii.  cap.  xx.  pp.  30S,  309,  mentions  the  Uexotzincaiutl,  or  the  Ana- 
oacaiutl , and  the  Cuextecaiutl,  etc. 

1 The  Haravies,  or  Haravicus , of  the  Ynca,  but  it  evidently  designates  a singer. 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  Histoire  des  Yncas  rois  du  Perou  (a  French  translation  by 
Ilaudouin  of  the  celebrated  Comentarios  Reales ),  1704,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xxvii.  pp.  216- 
218.  It  has  been,  like  everything  else  relating  to  the  Indians,  greatly  expanded 
and  correspondingly  distorted. 


150  ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 

The  musical  instruments  which,  while  still  in  use  in  Mexico, 
are  known  to  antedate  the  Conquest,  are  but  three  in  number, 
one  of  which  is  already  falling  into  oblivion.  It  is  the  tozacatl 
(sounding-cane),  described  to  me  as  a long  cane,  bent  round 
like  an  Alpine  horn.  I never  saw  one,  but  its  sound  is  said 
to  be  a sonorous  bellowing.  The  other  is  the  chirimia.  It  is 
made  of  dark  brown  wood,  called  tepehuaje , brought  to  Cho- 
lula  from  Matamoros-Yzucar,  or  near  Atlixco.  Its  length  is 
0.46  metre  (about  18  inches),  and  its  width  at  the  mouth  is 
0.06  metre  (about  3 inches).  It  has  eleven  holes,  irregularly 
arranged,  and  the  mouthpiece  is  a thin  plate  of  horn  on  a 
stem  of  brass.  The  noise  produced  by  this  instrument  is 
a fit  accompaniment  to  the  shrill  Indian  voices,  being  horri- 
ble beyond  all  description.  Nevertheless,  the  aborigines  play 
it  rhythmically  very  well,  and  feel  as  pleased  with  its  heart- 
rending shrieks  as  with  the  softest  and  most  silvery  tones  of 
a flute.  The  name  chirimia  is  Spanish,  and  signifies  haut- 
boy. But,  while  the  present  wooden  instrument  is  evidently 
only  the  Spanish  (or  European)  hautboy,  there  is  a still  older 
type,  made  of  clay,  occasionally  exhumed  about  Cholula,  much 
smaller  than  the  chirimia,  to  whose  affinity  with  the  older 
type  is  due  the  hold  it  has  preserved  on  the  affections  of  the 
natives.  The  chirimia  is  the  most  popular  Indian  noise-maker, 
together  with  the  big  drum,  or  tlapan-huehnctl,  erroneously 
called  tcponaztli.  It  is  a hollow  drum,  three-legged,  made  like 
a cylindrical  barrel,  with  staves  firmly  jointed  and  glued,  and 
covered  at  the  upper  end  with  a piece  of  tanned  leather. 
The  usual  height  of  this  is  0.76  metre  (30  inches)  ; its  di- 
ameter 0.45  metre  (18  inches);  the  legs  are  0.07  metre  (3 
inches)  high  ; and  the  thickness  of  the  wood,  which  is  pine,  is 
0.02  metre  (0.8  of  an  inch).  It  is  beaten  with  two  drum-sticks 
( tlaxixtli ) 0.34  metre  (14  inches)  long,  having  an  elliptical 
head  covered  with  deer-skin.  I have  seen  larger  examples, 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  I 5 I 


but  never  smaller.  The  one  copied  was  rather  newly  made, 
but  the  instrument  is  well  known  to  have  been  in  existence  at 
the  time  of  the  Conquest.  It  is  interesting  to  compare  its  pres- 
ent shape  with  the  pictures  found  in  older  paintings.  Thus, 

a,  Plate  XI.  Fig.  4,  is  copied  from  Fray  Diego  Duran;1 

b,  from  the  Codice  Aubin.2  Duran,  as  well  as  Tobar,  de- 
picts the  tlapan-hiiehnetl  as  beaten  with  the  hands,  and  it  was 
formerly  made  out  of  the  trunk  of  a tree  properly  hollowed, 
over  which,  at  one  end,  a deer-skin  or  some  other  dried  hide 
was  stretched.  All  the  older  authors  make  more  or  less  men- 
tion of  this  instrument,  but  more  particularly  Bernal  Diez  de 
Castillo,  who  says,  when  describing  the  upper  platform  of  the 
principal  mounds  of  worship  of  Mexico,  “ And  there  they  had 
an  exceedingly  large  drum,  which,  when  beaten,  gave  a sound 
as  if  from  the  infernal  regions,  which  was  heard  at  more  than 
two  leagues  off,  and  they  said  that  the  skin  was  that  of  large 
snakes.”3  I can  testify  to  the  fact,  that,  in  the  dry  and  thin 
atmosphere,  the  beating  of  the  tlapan-huehiietl  is  heard  at 
surprisingly  great  distances. 

This  drum  was  exclusively  employed  for  religious  purposes, 
among  which  I include  the  dances.  Every  festival  day  the 
instrument  is  placed  in  front  of  the  church,  and  is  beaten  at 
intervals  for  hours,  the  noise  made  being  very  similar  to  that 
produced  by  beating  carpets. 

The  majority  of  the  people  call  the  big  drum  teponaztU. 
This  is  a mistake,  as  the  latter  is  almost  the  only  representa- 
tive of  the  third  class  of  musical  instruments  enumerated  ; 
those  which,  although  they  have  been  in  use  after  the  Con- 
quest, are  now  abandoned,  and  are  only  preserved  as  relics  of 
days  long  gone  by. 

The  true  teponaztle,  represented  on  Plate  XI.  Fig.  5,  repre- 


1 Lam.  19,  cap.  iiv.  vol.  i. 

3 Hist.  Vcrdadera , etc.,  cap.  xcii.  pp.  90,  91. 


2 Page  81. 


*52 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


sents  a plain  instrument  which  I found  in  possession  of  Don 
Antonio  Canto,  at  the  pueblo  of  Calpan.  The  two  tongues 
(Figs,  a and  b)  are  each  beaten  with  a little  stick,  and  the 
vibrations  produce  two  different  sounds,  which,  on  account  of 
the  hardness  of  the  wood,  have  even  something  metallic  in 
their  tones.  In  the  Calpan  instrument,  a has  the  higher, 
b the  lower  tone,  and  it  will  be  noticed  that  a is  indeed 
0.005  metre  shorter  than  b.  There  seems  to  have  been  no 
thought  taken  in  regard  to  the  thickness  of  the  tongues  them- 
selves, and  the  whole  work  shows  that  acoustics  among  the 
Mexican  Indians  were  on  no  higher  level  than  the  other 
branches  of  knowledge.  It  is  evident  that  the  teponaztle  was 
beaten  while  in  a horizontal  position.  Not  only  do  we  have 
written  statements  to  that  effect,  but  Fig.  6,  Plate  XL, 
taken  from  the  work  of  Duran,1  gives  an  idea  of  how  the 
larger  instruments  of  this  sort  were  supported.  But  I also 
saw,  in  possession  of  Sr.  A.  Chavero,  a smaller  teponaztU, 
which  had  evidently  been  suspended  to  the  neck  of  the  player. 
According  to  some  authors,  this  little  drum  was  used  in  battle 
by  the  war-captain,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  signals. 

Among  the  relics  of  former  times  which  are  sometimes 
exhumed  at  or  about  Cholula,  there  occur  other  musical  instru- 
ments now  altogether  disused,  but  which  I shall  mention  again 
hereafter.  Such  are  conch-shells,  some  of  which  I have  seen 
of  very  large  size,  and  with  a number  of  holes  in  their  lower 
volute,  of  which  a specimen  is  now  in  the  Peabody  Museum, 
as  also  a small  clay  whistle  or  flute. 

While  passing  once,  in  the  month  of  July,  through  the  pue- 
blo of  Santiago  Momozpa,  near  Cholula,  I witnessed  a singu- 
lar celebration.  In  front  of  the  church  most  of  the  viozos,  or 
able  bodied  men,  of  the  village  were  congregated,  and  a kind 
of  military  rehearsal  was  going  on  under  the  leadership  of  one 


1 Lam.  19,  cap.  liv.  vol.  i. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  153 


of  their  principal  men.  I could  not  regard  the  whole  festivity 
as  anything  else  than  a comical  drill,  — a burlesque;  still  it 
forcibly  recalled  to  me  la  funcion  del  caballito , so  popular 
among  the  New  Mexican  pueblos.  It  is  evidently  of  Spanish 
origin,  and  it  may  be  a relic  of  the  dramatic  performances 
which  were  introduced  by  the  Spaniards  among  the  Indians, 
after  the  Conquest,  to  promote  their  education. 

There  is  a peculiar  attraction  in  the  study  of  such  customs 
as  these.  The  festivals  of  the  aborigines  in  the  district  of 
Cholula  reveal  a double  organization,  based  upon  different 
principles,  for  their  civil  affairs,  and  for  their  church  matters. 

I have  already  related  the  custom  of  the  principales  of  the 
pueblo  or  barrio  feasting  the  people  on  certain  days.  Upon 
inquiring  into  the  nature  of  the  dignity  of  principal  man,  I 
was  told  a different  tale  from  that  related  in  New  Mexico. 
There,  any  one  who  has  once  been  elected  to  the  dignity  of 
governor,  or  war-captain,  is  thenceforward  regarded  as  be- 
lortging  to  the  principales  ; here,  one  becomes  a principal  man 
through  his  connection  with  the  Church.  Rich  people  who 
bind  themselves  to  work  for  the  Church  become  principales. 
This  is  the  concise  definition  which  the  Indians  themselves 
have  given  to  me  of  that  office.  It  is  evidently  not  hered- 
itary, and  looks  very  much  like  an  ancient  custom,  a relic  of 
primitive  social  organization  which  passed  into  church  usa- 
ges. These,  who  become  principal  men  through  merit,  with- 
out thereby  gaining  any  other  benefit  than  that  of  reputation, 
are  the  last  echo  of  the  Icquihua,  the  cuauhchimccs,  the  otomies 
of  the  tribes  before  the  Conquest.1  After  that  event,  the  war 
titles  were  taken  away  from  the  people,  because  only  the  hab- 
its of  peace  were  allowed ; but  the  custom  remained  of  confer- 
ring honorary  titles  as  a sole  reward  of  merit,  and  the  Church 
became  the  channel  through  which  they  could  be  obtained. 

1 Art  of  War  and  Mode  of  Warfare,  p.  117.  This  title  also  corresponds  to  the 
Tecutli,  or  common  chief.  Social  Organization , etc.,  pp.  641-643. 


154 


A RCHsEOL  OGICA  L INSTITUTE. 


The  military  organization  of  the  natives  fell  into  gradual 
disuse  after  the  Conquest  through  its  having  become  super- 
fluous. Outside  enemies  did  not  affect  the  centre,  and  the 
tribes  of  the  centre  were  no  longer  allowed  to  make  war  upon 
each  other.  Still  there  existed,  as  late  as  1587,  a war-captain 
( capitan  de  la  guerra)  of  Cholula.  That  officer  was  at  the 
same  time  alcalde  (justice).1  It  is  probable  that,  under  the 
influence  of  two  centuries  of  constant  peace,  the  latter  office 
prevailed,  and  the  war-captain  completely  disappeared.  When 
the  uprisings  against  Spain  began,  in  1810,  the  primitive 
organization  had  been  forgotten,  and  at  that  time,  and  ever 
since,  the  modern  system  of  recruiting  and  volunteering  has 
prevailed. 

The  blending  of  military  offices  with  those  of  a judicial 
and  executive  character,  though  originally  peculiar  to  Indian 
organization  in  Mexico,  is  shown  to  be  still  in  existence  in  a 
document  of  the  year  1566.  That  paper,  which  is  an  act 
of  division  of  lands  between  the  settlements  scattered  along 
the  eastern  base  of  the  volcanoes,  mentions  the  butcher  (cl 
carnicero )2  as  the  officer  to  whom  the  publication  or  promulga- 
tion of  a certain  meeting’s  resolutions  was  intrusted.  That 
officer  was  evidently  the  “ cutter  of  men  ” (tlacatccatl),  or  one 
of  the  chief  war-captains. 

While  such  titles  as  were  of  a military  nature  have  of  course 
disappeared,  there  are  still  relics  left  of  aboriginal  designations 
among  the  present  civil  officers  of  the  pueblos.  Thus,  the 
officers  and  principals  are  called  in  general  tiachcauh.  Else- 
where I have  stated  that  this  term,  which  means  elder  brother,3 
was  formerly  used  to  designate  the  military  leaders  of  the  cal- 
pidli,  or  localized  kins.  The  constables,  or  algnazils,  bear  the 

1 Merced  de  Cuauhtlantzinco , MS.  “ Domingo  Gonzalez,  Alcalde  Mayor  y 
Capitan  de  la  Guerra  de  la  Provincia  de  Cholula.” 

2 Junta  de  San  Nicolas,  etc.,  MS. 

3 Art  of  IVar,  etc.,  p.  119. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  155 

native  title  of  topilcs  {topilli,  staff-bearers),  from  the  staffs  of 
office  (often  silver-headed)  which  they  carry.  But  they  are 
also  sometimes  called  teopixqui. 1 

It  becomes  interesting  to  compare  the  character  of  the 
present  Indian  with  the  description  of  him  at  the  time  of  the 
Conquest.  It  has  been  insisted  that  a strong  contrast  then 
existed  between  the  quietness  of  the  native  in  daily  inter- 
course, and  his  ferocity  in  warfare  and  in  religious  sacrifice. 
I have  elsewhere  explained  that  this  contrast  is  merely  appar- 
ent.2 The  Indian  now  is  generally  polite ; that  is,  he  uses, 
after  the  Spanish  fashion,  forms  of  outward  politeness  to  keep 
you  at  a distance ; but  he  is  frank  only  in  church  matters,  and 
wherever  he  is  perfectly  convinced  that  no  possible  harm  may 
result  to  him  from  such  frankness.  In  everything  pertaining 
to  his  private  affairs  he  is  extremely  reticent,  and  sometimes 
will  hardly  speak  with  sincerity  even  to  the  priest.  The  same 
thing  is  true  in  regard  to  the  affairs  of  his  pueblo.  Never 
could  I induce  any  one  of  the  various  municipal  authorities  to 
show  me  the  original  grants  of  their  lands.  In  some  places 
they  refused  ; in  others  they  promised,  but  kept  on  promising 
till  it  was  too  late,  and  I could  stay  no  longer.  Then  I was 
bowed  out  with  many  professions  of  deepest  regret  at  not 
having  attained  my  object. 

The  difficulty  attending  the  consultation  of  any  documents 
in  the  hands  of  Indians  is  universal,  and  results  from  their 
superstitious  regard  for  writings  on  paper,  and  consequently 
their  overestimate  of  the  value  of  such  writings.  Although 
a great  many  Indians  can  read  and  write,  and  the  municipal 
authorities  themselves  would  be  disposed  to  favor  the  request 
of  a well-recommended  student  to  pursue  his  researches  among 
the  archives,  the  bulk  of  the  people  watch  with  the  utmost 

1 The  word  Topilli  is  also  old.  Teopixqui  means  “messenger  of  God.” 

2 Social  Organization , etc.,  p.  624. 


156  ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 

jealousy  over  their  old  papers.  It  is  true,  that  from  the  time 
of  the  Conquest  down,  the  importance  of  clinging  to  the  titles 
which  they  received  from  the  Spanish  crown,  as  a defence 
against  encroachments  by  private  settlers,  was  constantly  im- 
pressed upon  the  minds  of  the  Indians  by  the  clergy  as  well 
as  by  honest  government  officials,  so  that  finally  an  almost 
superstitious  importance  was  given  not  so  much  to  the  con- 
tents as  to  the  paper  itself.  But  the  reluctance  with  which 
the  Indian  permits  even  a copy  to  be  taken  in  his  own  pres- 
ence has  at  its  bottom  an  older  idea ; that  is,  the  fear  lest  the 
power  vested  in  the  original  may  be  taken  away  and  trans- 
ferred to  the  copy,  and  that  the  latter  may  become  a weapon 
against  the  owner.  This  is  a very  old  superstition,  which  I 
found  existing  to  a still  stronger  degree  among  the  New  Mex- 
ican pueblos.  I do  not  hesitate  to  regard  it  — though  it  is  of 
course  found  in  many  other  countries  and  on  other  continents 
— as  having  existed,  under  some  different  shape,  in  Mexico 
before  the  Conquest,  and  as  having  been  since  strengthened 
by  the  importance  which  became  attached  to  written  docu- 
ments, and  to  their  possession. 

If  it  is  not  without  difficulty  that  we  can  succeed  in  sepa- 
rating the  relics  of  aboriginal  times  at  Cholula  from  those 
which  post-date  the  Conquest,  in  the  matter  of  customs  and 
house  life,  this  becomes  equally  difficult  in  that  of  popular 
superstitions.  I have  already  mentioned  the  secret  worship 
of  stone  statues  in  the  caves  contained  in  the  crest  that  runs 
from  the  Popoca-tapetl  northward  to  the  Yztac-cihuatl.  A 
similar  cult  is  observed  in  the  monte  of  the  great  volcano,  on 
its  southeastern  slope.  The  Indian  selects  All-Saints  day  for 
his  purpose,  and  spreads  before  one  of  his  uncouth  statues  a 
mat,  on  which  he  places  a bottle  of  pulque  or  aguardiente,  some 
tortillas,  and  paper.  My  informants  could  not  state  whether 
the  paper  is  burnt  or  not.  This  custom,  though  it  savors  some- 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  157 


what  of  antiquity,  still  bears  the  stamp  of  a Church  ceremony 
carried  to  excess,  and  consequently  prohibited  and  still  prac- 
tised in  secret.  There  is,  at  all  events,  a mixture  of  the  two, 
and  it  becomes  very  difficult  to  determine  how  much  of  it 
belongs  to  one,  and  how  much  to  the  other.  Even  the  use  of 
copal  for  incense  on  such  occasions  is  not  strictly  evidence  of 
an  aboriginal  practice.  There  is  more  of  this  to  be  seen  in 
the  usages  which  are  still  sometimes  observed  at  burials.  If 
they  think  the  officiating  priest  does  not  notice,  the  mother 
will  hide  a little  jar  with  human  milk  or  tortillas  in  the  grave 
of  her  child,  and,  if  questioned,  she  will  confess  that  she 
believes  the  soul  needs  some  nourishment  until  it  reaches 
heaven.1 

To  discriminate  between  ancient  and  modern  ideas  in 
regard  to  spectral  apparitions  and  witchcraft  is  also  a very 
intricate  task.  I am  inclined  to  believe,  however,  that  the 
phantom  of  the  “dead  man  ” (Miquiztli),  whose  nocturnal  sobs 
they  occasionally  profess  to  hear,  antedates  the  Conquest, 
and  is  in  fact  the  “white  woman”  (Yztaccihuatl,  or  Cihua- 
cohuatl,  of  many  authors),  also  called  the  “weeper”  (Llordna, 
Spanish).2  But  the  belief  in  witches  has  a great  many  points 
of  resemblance  also  to  the  tales  circulating  throughout  Eu- 
rope in  the  seventeenth  century.  There  is  much  more  of  a 

1 Not  only  is  this  done,  but  if  the  deceased  be  a girl,  a rod  (“vara  de  mem- 
brillo  ”)  is  placed  by  the  body,  that  she  may  defend  herself  from  the  monsters 
which  threaten  her  on  the  road  to  paradise.  That  this  is  an  old  pagan  custom 
is  seen  from  Torquemada,  Monarchia , etc.,  lib.  xiii.  cap.  xlvii.  p.  527. 

2 Sahagun,  Historia,  etc.,  lib.  v.  cap.  xiii.  p.  17:  “ Otra  manera  de  fantasma 
aparecia  de  noche,  que  era  como  un  difunto  tendido,  amortajado,  y estaba  que- 
jandose  y gimiendo.”  Id.,  lib.  xii.  cap.  i.  p.  4 : “ La  sesta  serial,  6 pronostico 
fue,  que  se  oy6  de  noche  en  el  aire  una  voz  de  una  muger  que  decia : O hijos 
mios,  ya  nos  perdemos ! algunas  veces  decia  : O hijos  mios,  adonde  os  llevare  ? ” 
Tezozomoc,  Crinica,  etc.,  cap.  cvi.  p.  682:  “ Y que  tengan  gran  cuenta  de  oir 
de  noche,  si  anda  la  mujer  que  llama  el  vulgo  Cihuacohuatl,  y que  cs  lo  que 
Uora.”  — Torquemada,  Monarchia,  etc.,  lib.  vi.  cap.  xxxi.  p.  61. 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


153 

purely  aboriginal  character  in  some  of  their  ideas  about  sorcer- 
ers which  still  exist.  The  same  stories  about  their  changing 
themselves  into  animal  forms  at  pleasure,  which  are  found 
in  the  older  authors  on  Mexico,  still  circulate  now.  But  the 
sorcerer  is  especially  the  medicine-man  of  the  natives.  Rarely 
does  an  Indian  apply  to  a regular  physician,  unless  in  excep- 
tional or  in  surgical  cases.  For  ordinary  diseases  he  cures 
himself  with  the  juice  of  one  of  the  numerous  medicinal 
plants  growing  about  his  home,  which  the  medicine-man 
gathers  and  prepares  for  him,  or  which  he  may  prepare  him- 
self. Even  for  a snake-bite  (which  is  of  rare  occurrence),  the 
old  method  of  pricking  about  the  wound  with  an  awl  made  of 
deer  prongs  is  still  sometimes  used.  Not  only  the  medicine- 
man or  sorcerer,  but  a large  proportion  of  the  medicines  used, 
are  relics  of  aboriginal  times. 

The  native  method  of  curing  disease  has  been  transmitted 
by  means  of  a structure  to  be  found  in  almost  every  village. 
Frequently  there  are  even  several  in  one  and  the  same  pueblo. 
This  is  the  vapor-bath  (Temazcalli),  the  side-view  and  ground- 
plan  of  one  of  which  (now  at  the  pueblo  of  San  Bernardino 
Chalchihuapan)  are  given  in  Figs.  2 and  3 of  Plate  XI. 
The  arrangements  of  the  bath  are  evident  from  the  plan. 
After  the  water  in  the  jar  at  a has  been  boiling  and  steaming 
for  some  time,  the  patient  enters  the  cupola  through  the  pas- 
sage, which  afterwards  is  partially  closed,  so  as  to  admit  a 
sufficient  supply  of  air  with  the  steam.  From  time  to  time 
bowls  of  steaming  water  are  handed  in  to  the  bather.  In  this 
vapor-bath  sometimes  twelve  hours  are  spent,  to  which  there 
generally  succeeds  an  immersion  in  cold  water.  The  Temazcalli 
is  therefore  used  not  only  for  cleanliness,  but  also  for  skin 
diseases,  to  which,  for  various  reasons,  the  Indians  are  greatly 
subject.  The  Mexican  Temazcalli  is  at  present  constructed 
of  stone  or  of  burnt  brick,  but  I have  also  seen  it  of  adobe; 


PLATE  XI. 


OHO 


■os|xa^  sf  a;J7\j?p  °P^'3  1 


LT: 


X.jqOnJ  ^ 071J4S1Q; 


W O 


T>  _ 


9 < 


- 0 


« ^-4j  - 


Map  of  the  District  of  Cholula.  Details. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  159 


but  nowhere  could  I find  an  example  which  gave  any  clue  to 
the  shape  of  this  “sweat-house”  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest. 
I saw  a representation  of  one  on  an  Indian  painting  of  the 
sixteenth  century  at  Cuauhtlantzinco,  but  was  not  allowed  to 
copy  it.  From  its  analogy,  however,  to  the  “sweat-house” 
for  men  among  more  northern  tribes,  I should  infer  that  its 
shape  was  like  that,  but  probably  less  convex,  and  made  of 
different  material.  At  all  events,  the  Temazcalli  is  per- 
haps the  only  vestige  of  an  architectural  character  in  the 
district  of  Cholula  which  still  recalls  both  the  house  life 
and  medical  practices  of  the  aborigines  at  the  time  of  the 
Conquest. 

In  the  foregoing  sketch  of  some  of  the  manners  and  cus- 
toms of  the  aborigines  of  Cholula  I have  endeavored  to  show, 
in  every  instance,  not  only  their  present  condition,  but  also 
what  part  of  that  condition  may  be  the  result  of  foreign 
influence  since  the  Conquest,  and  at  the  same  time  of  natural 
progress,  leaving  in  many  instances  certain  features  which 
can  be  applied  to  the  reconstruction  of  aboriginal  life  as  it 
was  when  the  Spaniards  first  saw  it  in  1519.  I cannot  lay 
claim  to  a full  reconstruction  of  every  feature  of  the  district, 
but  will  at  least  attempt  to  give  a general  idea  of  what  abo- 
riginal Cholula  really  was. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  plain  of  Cholula,  at  the 
time  of  the  Conquest,  was  occupied  by  a tribe  of  Nahuatl- 
speaking  village  Indians,  which  was  not  only  autonomous,  but 
absolutely  independent.  It  was  not  subject  to  pay  tribute  to 
any  other  group  of  aborigines,  and  had  no  permanent  alli- 
ances obliging  it  to  assist  neighbors. 

The  territory  held  by  the  tribe  had  no  definite  boundary 
except  to  the  north,  where,  for  an  extent  of  about  twelve 
kilometres  (seven  miles)  the  Rio  Atoyac  formed  a dividing 
line  between  Cholula  at  the  south  and  Tlaxcala  in  the  north. 


i6o 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


In  the  west  the  ranges  of  Huexotzinco  and  Cholula  met,  run- 
ning parallel  to  each  other  to  the  south-southwest  into  the 
pleasant  valley  of  Atlixco,1  where  both  terminated ; and  the 
southern  limit  was  equally  indefinite.  It  is  probable,  how- 
ever, that  the  present  Rio  de  los  Molinos  was  another  of 
these  natural  boundaries,  but  not  the  Rio  Atoyac  in  the  east. 
The  unoccupied  region  on  which  Tuebla  now  stands  was 
regarded  as  belonging  to  the  tribe  of  Cholula,  and  the  east- 
ern portions  of  its  territory  extended  even  still  farther.  The 
“range”  (for  territory  or  domain  it  cannot  be  properly 
called)  of  Cholula,  therefore,  touched  the  range  of  Tlaxcala  in 
the  north,  that  of  Huexotzinco  in  the  west,  Ouauhquechollan, 
or  Atlixco,  in  the  southwest,  waste  lands  in  the  south,  and 
in  the  southeast  Teccalli  and  Tecamachalco.  The  situa- 
tion of  Cholula  was  an  almost  ideal  tribal  area,  with  its  con- 
fines in  the  south  and  east  completely  uninhabited,  while  the 
central  and  northern  parts  formed  the  inhabited  sections. 

We  have  no  definite  statement  concerning  the  numbers  of 
population.  The  descriptions  of  the  conquerors  cannot  be 
taken  as  facts,  only  as  the  expression  of  feelings,  honestly 
entertained,  but  uncritical.  The  most  circumstantial  of  the 

1 Besides  the  fact,  that  Calpan  and  S.  Nicolas  de  los  Ranchos  belonged  until 
within  a few  years  to  Huexotzinco,  we  have  documentary  proof  from  the  “ Ar- 
chivo  General  ” : — 

\ ol.  iii.  fol.  353-  Petition  de  los  Indios  de  Cholula , for  land  in  Atlixco.  15^1. 

Vol.  xv.  fol.  18.  Merced  A Juan  del  Castillo , proving  that  the  Range  of  Cal- 
pan extended  to  the  road  from  Cuaco  to  San  Baltasar.  1589. 

Vol.  xxii.  fol.  ill.  Merced  a Antonio  Ordaz.  The  “ranchos”  of  Santiago 
and  S.  Nicolas  “ cn  terminos  del  pueblo  de  Calpa.” 

Vol.  xxiii.  fol.  12S.  Merced  A Benito  Sandianior,  “ en  terminos  de  la  ciudad 
de  Cholula  cerca  del  pueblo  de  San  Buenaventura  subjecto  al  pueblo  de  Cal- 
pan.” This  is  very  positive. 

Vol.  xxiii.  fol.  1 7 1.  Merced  A Juan  Centellas.  In  the  district  of  Calpan,  “cn  el 
pago  de  San  Benito.” 

All  these  data,  and  others  which  I forbear  quoting  here,  are  positive  enough  to 
warrant  my  construction  of  the  map  of  Cholula  in  1519. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  A AD  ITS  VICINITY.  1 6 I 

eye-witnesses  of  the  Conquest,  in  regard  to  Cholula,  is  Bernal 
Diez  de  Castillo,  and  his  statements  are  very  valuable.  After 
the  Spaniards  left  Tlaxcala,  they  reached  the  banks  of  the 
Rio  Atoyac  on  the  same  day,  and  encamped  for  the  night. 
The  place  is  so  described  that  I was  able  to  recognize  it  as 
due  north  of  the  pueblo  of  Xoxtla  in  the  municipality  of 
Coronanco.  The  distance  from  Cholula  is  not  quite  three 
and  a half  leagues  in  a straight  line  (15  kilometres  — 9 miles), 
but  Bernal  Diez  says  it  was  “ more  than  a small  league  ” 
(obra  de  una  legna  chicd)  from  it.1  This  would  place  the 
outskirts  of  Cholula  very  near  the  present  pueblo  of  Santa 
Maria  Coronanco.  That  a settlement  existed  on  that  site 
is  shown  by  several  proofs. 

1.  Tradition,  current  over  the  district,  that  the  pueblo  of 
Coronanco  was  in  existence  there  before  and  at  the  time  of 
the  Conquest. 

2.  Fragments  of  pottery  together  with  obsidian,  scattered 
in  quantities  through  and  around  the  village. 

What  Bernal  Diez  took  for  the  outskirts  of  Cholula  was 
only  a village  belonging  to  the  tribe,  perhaps  the  most  north- 
ern one,  but  of  this  I am  not  positive.  Between  Coronanco 
and  Cholula  itself,  however,  there  was  no  connected  settle- 
ment, — only  one  place,  near  Santa  Barbara  Almaloya,  show- 
ing traces  of  aboriginal  fragments  antedating  the  Conquest. 
Bernal  Diez  himself,  in  accordance  with  the  other  eye-wit- 
nesses, gives  the  best  proof  of  this  by  stating  that  the  Tlax- 
caltecos  who  accompanied  Cortes  were,  at  the  request  of 
those  of  Cholula,  left  encamped  in  the  field  (cn  los  campos ) 
at  less  than  two  hours’  march  from  the  centre  of  that  place, 
or  between  it  and  the  site  of  Coronanco.2  In  that  direction, 

1 Ilistoria  Verdadcra , etc.,  cap.  lxxxii.  p.  73. 

2 Ibid.,  cap.  lxxxiii.  p.  77.  Andies  de  Tapia,  Relation,  etc.,  p.  573. 


it 


162 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  IXSTITUTE. 


therefore,  the  population  yf  the  range  was  not  so  considerable 
in  1519  as  it  is  now.  It  is  a striking  fact,  besides,  that  no- 
where do  the  conquerors  state  that  there  were  any  settlements 
of  consequence  outside  of  the  pueblo  of  Cholula  proper ; and 
this  I have  found  to  be  fully  confirmed  by  my  examination  of 
the  ground,  whose  results  are  embodied  in  the  map  annexed. 
Even  supposing,  what  is  by  no  means  certain,  that  all  the 
places  marked  there  as  in  which  traces  of  pottery  with  ob- 
sidian are  now  to  be  found,  were  indeed  inhabited  when  the 
Spaniards  came,  their  number  is  not  considerable  and  their 
extent  always  small,  showing  that  the  tribe  of  Cholula  occu- 
pied in  fact  only  one  large  pueblo,  with  a few  — not  more  than 
twenty  — small  groups  scattered  over  a certain  portion  of  its 
range,  of  which  perhaps  two  deserved  the  title  of  villages.1 

This  central  pueblo,  which  the  conquerors  dignified  with 
the  title  of  a “city,”  was  certainly  a populous  Indian  settle- 

1 Gabriel  de  Rojas,  Relation,  etc.,  § 1 1 : “ Esta  ciudad  es  corregimiento  por 
si  v cabecera  de  doctrina  en  todo  su  termino,  en  el  cual  no  hay  poblazon  for- 
mada,  sino  algunos  alqucriguales  y habitaciones  de  indios  dondc  tienen  sus 
heredamientos  y sementeras  (que  en  su  lengua  se  llaman  milpas).  Acuden 
todos  los  Domingos  y fiestas  principals  a oir  misa  y sermon  al  monasterio  desta 
ciudad,  salvo  algunas  fiestas  del  ano  que  los  religiosos  de  el  salen  a visitarlos  y 
confesarlos,  y los  dicen  misa  en  las  ermitas  que  por  las  estancias  6 alquerias 
hay.”  This  quotation  is  very  positive,  — it  shows  that  there  weqp  no  large  set- 
tlements outside  of  the  young  “city”  in  its  whole  district.  I hat  district  in- 
cluded, then,  the  Range  already  stated,  of  which  there  is  ample  proof.  Thus,  I 
found  in  the  “ Archivo  General,”  at  the  city  of  Mexico,  the  following  indications, 
between  the  years  1542  and  1641  : — 

Vol.  xx.  fob  64.  Merced  d Juan  Alonzo  de  Castano,  — in  the  “ pago  de  Mala- 
catepec.” 

Vol.  xxiii.  fol.  1 14.  Merced  d Luis  de  Cabrera  — “ pago  de  Cuezcomac  ” 

lb.  fob  1 1 5.  Merced  a Benito  Sandianes,  — “ ermita  de  Sta.  Maria  Zacatcpec. 

Vol.  xxiv.  fob  30.  Orden  al  Justicia  Mayor  de  Cholula,  — “Zacatcpec.” 

Ib.  fob  69.  Merced  d redro  Cabrera,—  “estancia  de  Tlaxcallantzinco.  ” 

Vol.  xxviii.  fob  56.  Merced  a Francisco  Rodriguez,  — “pago  de  Sta.  Clara 
Xocoyucan.” 

By  referring  to  the  map,  it  will  be  seen  that  these  “ Mercedes  ” are  all  located 
within  the  district  of  Cholula,  and  some  very  near  to  its  confines. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  163 

ment  ; but,  fortunately,  we  have  the  means  for  determining  a 
maximum  area  beyond  which  it  cannot  have  extended  at  that 
time.  The  grant,  dated  27th  October,  1537,  creating  the 
pueblo  a city  {ciudad),  with  the  title  of  San  Pedro  Cho- 
lula,  fixes  the  communal  lands  thereof  at  two  square  leagues. 
Within  that  area,  therefore,  must  have  been  not  only  the 
houses,  but  also  the  cultivated  plots  ( labransas ) ; only  the 
six  original  quarters  ( barrios ) of  the  pueblo  which  are  repre- 
sented on  the  old  map  of  1581,  and  whose  names  can  be 
partly  re-established  from  the  books  of  the  church. 

These  six  quarters  were  scattered,  and  not  contiguous 
blocks,  as  now.  The  space  now  occupied  by  the  convent,  the 
zdcalo,  the  market,  and  several  blocks  of  to-day  beyond  it  on 
all  sides,  was  only  occupied  by  mounds  of  worship,  by  the 
huge  “Tianquiz,”  or  Indian  market,  and  by  one  large  official 
house,  or  ‘ Tecpan.  1 Another  “ Tecpan  ” stood  farther  south, 
about  seven  blocks  from  the  present  market  (in  the  Calle  de 
Herreros),  or  nine  hundred  metres  (two  thirds  of  a mile) 
south-southeast  of  the  convent.2  The  dwellings  lay  irregu- 
larly scattered  among  the  cultivated  patches.  The  great 
pueblo  of  Cholula  itself  was  therefore  a group  of  six  distinct 
clusters,  agglomerated  round  a common  market. 

I have  already  stated  that  we  lack  all  reliable  data  concern- 
ing the  numbers  of  population  at  the  period  of  the  Conquest, 
hrom  what  I have  now  said,  it  must  be  inferred  that  even 
the  comparatively  moderate  figure  given  by  Torquemada,3  of 

1 Gabriel  de  Rojas,  Relation. 

In  the  Calle  de  Ilerreros,  south  of  the  present  post-office,  there  stands 
an  old  doorway,  which  bears  the  following  inscription  in  Nahuatl : “ Icni  ocan 
ocan  Tecpan,  oican  ichanca  Antonio  de  la  Cruz,”  — Here  was  the  Tecpan,  where 
now  is  the  house  of  Antonio  de  la  Cruz. 

3 Monorchia , etc.,  lib.  iv.  cap.  lxxix.  p.  522  : “ En  la  senori'a  de  Cholulla, 
quarenta  mill.”  Lib.  iii.  cap.  xix  p.  281:  “Quando  entraron  los  Espanoles, 
diccn,  que  tenia  mas  de  quarenta  mil  vecinos  esta  ciudad.” 


164 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


40,000  souls  for  the  whole  tribe,  is  in  excess  of  the  truth.  If 
we  place  the  aboriginal  population  of  Cholula,  in  1519,  at 
30,000,  we  may  be  within  the  limits  of  truth.1 

Before  proceeding  to  the  other  features  of  the  great  central 
pueblo,  it  is  well  to  cast  a glance  on  its  relations  to  the  out- 
side settlements  of  the  tribe.  The  tie  which  bound  them  to 

1 Two  reasons  are  assigned  for  a large  decrease  of  the  population  of  Cho- 
lula between  the  years  1519  and  1546.  The  earliest  one  is  the  so-called  ma- 
tanza  de  Cholula , or  the  slaughter  committed  by  order  of  Cortes  in  October, 
1519.  This  bloody  episode  of  the  Conquest  was  not  altogether  unjustifiable, 
for  those  Indian  paintings  of  Cuauhtlantzinco  to  which  I have  given  the  name 
Codice  Campos  represent  the  Cholultecos  as  really  bent  upon  the  act  of  treachery 
imputed  to  them  by  Cortes  and  his  followers.  But  the  number  of  the  victims  has 
been  largely  exaggerated.  Confining  myself  to  the  statements  of  eye-witnesses 
of  the  event,  I can  establish  the  following  data,  by  comparison  of  which  some- 
thing may  yet  be  obtained. 

The  list  is  of  course  headed  by  Cortes,  Carta  Segunda,  p.  20  : “ 3,000,  mui  ieron 
en  dos  horas.”  (A.  de  Tapia  and  Bernal  Diez  give  no  figures.) 

In  the  Coleccion  de  Documentos  Ineditos  de  Indias,  Madrid,  1877,  vol.  xxvii., 
there  is  (pp.  26,  27)  the  accusation,  dated  8 May,  1529,  by  Nuno  de  Guzman 
against  Hernando  Cortes,  and  Charge  No.  40  asserts  that  Cortes  caused  4,000 
Indians  to  be  treacherously  slaughtered  by  his  men  at  Cholula.  To  this  Garcia 
dc  I.lerena  replies  in  the  name  of  Cortes  (pp.  244,  245),  that  the  latter  had  some 
of  the  Indians  executed  “ fizo  fazer  xusticia  de  algunos  Indios.”  Cortes  then 
submitted  the  testimony  of  eye-witnesses,  from  which  I select  such  as  are 
positive. 

P.  184.  Martin  Vasquez  : “ El  dicho  capitan  e xente  di6  en  ellos,  en  los  qualcs 
se  fizo  castigo.” 

Vol.  xx.  of  the  Biblioteca  Ilistirica  de  la  Iberia , Mexico,  1875,  contains  the 
following  valuable  historical  document  taken  from  the  archives  of  the  city  of 
Tlaxcala,  and  copied  by  order  of  Miguel  Lira  y Ortega,  Governor  of  the  State : 
Informacion  recibida  en  Mexico  y Puebla  el  aho  de  1565,  d solicitud  del  Gobernador 
y Cabi/do  de  Naturales  de  Tlaxcala , sobre  los  servicios  que  prestaron  los  Tlaxcaltecos 
d Hernan  Cortez  en  la  Conquista  de  Mexico.  It  contains  the  depositions  of  seven- 
teen eye-witnesses  of  the  Conquest  in  relation  to  the  aid  furnished  by  the  tribe 
of  Tlaxcala,  and  Questions  5,  6,  and  7 of  the  interrogatories  are  put  in  order  to 
prove  that  in  the  case  of  the  slaughter  at  Cholula  the  Tlaxcaltecos  valiantly 
assisted  the  Spaniards. 

P.  115.  Martin  Lopez  says  that  the  Tlaxcaltecos  “ mataron  mucha  gente.” 

P.  152.  Pedro  Moreno:  “ I mando  castigar  e matar  ciertos  Indios  por  ello.” 

P.  180.  Juan  de  Limpias  Carbajal : “ El  dicho  Marques  con  la  dicha  su  gente 
se  apercibio  de  guerra  y asi  dio  batalla  a los  Cholultecos  hasta  que  los  vencid.” 

There  are  strange  contradictions  here.  Cortes,  in  the  first  place,  boasts  of 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  165 


Cholula  was  that  of  consanguinity.  They  were  not  subjected 
tribes,  but  small  colonies  from  the  main  settlement,1  who  had 
moved  out  a short  distance  to  avoid  over-crowding,  or  (as  was 
the  case  with  Cuauhtlantzinco  afterwards)  on  account  of  some 
difficulty  or  quarrel,2  and  who  always  remained  in  the  relation 

having  had  3,000  Indians  killed,  but  as  soon  as  his  action  is  brought  against  him 
as  a crime,  the  number  is  reduced  to  “ some  ” ( algunos ),  in  the  interest  of  his 
defence.  The  witnesses  from  Tlaxcala  and  Puebla,  however,  who  speak  in 
behalf  of  the  allies  of  Cortes,  and  whose  evident  tendency  it  was  to  make  the 
Cholula  affair  appear  important,  are  indefinite,  but  quite  reasonable  in  their 
statements. 

Subsequent  writers  have  varied  the  theme  in  every  imaginable  manner.  I 
quote  extremes.  Las  Casas,  Breuissima  Relatione,  etc.,  pp.  45-47,  5,000  or  6,000 
killed.  Fernando  I’izarro  y Orellana,  V a rones  Ilustres  del  Nuevo-Mundo , Ma- 
drid, 1639,  one  chief  executed.  Cap.  iii.  p.  85:  “ Ilizo  Cortes  dcgollar  al  Capitan 
Indio  autor  de  aquella  gran  traicion.” 

That  little  could  be  gathered  from  eye-witnesses  which  was  worthy  of  confi- 
dence in  regard  to  the  extent  of  the  massacre,  is  further  stated  by  Fray  Toribio 
Motolinia,  according  to  Juan  Suarez  de  Peralta,  Tratado  del  Descubrimiento  de  las 
Yndias  y su  Conquista,  y los  Ritos  y Sacrificios  y Costumbres  de  los  Yndios , etc., 
etc.,  1589,  pub.ished  by  the  “ Ministerio  de  Fomcnto  ” of  Spain,  in  1878.  lie 
affirms  that  the  celebrated  missionary  wrote  about  the  Cholula  affair  (cap.  xv. 
p.  113)  : “Si  csto  paso,  lo  tengo  por  mal  hecho,  y lo  condeno  por  crueldad  ; 
mas  yo  no  hallo  quien  lo  diga,  que  no  se  pueda  recusar  por  apasionado.” 

If  little  light  can  be  gathered  directly,  more  is  obtainable,  however,  in  an  in- 
direct manner.  Thus,  Cortes  says  that  the  3,000  people  were  killed  in  two  hours, 
and  that  the  whole  affair  lasted  five  hours.  Bernal  Diez,  Hist.  Verdadera,  etc., 
cap.  lxxxiii.  p.  77,  reduces  the  slaughter  to  a few  hours  also.  Andres  de  Ta- 
pia, Relation  sobre  la  Conquista,  etc.,  pp.  576,  577,  alone  extends  the  time  of  the 
butchery  to  two  days.  It  is  not  likely  that  in  a few  hours  every  man  of  the 
Spanish  force  would  have  killed  his  Indian,  and  even  that  would  not  swell 
the  number  killed  to  beyond  500.  Allowing  500  more  for  the  Tlaxcaltecos,  I 
cannot  sec  that  the  diminution  of  the  inhabitants  of  Cholula  by  that  massacre 
could  have  been  so  very  great. 

1 Rojas,  Relation  de  Cholula,  1581,  MS. 

2 Cuauhtlantzinco  was  originally  settled  by  refugees  from  Cholula,  to  whom 
some  Tlaxcaltccans  were  subsequently  added.  It  is  stated  that,  when  Cortes  was 
still  at  Tlaxcala,  some  Indians  from  Cholula  went  to  visit  him,  and  to  invite  him 
to  come  to  their  pueblo.  This  is  indeed  confirmed  by  Cortes,  Carta  Segunda, 
p.  19,  and  Bernal  Diez,  Historia,  etc.,  cap.  lxxxi.  p.  73.  But  the  conquerors  did 
not  know  the  real  facts  of  the  case.  The  four  Indians  of  poor  appearance  (de 
poea  valia)  came,  not  in  behalf  of  the  tribes  of  Cholula,  but  secretly  and  on  their 
own  account.  However,  upon  the  arrival  at  Cholula  of  the  Spaniards,  the 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


1 66 

of  kinsmen  towards  Cholula  and  each  other.  This  is  shown 
by  many  circumstances.  Hence  it  follows  that  they  must 
have  shared  in  the  government  of  the  tribe.  The  question 
cannot  yet  be  decided  as  to  whether  each  one  of  these  outside 
groups  formed  a calpulli  or  localized  kin,  or  whether  some 
were  only  fragments  of  a kindred  group  residing  in  the  main 
pueblo.  But  analogy  leads  us  to  the  inference  that  the  Indian 
groups  scattered  outside  of  the  main  pueblo  over  the  tribal 
range  are  posterior  to  the  Spanish  settlement  ; a fact  of  some 
importance  for  our  appreciation  of  the  remains  of  mounds 
still  found  in  their  vicinity. 

While  all  the  older  authors  agree  in  representing  the 
tribe  of  Cholula  as  a democratic  community,  thus  resting 
on  the  basis  of  autonomous  kins  or  gcntes  congregated 
for  mutual  protection,  they  are  not  clear  as  to  their  num- 
ber. Still,  I incline  to  the  opinion  that  the  number  was 
six,  and  that,  as  Torquemada  states,  the  tribal  council  con- 
sisted therefore  of  six  “speakers”1  (// atoani ),  analogous 

Cholultecos  seized  those  who  had  gone  to  Tlaxcala,  with  the  intention  of  killing 
them;  but  the  action  of  Cortes  liberated  the  victims,  — another  fact  which  he 
and  Bernal  Diez  also  relate. 

But  they  were  thenceforth  treated  as  traitors,  and  finally  compelled  to  move 
out  of  the  pueblo,  thus  founding  San  Juan  Cuauhtlantzinco.  Some  Tlaxcaltecos 
joined  them,  for  in  the  Petition  de  la  Merced , 1557,  MS.,  the  name  Xicotencatl 
already  appears.  All  this  is  painted,  with  text  in  Nahuatl  and  Spanish  transla- 
tion, in  the  Cddice  Campos.  That  the  relations  of  Cuauhtlantzinco  were  originally 
more  cordial  with  Tlaxcala  than  with  Cholula  is  also  confirmed  in  Merced  de 
Cuauhtlantzinco , MS.  One  of  the  Indians  who  had  gone  out  to  meet  Cortes, 
and  was  afterwards  persecuted  for  it,  was  Tepoxtecatl,  an  ancestor  of  Joaquin 
Tcpotztecatl,  to  whose  courage  and  friendship  I have  become  so  much  in- 
debted. 

1 I recall  the  six  barrios  on  the  map  of  Rojas.  A positive  statement  is  found 
in  Torquemada,  Monorchia,  etc.,  lib.  iv.  cap.  xxxix.  p.  438 : “ Porque  como 
aquella  ciudad  se  reparlia  cn  seis  grandes  Barrios.”  Lib.  iii.  cap.  xix.  p.  282 : 
“ Gobernabase  entonces  por  un  Capitan  General,  elegido  por  la  Republica,  con 
el  Consejo  de  seis  nobles.”  That  the  six  kins  were  distributed  over  the  entire 
range  is  proved  by  Vetancurt,  Cronica,  etc  , p.  173:  “ Los  pueblos  de  visita  son 
treinta  y dos,  en  seis  parcialidades  repartidos.”  (This  also  shows  that  from 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  167 


to  the  Sachems  of  northern  tribes,1  and  the  Caracas  of 
Peru.1 

The  chief  executive  of  the  tribe  of  Cholula  consisted  of  two 
officers,  whose  titles  are  given  respectively  as  Aquiach  and 
Tlalquiach.  Their  functions  are  commonly  stated  to  have 
been  of  a religious  nature,  but  at  the  same  time  they  are 
decorated  with  the  warlike  appellations  of  “ eagle  ” and  “ tiger,” 
which  shows  that  they  were  properly  chiefs,  with  whose  duties 
the  Indian  everywhere  connected  performances  of  worship  or 
“medicine.”3  These  officers  offer  a striking  analogy  to  the 
two  war-chiefs  of  the  Iroquois  confederacy  ; ‘ but  still  greater 
is  the  similarity  with  the  head  executives  of  more  Southern 
tribes,  particularly  of  Mexico.  I allude  to  the  two  chiefs  of 
Mexico,  of  Chaleo,  of  Tlaxcala,  of  Michhuacan,  of  the  Quiche 
in  Guatemala,5  and  even  of  the  Peruvian  Ynca.6 

16S9  to  1746  eleven  new  pueblos  were  created.)  For  the  office  of  speaker,  or 
tlatoani,  compare  Social  Organization , etc.,  pp.  646-658. 

There  is  a faint  indication  that  not  only  the  gens  and  tribe,  but  even  the 
fhratry , existed  at  Cholula.  Torquemada,  lib.  iv.  cap.  xxxix.  p.  438,  speaking  of 
the  six  barrios,  says  : “ Los  tres  tenian  la  parte  de  Motecuhyuma,  y los  otros  no.’’ 

1 Morgan,  Ancient  Society,  part  ii.  cap.  ii.  pp.  71-74. 

2 I would  merely  call  attention  to  the  fact  here  that  the  12  quarters  (possibly 
16)  of  Cuzco,  were  localized  kins,  Ayllus,  and  that  the  delegates,  Caracas,  one 
from  each  quarter,  composed  the  supreme  council  of  the  Ynca  tribe. 

8 Torquemada,  Monarchies,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  xix.  p.  2S2,  speaks  of  but  one 
capitan general.  Cortes,  Carta  Segunda,  p.  21,  says:  “ Excepto  que  se  gobiernan 
como  los  de  Tlascaltecal.”  Andres  de  Tapia,  Relacion,  etc  , p.  575  : “ fi  en  csta 
cibdad  no  habia  ningun  senor  principal,  salvo  capitanes  de  la  republica.”  The 
information  I give  is  taken  from  Gabriel  de  Rojas,  Relacion  de  Cholula,  MS., 
§ 13,  confirmed  by  his  contemporary  from  Tlaxcala,  Diego  Munoz  Camargo, 
Fragmenlos  de  Ilisloria  Mexicana  pertenecientes  en  gran  parte  a la  Provincia  de 
Tlaxcala,  printed  in  1870,  p.  153.  I give  the  names  as  I found  them,  but  am 
satisfied  they  are  much  corrupted.  Aquiach  is  probably  Achcacauhtin.  Men- 
dieta.  Hist.  Ecclesidstica , etc.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xviii.  p.  104. 

4 Morgan,  League  of  the  Iroquois,  book  i.  cap.  iii.  pp.  73,  74.  Ancient  Society, 
pp.  146,  147.  Parkman,  "Jesuits  in  North  America,  Introd.,  pp.  lxiv,  lxv. 

5 Social  Organization,  etc.,  pp.  659,  660. 

6 There  is  abundant  proof  of  the  fact  that  the  Yncas  had  two  chiefs,  the 
Ccapac  Ynca  (dispensing  Ynca),  and  the  Uillac  Umu  (speaking  head). 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


1 68 

These  offices  are  stated  to  have  been  for  life,1  but  elective  as 
to  the  persons.2 

The  duties  of  the  governors  consisted  in  executing  the  de- 
crees of  the  tribal  council,  and  in  acting  as  “ foremen  ” in  its 
meetings.  These  were  held  not  only  for  administrative  pur- 
poses, but  they  also  were  the  courts  of  the  tribe.  Hence,  the 
governors  were  also  the  judicial  officers.3 

As  at  Mexico  and  among  other  tribes,  the  chief  executive 
officers  wielded  a certain  amount  of  power  by  choosing  their 
subalterns.  Thus,  they  might  appoint  and  depose  war-cap- 
tains as  leaders  of  special  expeditions.4  But  they  had  no 
supreme  authority,  and  it  was  the  tribal  council  who  consti- 
tuted the  highest  power.5  Cholula  was  therefore,  to  all 
intents  and  purposes,  as  perfect  a military  democracy  as 
was  any  other  Indian  tribe  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

But  Cholula  is  also  commonly  represented  as  a holy  city,  a 
sacred  place,  a resort  of  pilgrimage  for  all  the  tribes  around, 
those  of  the  valley  of  Mexico  included.  Even  Bernal  Diez 
faintly  alludes  to  such  tales.6  It  suffices  to  recall  the  state  of 
intertribal  warfare  which  prevailed  in  aboriginal  Mexico,  to 
establish  the  utter  fallacy  of  this  pretension,  which  the  natives 
of  Cholula  even  to  this  day  assert,  and  which  Rojas  gravely 
advances  in  the  year  1581.'  Cholula  was  constantly  at  war 
with  one  or  the  other  of  its  neighbors,  and  between  these 
struggles  it  had  to  repel  the  attacks  of  the  Mexicans  and  their 

1 Gabriel  de  Rojas,  Relacion,  etc.,  § 13.  Tcstamento  de  Capixlahuatzin,  MS. 

2 Rojas,  Relacion , etc.,  § 13,  says  that  the  succession  took  place  by  age.  This 
is  contradicted  by  Cortes,  Carta  Segunda,  p.  21  ; and  by  Torquemada,  lib.  iii. 
cap.  xix.  p.  282  ; lib.  xi.  cap.  xxiv.  p.  351. 

3 Rojas,  Relacion , etc.,  represents  the  two  governors  in  the  same  capacity  as 
the  Cihuacohuatl  of  Mexico.  Social  Organization,  pp.  657-662. 

4 Rojas,  Relacion,  etc. 

6 Torquemada,  Mvnarchia,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  xix.  p.  282  ; lib.  xi.  cap.  xxiv. 
P-  35'- 

6 Hist.  Verdadcra,  etc.,  cap.  Ixxxiii.  p.  77. 

7 Relacion  de  Cholula,  MS. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  169 

confederates.  Such  chronic  warfare  abundantly  disproves  the 
claims  to  religious  respect  brought  forward  in  behalf  of  the 
pueblo.  Even  the  pre-eminence  which  Quetzalcohuatl,  the 
chief  idol  of  Cholula,  is  said  to  have  enjoyed  over  the  whole  of 
central  Mexico  is  vigorously  denied  by  the  Indians  of  Tlaxcala 
and  of  the  Mexican  valley  itself.1  Nevertheless,  since  it  is 
deemed  that  worship  had  a leading  share  in  the  government 
and  organization  of  the  Cholultecans,  It  becomes  my  duty  to 
examine  what  this  worship  was,  and  on  what  foundations  it 
rested. 

We  have  the  concurrent  testimony  of  nearly  all  authors  to 
the  effect  that  the  religious  practices  of  Cholula  were  insti- 
tuted by  Quetzalcohuatl,  and  that  he  was  not  only  the  founder 
or  reformer  of  religion,  but  according  to  some  a social  reformer 
also,  and  an  inventor  of  arts  and  sciences.  No  other  Mexican 
deity  seems  to  appear  under  such  a definite  human  form  ; no 
other  has  been  represented  as  the  subject  of  such  apparently 
historical  tradition,  and  none  has  in  the  past  four  centuries 
been  made  the  theme  of  such  extensive  and  varied  specula- 
tions. It  is  impossible,  in  the  present  state  of  knowledge,  or 
rather  of  notions  current  about  it,  to  treat  of  aboriginal  Cho- 
lula without  approaching  the  question,  Who  or  what  was  Que- 


1 The  Indians  of  Tlaxcala  claimed  that  Quetzalcohuatl  was  the  son  of  their 
tribal  idol  Camaxtli.  Motolinia,  Libro  de  Oro,  MS.,  cap.  xxvii.  p.  97.  At 
Tlaxcala  : “ Aqui  ofreefan  al  demonio  despues  de  haver  vestido  las  vestiduras  e 
insignias  del  dios  de  Cholula,  que  llaman  Quetzalcoatl,  este  decian  ser  hijo  del 
mismo  Camaxtle,  las  cuales  vestiduras  traian  los  de  Chololla,  que  esta  de  aqui 
cinco  leguas  pequenas,  para  esta  fiesta  ; y esto  mismo  hacian  los  de  Tlaxcalla, 
que  Uevaban  las  insignias  de  ser  demonio  a Chololla,  cuando  alia  se  hacia  ser 
fiesta,  las  cuales  eran  muchas  y se  las  vestian  con  muchas  ceremonias,  como 
hacen  a nucstros  obispos  cuando  se  visten  de  pontifical.  Entonces  decian  : ‘ hoy 
sale  Camaxtle  como  ser  hijo  Quetzalcoatl.’  ” This  shows  reciprocity,  at  best,  if 
not  indeed  a tribal  boast  on  the  part  of  Tlaxcala  of  having  an  older  and  better 
deity  than  Cholula.  But  the  so-called  pilgrimage  to  Cholula  is  explained  if  we 
think  of  the  fairs  and  market  of  that  pueblo.  Cholula,  owing  to  its  position, 
was  a popular  trading  post,  and  those  Indians  who  came  from  outside  tribes  to 
barter  naturally  brought  a present  to  Its  chief  idol. 


170 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


tzalcohuatl  ? I trust,  therefore,  that  the  very  long  digression 
which  I now  must  make  upon  that  subject  may  be  pardoned. 

The  word  Quetzal-cohuatl  signifies  “ bright,  or  shining 
snake, 1,1  and  is  a very  fair  specimen  of  an  Indian  personal 
name.  It  has  been  made  the  subject  of  many  interpreta- 
tions of  a symbolical  tendency,  which  I cannot  refer  to  here 
in  detail.  It  is  sufficient  to  state  that  it  is  a genuine  Indian 
word.  Our  knowledge  of  Quetzalcohuatl  is  derived  from  tra- 
dition, and  from  those  who  saw  the  idols  under  whose  shape 
he  was  made  the  object  of  worship,  as  well  as  the  forms  of 
worship  themselves,  or  who  heard  both  described  by  natives. 

The  earliest  mention  of  it  is  of  course  that  given  by  Cortes 
himself.  His  statement,  that  Montezuma  told  him  how  the 
Mexicans  had  been  led  to  their  country  by  a chief,  who  after- 
wards returned  to  his  former  home,1 2  was  interpreted  as  if  that 
leader  had  been  Quetzalcohuatl.  It  must  be  noted  here,  that 
the  text  of  this  tale  of  the  Indian  war-captain  was,  only  a few 
years  afterwards,  completely  distorted  by  Peter  Martyr,3  but 
re-established  subsequently  through  Gomara.4  Neither  should 

1 Not  “ feathered  serpent.”  The  word  is  composed  of  Quetzalli,  “ pluma  rica, 
larga  y verde,”  (Molina,  Vocabularies,  ii.  fol.  89,)  and  cohuatl,  “snake.”  But 
Quetzalli  only  applies  to  the  feathers  in  the  sense  of  indicating  their  bright  hues, 
for  Quctzalitztli  is  emerald,  and  not  “ hairstone,”  for  which  the  natives  have  the 
word  tetzontli,  from  tetl,  stone,  and  tzontli,  hair.  The  words,  therefore,  are  evi- 
dently intended  to  designate  the  bright  and  changing  hues  of  the  snake's  skin. 

2 Carta  Segunda , p.  25 

3 De  A'oz'o  Orbe,  Dec.  v.  cap.  iii.  fol.  189  : “ A certain  great  prince  transported 
in  shippes,  beefore  the  memorie  of  all  men  liuing,  brought  our  anneestors  unto 
these  coasts,  whither  voluntarily,  or  driven  by  tempest,  it  is  not  manifest,  who 
leauing  his  companions,  departed  into  his  country,  and  at  length  returning, 
would  haue  had  them  gone  back  againc.”  There  is  not  a word  of  all  this  in 
Cortes,  neither  in  the  report  of  Oviedo,  Hist.  General y Natural,  etc.,  lib.  xxxiii. 
cap.  v.  p.  285.  But  the  speech  of  Montezuma  when  he  sought  to  induce  the 
Mexicans  to  become  tributary  to  the  Spaniards,  as  reported  by  Cortes,  Carta 
Segunda,  p.  30,  and  copied  by  Oviedo,  lb.,  p.  296,  so  far  resembles  the  report  of 
Peter  Martyr  that  it  includes  everything  except  the  main  point,  namely,  the  coming 
by  sea  in  ships. 

4 Segunda  Parte , etc  , p.  341. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  171 

we  overlook  the  fact  that,  about  twenty  years  afterwards,  Don 
Antonio  de  Mendoza,  first  viceroy  of  Mexico,  very  clearly  ap- 
plied this  tradition,  not  to  Quetzalcohuatl,  but  to  Huitzilo- 
pochtli.1  Andres  de  Tapia  and  Bernal  Diez  do  not  mention 
the  conversation  in  question,  but  the  earliest  document  writ- 
ten on  Mexican  soil  by  Spaniards  and  bearing  date  May  20, 
1519,  recalls  a tale  very  similar  to  the  one  attributed  to  Monte- 
zuma, whose  authenticity  is  at  least  doubtful.2  It  was  bray 
Toribio  Motolim'a  who  first  stated  the  tradition  that  Quetzal- 
cohuatl was  expected  by  the  aborigines  to  return,3  and  his 
contemporary  Sahagun  confirms  it  in  so  far  as  affirming  that, 
when  the  Spaniards  landed,  the  Indians  regarded  them  as 
being  the  aforesaid  deity  with  his  followers.4  Duran,  as  well 
as  Tezozomoc,  is  more  positive,  and  more  detailed  yet.  A 

1 Oviedo,  Hist.  General,  etc.,  lib.  xxxiii.  cap.  1.  pp.  531,  532. 

2 Real  Ejecutoria  de  S.  M.  sobre  Tierras  y Reservas  de  Pechos  y Paga,  pertene- 
cientes  d las  Caciques  de  Axapusco,  de  la  Junsdicion  de  Otumba.  Icazbalceta, 
Col.  de  Does.,  vol.  ii.  pp.  9,  10:  “ Lo  mas  importante  y necesario  cs  que  dice 
estando  el  gran  rey  Acamapichi  el  primero,  el  ano  de  1384,  vino  un  hombre 
bianco  con  barbas  y vestido  como  papa  de  la  mancra  de  esta  tierra,  al  pare- 
cer  sacerdote,  con  un  libro  en  las  manos.”  The  mention  of  a precise  date  at 
such  an  early  day,  hardly  one  month  after  Cortes’s  arrival,  and  when  intercourse 
with  the  natives  was  still  necessarily  very  imperfect,  owing  to  ignorance  of 
their  language,  and  because  the  Spaniards  could  not  have  any  idea  of  their  com- 
putation of  time,  makes  it  suspicious.  The  date  1384,  as  indicative  of  the  election 
of  Acamapichtli,  is  found  in  three  writers,  all  of  whom  wrote  at  the  close  of 
the  sixteenth  century  : Sahagun,  Acosta,  and  Enrico  Martinez.  (The  last  only 
copied  Acosta.)  Compare  Orozco  y Berra,  Ojedda  sobre  Cronologia  Mexicana,  in 
Biblioteca  Mexicana,  pp.  168-173.  Acosta  avowedly  gathered  his  material  from 
Tobar,  and  fhe  “ white  man  ” with  a long  beard  and  a book  is  mentioned  by  the 
latter  in  Codice  Ramirez,  p.  81,  and  he  is  the  only  author  of  the  sixteenth  century 
who  mentions  the  book.  The  Real  Ejecutoria  is  not  an  original,  but  a copy  made 
at  the  request  of  the  Indians  in  the  year  1617  (pp.  2,  24),  and  because  the  original 
was  much  mutilated,  and  the  very  part  of  it  containing  this  story  is  where  it  was 
most  damaged.  It  looks,  therefore,  as  if  the  passage  quoted  was  a reconstruc- 
tion or  insertion  made  in  1617,  while  the  Padre  Tobar  was  still  alive,  and  the 
knowledge  he  had  gathered  still  clear  in  the  minds  of  the  Indians  whose  faithful 
teacher  he  had  so  long  been. 

3 Historia,  etc.,  Trat.  i.  cap.  xii.  p.  65. 

* Historia  General,  etc.,  lib.  xii.  cap.  ii.  p.  5 ; cap.  iii.  p.  7. 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


I 72 

vast  number  of  conclusions  have  since  been  drawn  from  this 
gradually  expanded  tale,  and  I think  it  advisable  to  devote 
more  attention  to  it. 

The  collection  of  aboriginal  tales  and  traditions  made  by 
order  of  the  Bishop  Zumarraga,  and  entitled  “ Historia  de  los 
Mexicanos  por  sus  Pinturas,”  1 (a  manuscript  certainly  writ- 
ten previous  to  1536,)  contains  the  history  of  Ouetzalcohuatl 
also,  but  does  not  say  a word  of  any  prophecy  about  his 
return.  Mentioning  the  surprise  of  the  natives  when  they  saw 
the  Spaniards  arrive  by  sea,  it  merely  says  that  Montezuma 
thought  his  gods  were  coming  {que  estos  eran  sus  dioses ). 
It  is  very  natural  that  the  Indians  should  take  for  superior 
beings  those  who  came  by  way  of  that  ocean  which  was  to 
the  aborigines  Tehuica-atl,  — the  water  of  heaven, — and  it 
needed  no  mythical  prophecy  to  cause  them  to  be  regarded 
as  descended  from  heaven.  If,  therefore,  the  tradition  of 
Quetzalcohuatl's  return  is  genuine,  as  I am  inclined  to  be- 
lieve, there  is  absolutely  no  evidence  to  prove  that  this  return 
was  expected  by  sea,  rather  than  by  land,  or,  in  general,  from 
one  quarter  or  country  whatever  in  preference  to  any  other.2 
The  Spaniards  were  regarded  as  supernatural  visitors,  and,  as 
Tezozomoc  very  plainly  states,  they  were  associated  with 
Quetzalcohuatl  only  after  it  became  known  that  they  had 
not  eaten  the  natives  up,  but  on  the  contrary  made  them 
presents.3 

1 Original  belonging  to  Sr.  Garcia- 1 cazbalceta,  forming  part  of  the  Libro 
de  Oro.  Published  by  him  in  Andies  del  Museo  Nacional,  vol.  ii.  no.  2.  My 
subsequent  reference  is  to  page  ioi.  The  manuscript  bears  on  its  title-page: 
“ Esta  relacion  saque  de  la  pintura  que  truxo  Ramirez,  Obispo  de  Cuenca,  Pre- 
sidente  de  la  Cancilleria.”  The  Bishop  Ramirez  de  Fucnleal  was  at  Mexico 
from  1531  to  1535. 

2 Sahagun,  Historia,  etc.,  lib.  xii.  cap.  iii.  p.  7 : “ Y como  tenia  relacion  que 
Quetzalcoatl  habia  ida  por  la  mar  acia  el  oriente,  y los  ndvios  venian  de  acia  el 
oriente,  por  esto  pensaron  que  era  el.”  This  is  clear  enough. 

8 Cronica  Mexicana,  cap.  evii.  p.  688.  Andres  de  Tapia,  Relacion,  etc.,  p.  569, 
an  eye-witness,  confirms  this  story. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  173 

The  next  allusion  to  the  history  of  Quetzalcohuatl  by  any  of 
the  conquerors  is  that  of  Andres  de  Tapia.  It  is  doubly  im- 
portant, not  only  from  the  fact  of  its  being  very  concise  and 
plain,  but  also  because  it  refers  directly  to  Cholula,  and  comes 
from  a person  who,  for  a few  years  after  the  Conquest,  held 
that  pueblo  in  Encomienda.1  Tapia  says  : “ And  in  this  city 
they  held  for  principal  god  a man  who  lived  in  former  times, 
and  called  him  Quetzalquate,  who,  from  what  is  said,  founded 
that  city,  commanding  them  not  to  kill  men,  but  to  build 
houses  to  the  creator  of  the  sun  and  sky,  wherein  they  should 
offer  to  him  quails  and  other  game,  and  that  they  should  not 
hurt  each  other  nor  hate  each  other.  They  say  that  he  wore 
a white  robe  like  that  of  a friar,  with  a cloak  over  it,  covered 
with  red  crosses.”2 

Soon  after  the  Conquest  the  tradition  or  myth  of  Quetzal- 
cohuatl became  very  prominent,  until  at  last,  in  the  seven- 
teenth century,  it  was  moulded  into  a historical  rdsurnc,  prin- 
cipally by  Fray  Juan  de  Torquemada.  The  notions  now 
current  are  largely  due  to  that  writer.  But  we  must  go  back 
as  much  as  possible  to  the  original  stories,  including  only 
such  authorities  as  wrote  within  one  hundred  years  after  the 
Conquest. 

I begin  with  the  “ Historia  de  los  Mexicanos  por  sus  Pintu- 
ras,”  christened  “Codice  Zumarraga”  by  Sr.  Chavero.  I11 
point  of  date  it  stands  nearest  to  the  Conquest,  and  ought 
therefore  to  show  the  least  influence  of  Biblical  narratives 
infused  into  the  minds  of  the  Indians. 

This  authority  positively  and  plainly  states  that  Quetzal- 
cohuatl was  the  third  of  the  four  principal  Mexican  gods,  all 
sons  of  the  original  life-giving  pair  Tonaca-tecutli  and  Tonaca- 

1 Torquemada,  Monarchla,  etc.,  lib.  v.  cap.  xii.  p.  613.  I doubt  whether  this 
is  perfectly  correct,  as  far  as  the  duration  of  the  Encomienda  is  concerned. 

2 Relation  sobre  la  Conquista,  etc.,  pp.  573.  574- 


i74 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


cihuatl,  and  was  called  also  Yahualli-ehecatl.  To  him  and  to 
Huitzilopochtli  the  other  two  gods  intrusted  the  decision  of 
what  should  be  done,  and  so  they  began,  and  “by  commission 
and  with  the  consent  of  the  other  two  forthwith  made  the  fire, 
and  after  that  was  made  a half-sun,  which  not  being  entire  shone 
but  very  little.  Afterwards  they  made  a man  and  a woman.” 
In  short,  Ouetzalcohuatl  shared  with  Huitzilopochtli  the  work 
of  that  first  creation,  which  included  also  that  of  the  gods 
of  the  infernal  regions,  the  deities  of  water  and  of  rain.  As 
the  sun,  however,  was  only  of  half  size,  it  was  not  suffi- 
cient ; therefore,  Tezcatlipoca,  one  of  the  four  principal  gods, 
changed  himself  into  the  sun,  and  appeared  as  that  luminary 
for  13X52  — 676  years.  After  this  time  Quetzalcohuatl 
forcibly  took  his  place  for  a period  of  equal  length  ; after  which 
Tezcatlipoca  overthrew  him  again,  and  Tlalocatecuhtli  (god  of 
hell)  continued  to  be  sun  for  364  years.  Then  Quetzalcohuatl 
“ rained  fire  from  heaven,  and  deposed  Atlalocatecli  from 
being  sun,  and  put  in  his  place  his  wife  Chalchiuttlique,  who 
remained  sun  six  times  fifty-two  years,  which  are  302  years  ” 
(this  should  be  312).  To  this  last  change  succeeded  the  great 
cataclysm,  which  so  closely  resembles  the  Biblical  story  of  the 
deluge,  when  “there  fell  so  much  water,  and  it  rained  so  long, 
that  the  heavens  fell  in.”  This  rather  incommoded  the  gods 
who  dwelt  up  above  ; so  each  one  burrowed  a path  to  the  cen- 
tre of  the  earth  by  the  aid  of  four  men  specially  created  for 
that  purpose,  and  Tezcatlipoca  and  Ouetzalcohuatl  changed 
themselves  into  trees,  “ and  with  the  men  and  the  trees  and 
gods  raised  the  heavens  with  the  stars  as  it  is  now,  . . . 
and  afterwards,  as  Tezcatlipoca  and  Quetzalcohuatl  walked 
through  the  skies,  they  made  the  road  that  goes  through  it, 
and  on  which  they  met,  and  since  they  remain  in  it,  making 
it  their  home.” 

Thirteen  years  after  this  catastrophe,  the  gods  determined 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  175 


to  make  another  sun,  (the  first  one  having  been  broken  by  the 
fall  of  the  heavens),  and  “ Ouetzalcohuatl  wished  his  son,  who 
had  no  mother,  to  be  the  sun,  and  he  also  wished  that  Tlalo- 
catecli,  god  of  the  waters,  should  make  of  the  son  whom  he 
had  by  his  wife,  Chalchiutli,  the  moon.  In  order  to  do  it  they 
fasted,  . . . drew  blood  from  the  ears  and  body  in  their 
prayers  and  sacrifices.  Then  Ouetzalcohuatl  took  his  son 
and  threw  him  into  a great  fire,  out  of  which  be  came  forth  as 
the  sun  to  illuminate  the  earth  ; and  after  the  fire  had  ceased 
to  burn,  Tlalocatectli  came  and  threw  his  son  into  the  ashes, 
and  he  came  forth  as  the  moon.” 

• Quetzalcohuatl  is  next  mentioned  in  connection  with  the 
various  bands  which  are  represented  as  having  settled  Mex- 
ico, when  it  is  stated  that  “ Mizquique  went  forth,  carrying 
along  with  him  for  his  gcd  Quetzalcohuatl.”  But  there  is 
still  another  occurrence  which  has  been  subsequently  con- 
nected with  that  name,  and  which  the  “ Historia,”  etc.  re- 
lates in  the  following  manner:  “They  say,  and  show  by 
their  paintings,  that  in  the  first  year  of  the  sixth  scries  of 
thirteen  the  Chichimecos  were  at  war  with  Camasale  (Ca- 
maxtli),  and  captured  his  deer  by  which  he  used  to  conquer  ; 
and  the  reason  why  he  lost  it  was  because,  while  straying 
across  the  fields,  he  met  with  a female  relative  of  Tezcatli- 
poca,  who  gave  birth  to  a son  by  him,  whom  they  named 
Ceacalt  (Ce-acatl).  In  this  sixth  series  of  thirteen  (years) 
they  paint  how  Ceacalt,  after  he  was  a youth,  fasted  for  seven 
years,  wandering  alone  through  the  hills,  and  drawing  his 
blood,  because  the  gods  made  of  him  a great  warrior  ; and 
in  that  period  this  Ceacalt  began  to  make  war,  and  was  the 
first  chief  of  Tula,  because  its  inhabitants  selected  him  for 
their  chief  on  account  of  his  bravery.  The  said  Ceacalt  lived 
until  the  second  year  of  the  ninth  series  of  thirteen,  being 
chief  of  Tula;  and  four  years  previously  he  built  at  Tula  a 


A RCHAEOL  OGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


I 76 

great  temple.  While  he  was  doing  this,  Tezcatlipoca  came  to 
him  and  said  that  towards  Honduras,  in  a place  to-day  called 
Tlapalla,  he  was  to  establish  his  home,  and  that  he  should  leave 
Tula  and  go  thither  to  live  and  die,  and  that  there  they  would 
hold  him  to  be  their  god.  To  this  he  replied  that  the  heavens 
and  stars  had  told  him  to  go  within  four  years.  So,  after  four 
years  were  past,  he  left,  taking  along  with  him  all  the  able- 
bodied  men  of  Tula.  Some  of  these  he  left  in  the  city  of 
Chulula  (Cholula),  and  from  these  its  inhabitants  are  de- 
scended. Others  he  left  in  the  province  of  Cuzcatan  (Coz- 
catlan),  from  whom  are  descended  those  who  live  there  ; and 
he  also  left  some  at  Cempoal  as  settlers.  Reaching  Tlapalla, 
he  fell  sick  the  same  day,  and  died  the  day  following.  Tula 
remained  waste  and  without  a chief  for  nine  years.”1 

I have  copied  these  passages  at  length,  because  they  rep- 
resent : — 

1.  Ouetzalcohuatl  as  an  Indian  deity  connected  with  the 
earliest  phases  of  the  earth’s  changes,  but  without  any  his- 
torical features. 

2.  Ce-acatl,  whom  many  are  wont  to  identify  with  Ouetzal- 
cohuatl, as  having  been  a cross-breed  between  the  stock  of 
Camaxtli  (one  of  the  principal  gods)  and  a woman  of  terres- 
trial origin,  and  as  an  historical  personage. 

The  next  information  in  regard  to  our  subject,  in  point  of 
time,  is  derived  from  Fray  Toribio  Motolim'a.  This  can  be 
reduced  to  a few  points  : — 

1.  That  Quetzalcohuatl  was  the  son  of  a chief  of  Chicomoz- 
toc  (whence  the  settlers  of  Mexico  came)  and  of  his  second 
wife,  called  Chimalmat,  and  that  he  was  a distinguished  and 
chaste  man,  who  introduced  good  customs  {la  Icy  natural) 
among  the  natives.2 

1 Historia  de  los  Mexicanos  for  sun  Pinturas,  cap.  i.  p.  85,  cap.  ii.  p.  86,  cap. 
iv.  p.  88,  cap.  v.  p.  89,  cap.  vii.  p.  90,  cap.  viii.  p.  91,  cap.  x.  p.  92. 

2 Libro  de  Oro,  MS.,  Efistola  Procmial,  p.  10. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  177 


2.  That  Quetzalcohuatl  was  the  son  of  Camaxtli,  principal 
god  of  Tlaxcala.1 

3.  That  he  was  a native  of  Tula,  who  built  up  (salio  d edi- 
ficar)  Tlaxcala,  Huexotzinco,and  Cholula,  finally  disappearing 
on  the  southern  coast  of  the  present  State  of  Vera  Cruz.2 

4.  That  his  return  was  hoped  for  by  the  natives,  who  wor- 
shipped him  as  god  of  the  air  or  wind.3 

Motolinfa  is  strictly  corroborated,  if  not  followed,  by  Go- 
mara,4  and  there  is  something  in  his  relation  which  recalls  the 
subsequent  tales  of  Diego  Munoz  Camargo,5  and  therefore 
leads  to  the  inference  that  the  distinguished  ecclesiastic  might 
have  partly  reproduced  the  local  traditions  of  Tlaxcala. 

About  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  we  meet  with 
many  stories  concerning  Quetzalcohuatl  in  that  anonymous 
chronicle  of  Indian  origin,  written  in  the  Nahuatl  language, 
with  European  letters,  and  called  variously  “ Anales  de 
Cuauhtitlan  ” and  “ Codex  Chimalpopoca.”  6 It  is  easy  to 
reduce  these  tales  to  a comprehensive  and  logical  result, 
and  from  it  we  gather  the  following  conclusions  : — 

I.  That  Quetzalcohuatl  created  the  heavens  and  earth  in  the 
year  one  rabbit , in  which  year  also  the  Toltecs  were  “founded.” 
The  latter  is,  however,  related  in  a very  indistinct  and  doubt- 
ful way.7 

1 Libro  de  Oro,  MS.,  cap.  xxvii.  p.  97. 

2 Ibid.,  cap.  xxx.  p.  105.  Ilistoria,  etc.,  Trat.  i.  cap.  xii.  p.  65. 

3 Ilistoria , etc.,  p.  65. 

4 Segunda  Parte , etc.,  pp.  432,  44S.  The  edition  of  this  singular  chronicle 

referred  to  is  the  one  by  Vedia,  vol.  i. 

6 Fragmentos,  etc.,  pp.  1,  2.  They  do  not  fully  agree,  however. 

6 Published,  with  the  Nahuatl  text  and  two  Spanish  translations,  one  by  the 
late  Sr.  Faustino  Chimalpopoca-Galicia,  and  the  other  by  Senors  Gumesindo 
Mendoza  and  Felipe  Sanchez-Solis,  in  Anales  del  Museo,  beginning  with  no.  7 
of  vol.  i.,  and  carried  (as  far  as  it  is  in  my  possession)  to  no.  4 of  vol.  ii.  inclusive, 
and  therefore  not  complete  as  yet.  It  appears  to  have  been  made  about  1558. 
Charles  Etienne  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Popol  Vuh , 1861,  Introduction,  p.  cxi. 

7 Anales  de  Cuauhtitlan,  p.  9. 


12 


1 7S 


A RCH/EOL  OGICA  L INS  TITUTE. 


2.  That  Ouetzalcohuatl  was  born  subsequently  in  the  year 
one  cane  (Ce-acatl)  ; that  he  was  the  son  of  Totepeuh  (our 
hill),  and  of  Chimalnau,  who  were  both  Toltecs,  and  that  he 
was  also  called  Topiltzin  (our  boy).1 

3.  That  after  being  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Toltecs,  to  which 
dignity  he  was  raised  after  many  years  of  wanderings  and  of 
a very  abstinent  and  secluded  life,  taunted  and  tempted  by 
demons,  Quetzalcohuatl  was  moved  by  the  arts  of  Tezcatlipoca 
to  leave  Tollan  for  Tlapallan,  where  he  died.  His  ashes  were 
carried  to  heaven  by  handsome  birds  ; the  heart  followed,  and 
became  the  morning  star.2 

There  is  in  the  “ Anales  de  Cuauhtitlan  ” much  that  recalls 
both  the  “ Codex  Zumarraga  ” and  the  statements  of  Motoli- 
nfa.  Thus,  we  have  again  two  Quetzalcohuatls,  and  the  last 
of  the  two  is  made  to  descend  from  the  Toltecs  and  from 
parents  with  analogous  names.  Furthermore,  the  story  of 
Ce-acatl  told  by  the  Zumarraga  manuscript  agrees  with  the 
tale  of  the  second  Queztalcohuatl  in  both  instances.  But  the 
Cuauhtitlan  record  has,  besides,  the  story  of  the  transfor- 
mation into  the  morning  star,  which  story  closes  with  the 
very  singular  and  even  suspicious  words:  “The  ancients 
also  say  that  this  luminary  disappeared  for  four  days,  dur- 
ing which  time  it  dwelt  in  the  infernal  regions,  and  that 
four  days  afterwards  appeared  the  great  star,  which  was  when 
Ouetzalcohuatl  took  his  royal  seat.” 

We  now  come  to  an  author  of  great  renown,  and  who 
studied  extensively  the  traditions  of  the  aborigines,  Father 
Bernardino  Ribeira,  known  as  “ Sahagun,”  who  treats  of 
Ouetzalcohuatl  extensively. 

1.  lie  says  distinctly  that  he  was  a man,  but  worshipped 
as  god  of  the  winds,  who  swept  or  prepared  the  road  for  the 
gods  of  water.8 

1 A nates  de  Cuauhtitlan,  pp.  13,  14.  2 Ibid  , pp.  14-22. 

3 Historia  General , vol.  i.  lib.  i.  cap.  v.  pp.  3,  4. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  \ 79 


2.  He  lived,  and  was  worshipped  at  “Tulla,”  and  was  the 
inventor  of  many  useful  arts.  At  Tula  he  was  chief  in  re- 
ligious matters  only,  while  Uemac  was  the  “ chief  of  the 
Tultecos  in  temporal  affairs.”1 

3.  The  artifices  and  tricks  of  Tezcatlipoca,  Huitzilopochtli, 
and  Tlacahuepan  drove  Quetzalcohuatl  away  from  Tulla  to 
Tlapallan,  whither  he  went  in  a “ raft  formed  of  snakes  ; ” 
but  it  is  not  known  “ how  and  in  what  manner  he  arrived  at 
Tlapallan.”2 

The  traditions  of  Tlaxcala  (I  shall  mention  those  of  Cholula 
further  on)  already  reported  by  Tapia,  are  further  contained  in 
the  official  “ Relacion,”  written  in  1581  by  Gabriel  de  Rojas.3 
They  speak  of  Quetzalcohuatl  as  of  a great  captain  who  founded 
Cholula,  and  to  whom  the  people  afterwards  paid  divine  wor- 
ship. 

A group  of  authors  of  the  sixteenth  century,  to  which  I am 
now  to  refer,  includes  the  Jesuit  Father  Tobar  and  the  Domini- 
can Duran.  Tezozomoc,  whose  work  is  still  incomplete  as  we 
have  it,  so  closely  agrees  with  the  former,  that  we  need  not 
refer  to  him  specially,  and  the  same  is  the  case  with  Acosta. 

Tobar  represents  Quetzalcohuatl  as  a holy  man  who  ap- 
peared in  Mexico  ages  ago,  and  who,  after  preaching  and 
teaching  for  some  time,  embarked  on  the  sea  towards  the 
rising  sun,  promising  to  return  at  some  future  day.  He  also 
says  that  at  Cholula  the  idol  Quetzalcohuatl  was  the  “god  of 
the  merchants.”4 

Duran  is  more  detailed.  He  corroborates  the  statements 
of  his  Jesuit  contemporary,  but  calls  the  mysterious  foreigner 

1 Historta  General,  vol.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  iii.-v.  pp.  243-249 ; vol.  iii.  lib.  x.  cap. 
xxix.  pp.  1 1 2,  1 13. 

2 Ibid.,  vol.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  vi.-xiv.  pp.  245-259;  vol.  iii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xxix.  p.  103. 

3 Rclacton  de  Cholula,  § 14  : “ Un  capitan  que  trujo  la  gente  desta  ciudad  anti- 
guamentc  a poblar  en  ella  de  partes  nniv  remotas  hacia  el  Poniente,  que  no  se 
sabe  certinidad  della,  y este  capitan  se  Uamaba  Quetzalcoatl.” 

4 CSdice  Ramirez,  i.  p.  81,  ii.  cap.  iv.  p.  117. 


i8o 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Topiltzin,  and  says  that  he  had  disciples  who  preached  his 
maxims,  and  who  were  called  “ tolteca , which  signifies  artisans 
or  proficients  in  some  art.”  He  also  states  that  the  tricks  and 
machinations  of  Tezcatlipoca  drove  him  from  Tula,  and  that 
on  his  way  to  the  sea  he  carved  upon  the  rocks  crosses  and 
images.  At  the  sea-coast  he  spread  his  mantle  on  the  waves 
and  stood  on  it,  and  then  made  a sign  with  the  hand  over  the 
robe,  which  began  to  float  and  carried  him  out  of  sight.  But 
he  also  calls  this  strange  person  Uemac,  and  attributes  his 
departure,  not  only  to  Tezcatlipoca,  but  to  Quetzalcohuatl  also.1 

The  last  Indian  author  of  the  sixteenth  century,  although  he 
wrote  mostly  in  the  seventeenth,  is  Fernando  de  Alba  Ixtlil- 
xochitl.  I attach  little  importance  to  his  statements,  except 
as  they  are  an  echo,  to  some  extent,  of  those  of  Juan  Bau- 
tista Pomar,  who  was,  like  him,  a native  of  Tezcuco,  and  who 
wrote  a highly  important  “ Rclacion  de  Tezcuco”  in  1583. 
Ixtlilxochitl  makes  of  Quetzalcohuatl  a contemporary  of  the 
Olmccs,  and  a predecessor  of  the  Toltecs.  He  further 
states  that  he  was  also  called  Huemac,  and  that  he  planted 
and  worshipped  the  cross,  and  that  finally,  after  a long  resi- 
dence at  Cholollan,  he  disappeared  on  the  coast.2 

Quetzalcohuatl  is  a word  of  the  Nahuatl  language,  and  the 
tradition  therefore  appears  to  be  a Nahuatl  tradition.  It  is 
somewhat  startling,  on  that  account,  to  find  it  among  tribes 
that  are  not  only  of  different  linguistic  stocks,  but  reside 
at  a considerable  distance  from  the  high  plateau  of  Mexico. 
Our  investigation  would  be  incomplete  without  a reference 
to  these  tribal  tales.  Among  the  Tzendals  of  Chiapas,  the 
tradition  of  Votan,  who  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  founder 
of  that  tribe,  bears  great  resemblance  to  Quetzalcohuatl. 

1 Historia  de  las  Yndias  de  Nueva  Espana,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxix.  pp.  72  to  78 ; 
cap.  lxxxiv.  pp.  1 18  to  122. 

2 I merely  quote  one  of  his  works,  Histoire  des  Chichimlques , etc.,  cap.  i.  pp. 
4 to  6. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  A AD  ITS  VICINITY.  iSl 


Votan  is  reported  to  have  called  himself  “ Snake,”  and  to 
have  left  the  country  after  organizing  its  settlement.1  Bar- 
tolomc  de  las  Casas,  and  after  him  Antonio  de  Remesal,  men- 
tion a tale  according  to  which  a band  of  twenty  “ holy  men  ” 
landed  on  the  shores  of  Tabasco,  or  Yucatan.2  I lay  no  stress 
on  all  these  reports,  for  they  appear  to  me,  at  best,  but  con- 
fused echoes  of  the  traditions  of  Quetzalcohuatl,  gathered 
through  contact  with  Nahuatl  Indians.  But  the  case  is  dif- 
ferent with  the  Quiche  tribe  of  Guatemala,  and  the  Maya  of 
Yucatan. 

d he  traditions  of  the  Quiche  have  been  collected,  like  those 
of  the  Nahuatl,  and  the  most  complete,  though  by  no  means 
concise,  statement  of  them,  from  the  sixteenth  century,  is  that 
singular  gathering  to  which  the  Abb 6 Brasseur  de  Bourbourg 
has  given  the  title  of  “ Popol  Vuh.”3  It  bears,  in  its  cosmo- 
logical tales,  some  similarity  to  the  Codex  Zumarraga.  Four 
principal  gods  create  the  world,  and  one  of  these  is  called 
Gukumatz,  shining  or  brilliant  snake.  Gukumatz,  therefore, 
may  be  a parallel  to  Quetzalcohuatl,  if  not  identical  with 
him.  There  are  other  analogies  which  I cannot  mention 

1 The  tradition  of  Votan  would  be  of  suspicious  origin,  if  his  name  were  not 
in  the  so-called  Chiapas  Calendar.  The  earliest  record  of  it  which  I find  is  in 
Nunez  de  la  Vega,  — Constituciones  Dtocesanas  del  A bispado  de  Chiappas,  Roma, 
1701,  Preambulo,  Nos.  32  to  35,  — which  is  the  result  of  an  inquiry  about  the 
antiquities  of  Chiapas  by  that  bishop,  in  the  year  1691.  I have  discussed  this 
question  in  Social  Organization,  note  28,  pp.  571,  etc.  Felix  Cabrera,  Teatro 
Critico  Americano,  in  Minutoli,  Beschreibung  einer  alien  Stadt  die  in  Guatemala 
(Neu  Spanien)  unfern  Palenque  entdeckt  worden  ist,  1832,  repeats,  on  p.  33,  the 
words  attributed  to  Votan,  — “ [ am  a snake  (Culebra),  because  I am  Chivim.” 

* ^as  Casas,  Apologitica  Historia  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  cap.  124.  Antonio  de 
Remesal,  Historia  de  la  Provincia  de  San  Vicente  de  Chyapa  y Guatemala  de  la 
Ordett  de  San  Domingo,  Madrid,  1620,  lib.  v.  cap.  vii.  p.  247,  copies  from  Las 
Casas. 

3 Popol  J 'uh,  le  Livre  Sacrl,  etc.,  Paris,  1861.  I have  expressed  my  views  on 
this  important  work  fully  in  two  papers,  “On  the  Sources  for  Aboriginal  His- 
tory of  Spanish  America,”  in  Proceedings  of  the  American  Association  for  the 
Advancement  of  Science,  vol.  xxvii.  August,  1878,  pp.  328-332 ; and  in  Notes  on 
the  Bibliography  of  Yucatan,  etc.,  pp.  30-32. 


I 82 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


here.  We  have,  therefore,  in  the  Quiche  tradition  a figure 
resembling  Quetzalcohuatl,  under  the  name  of  Gukumatz, 
as  an  Indian  deity  connected  with  the  earliest  stages  of 
creation.1 

But  while  we  easily  recognize  that  feature  of  the  tale  of 
Quetzalcohuatl  in  the  Popol  Vuh,  we  absolutely  miss  the 
other  side  of  the  story,  in  which  he  is  represented  as  a man. 
This  is  the  more  noteworthy,  since,  in  the  traditions  of 
Yucatan,  the  very  inverse  occurs. 

The  Bishop  Diego  de  Landa,  who,  while  a diligent  perse- 
cutor of  Indian  superstition,  was  a no  less  diligent  student  of 
Indian  antiquities,  in  Yucatan,  has  left  us  the  following  ac- 
count : “ There  is  among  the  Indians  the  belief,  that  over 

the  Itzacs  who  settled  at  Chicheniza  ruled  a great  chief  called 
Cuculcan,  and  proof  of  it  is  the  principal  edifice,  which  is 
named  Cuculcan.  They  say  that  he  came  from  the  west,  but 
differ  as  to  whether  he  came  before  the  Itzacs,  or  with  them, 
or  after  them.  They  say  also  that  he  was  well  formed,  and 
had  neither  wife  nor  child,  and  that  after  his  return  he  was 
held  in  Mexico  for  one  of  their  gods,  and  called  Cezalcouatl 
(Ouetzal-cohuatl),  and  that  in  Yucatan  they  also  regarded  him 

as  a god That  this  Cuculcan  lived  with  the  chiefs  for 

some  time,  and,  leaving  them  in  great  peace  and  friendship, 
he  returned  to  Mexico.”2 

If  now  we  consider  attentively  the  various  statements  which 
I have  collected,  it  must  strike  us:  — 

i.  That  the  tale  of  Quetzalcohuatl  is  limited  to  tribes  of 
Nahuatl  stock,  though  it  may  exist  among  tribes  residing 
south  of  their  ranges.3 

1 Popol  Vuh , Part  I.  Pre.  p.  2,  cap.  i.  pp.  6,  8,  io,  cap.  ii.  pp.  20,  22.  Part  III. 
cap.  i.  pp.  194,  196,  cap.  ii.  pp.  198,  202,  etc. 

2 Relation  des  Choses  de  Yucatan , 1864,  French  translation  by  Prasseur  de 
Bourbourg,  pp.  34-36. 

3 There  is  no  trace  of  the  Quetzalcohuatl  myth  in  the  traditions  of  Michhua- 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  IIS  VICINITY.  183 


2.  That  Quetzalcohuatl  appears  under  two  forms:  — 

a.  As  an  Indian  god,  connected  with  the  creation  of  the 
world. 

b.  As  an  historical  personage. 

To  these  I wish  to  add  a third  form,  that  of  a Christianized 
Quetzalcohuatl,  a product  of  the  earliest  teachings  of  the 
Christian  faith  mixed  with  the  myths  of  the  aborigines.  It  is 
even  difficult  to  eliminate  this  post-conquistorial  figure  from 
the  oldest  recorded  tales. 

Thus,  while  we  may  conceive  the  deluge  described  in  the 
Zumarraga  manuscript  as  an  aboriginal  tale,  — owing  to  the 
stories  about  “ raising  up  ” the  fallen  skies,  and  the  origin 
of  the  milky  way,1  — the  story  of  Quetzalcohuatl  sacrificing 
his  only  child,  “who  had  no  mother,”  in  order  to  convert  him 
into  the  sun,  is  somewhat  suspicious.  In  the  Cuauhtitlan 
manuscript  the  following  statements  have  a decided  Biblical 
tinge : — 

1.  The  wanderings,  fastings,  and  temptations  in  the  desert, 
before  entering  upon  a public  career. 

2.  The  ascent  to  heaven  and  transformation  into  the  morn- 
ing star,  after  having  passed  four  days  in  the  infernal  regions. 

The  Christian  element  becomes  very  plain,  it  even  pre- 
dominates, in  the  histories  of  Tobar  and  Duran.  In  them 
Quetzalcohuatl  is  no  longer  an  Indian  god  or  an  Indian  chief ; 
he  is  simply  a missionary  performing  miracles  like  those  of  the 
Bible,  and  teaching  after  the  manner  of  the  Apostles,  if  not  of 
Christ  himself.2  Ixtlilxochitl  finally  makes  him  plant  and 

can,  as  far  as  these  arc  known  to  me.  Matias  de  la  Mota-I’adilla,  Ilistoria  de  la 
Conquista  de  la  Provincia  de  la  Nueva  Galicia , cap.  i.  p.  21,  mentions  a deity  whom 
he  calls  “ Heri,”  stating  that  he  prophesied  “la  entrada  de  hombres  orientales 
en  sus  tierras.” 

1 This  tale  is  eminently  Indian  in  form.  This  does  not  exclude  the  possibility 
of  its  existence  outside  of  this  continent,  but  I cannot  enter  upon  any  discussion 
of  this  point. 

2 I allude  here  to  the  statements  of  Duran,  Flistoria,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxix. 


184 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


worship  the  cross  in  due  form,  thus  paving  the  way  for  the 
subsequent  hypothesis,  that  he  was  the  Apostle  St.  Thomas.1 
I must  state  here  that  the  cross,  though  frequently  used  pre- 
viously to  the  Conquest  by  the  aborigines  of  Mexico  and 
Central  America  as  an  ornament,  was  not  at  all  an  object 
of  worship  among  them.  Besides,  there  is  a vast  difference 
between  the  cross  and  the  crucifix.  What  has  been  taken  for 
the  latter  on  sculptures  like  the  “ Palenqud  tablet,”  is  merely 
the  symbol  of  the  “ new  fire,”  or  close  of  a period  of  fifty-two 
years  ; it  is  the  fire-drill  more  or  less  ornamented.2  The 
names  given  to  the  cross  which  Quetzalcohuatl  is  said  to  have 
“planted”  according  to  Ixtlilxochitl,  — “ Tonaca-qua-huitl,”  or 
wood  of  the  body  (in  the  sense  of  life),  with  the  other  qualifi- 
cation of  “ Quauh-cahuiz-teotl-Chicahualiztcotl,”  wood  of  the 
god  of  time,  of  the  strong  god,3  — are  terms  which  the  early 


pp.  72-7S,  and  of  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist,  de  l os  Chichimecos , Kingsborough,  vol.  ix. 
cap.  i.  pp.  205,  206.  Sahagun,  Hist.  General , etc.,  vol.  iii.  cap.  xxix.  pp.  112,  113, 
and  vol.  i.  pp.  243,  244,  257-259,  is  less  tinged. 

1 Duran,  I/istoria,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  pp.  72,  73,  is  possibly  the  earliest  author  who 
connects  Quetzalcohuatl  with  the  Apostle  St.  Thomas. 

2 Compare  the  Oxford  Codex,  Bologna  Codex,  and  Vienna  Codex,  in  Kings- 
borough’s  Antiquities  of  Mexico,  vol.  ii.  The  gradual  transition  from  the  fire- 
drill  to  a cross  very  similar  to  the  one  of  Palenque,  through  mere  ornamentation, 
is  plainly  visible. 

8 Hist,  de  los  Chichimecos,  Kingsborough,  vol.  ix.  cap.  i.  pp.  205,  206.  For  the 
etymology  of  the  words,  see  Molina,  Vocabulario,  ii.  fol.  88,  “quanitl,”  “arbol, 
madero  o palo;’;  fol.  12,  “cauitl,”  “tiempo”;  fol.  19,  “ chicactic,”  “ chicanac,” 
“ cesarezia  y fuerte,  o persona  anciana  ” ; fol.  149,  “ Tonacayo,”  “cucrpo  humano 
a nuestra  carne.”  According  to  the  same  author,  i.  fol.  32,  “crucifixo”  is  called 
by  the  Indians  by  that  name,  and  also  “cruztitech  mama^ouhticac,”  and  “Cruz,” 
“quanitl  nepanuihtoc.”  The  first  is  derived,  of  course,  from  “Cruz,”  from 
“titech,”  fol.  1 1 3,  and  from  “ mamajoaltia,”  “ crucificar  o aspar  a otro,”  fol.  51. 
It  is  therefore  the  description  of  the  crucifix  of  the  Church.  The  second, 
from  “quanitl,”  wood  or  tree,  and  “nepaniuhea,”  “castigar  d otro  con  doblado 
castigo,”  fol.  68,  a conception  which  has  been  imported  since  the  Conquest. 
The  adoration  of  the  cross  by  the  Indians  of  Mexico  began  at  an  early  day,  and 
spread  with  great  rapidity.  Compare  Motolinia,  Ilistoria,  etc.,  Trat.  ii.  cap.  ix. 
PP-  137.  138- 

Later  authors  in  Nahuatl  have  changed  the  word  for  cross,  or  crucifix. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  185 


missionaries  framed  to  impress  the  signification  of  the  cru- 
cifix upon  the  Indian  mind.1  The  proper  word  for  cross, 
or  crucifix,  is  simply  colotzin,  little  scorpion  ( alacrancito ),  and 
I have  heard  it  with  the  addition  of  “ Santa  Cruz,’’  often  used 
in  the  district  of  Cholula  by  the  aborigines. 

If  now  we  eliminate  these  foreign  elements,  introduced  by 
and  since  the  Conquest,  the  remainder  leaves  Ouetzalcohuatl 
as  a man  of  note,  whose  memory  was  afterwards  connected 
with  dim  cosmological  notions.  The  basis  of  the  Nahuatl 
creed  was  not  a “great  spirit”  ; that  idea  also  filtered  into  it 
through  Christian  teachings.  It  was  that  “ Tonaca-tecutli  ” 
and  “ Tonaca-cihuatl,”  the  chief  of  “our  body”  and  his  wife, 
the  woman  of  “our  body,”  the  life-giving  pair,  engendered 
four  sons,  who  became  the  active  agents  of  creation,  while 
the  parents  themselves  remained  as  “latent  powers  behind  the 
throne.”  2 These  four  gods  were  not  all  strictly  symbolical  of 

Thus  the  Padre  Ignacio  de  Parredes,  Doctrina  Breve,  etc.  (abstract  made  of  his 
Catecismo  Mexicano,  and  reprinted  in  1809),  renders  “El  persignum  crucis  ” by 
“In  Teoyotica  Nemachiotiliztli,”  signifying  “spiritual  example,”  and  uses  the 
term  “ In  Cruz.” 

1 This  is  plainly  stated  by  Torquemada,  Monorchia,  etc.,  vol.  iii.  lib.  xvi.  cap. 
xxvii.  p.  202:  “A  esta  Cruz,  como  no  le  sabian  el  nombre,  llamaron  los  Indios 
Tonacaquahuitl,  que  quiere  decir  madero,  que  da  el  sustento  de  nuestra  vida ; 
tomada  la  etimologia  del  ma'iz,  que  llaman  Tonacayutl,  que  quiere  decir  : Cosa  de 
nuestra  carne,  como  quien  dice,  la  cosa,  que  alimenta  nuestro  cuerpo ; y dixeron 
verdad,  porque  par  voluntad  de  Dios,  que  lo  puso  en  sus  coraijoncs,  entendieron, 
que  aquclla  serial,  era  cosa  grandiosa,  y la  commcn^aron  a teuer  en  mucha 
reverencia.” 

2 The  first  statements  concerning  Nahuatl  mythology,  with  some  degree  of 

precision,  are  found  in  the  Historia  de  los  Mexicanos  por  sus  Pinturas  ( Anales  del 
Museo),  vol.  ii.  cap.  i.  p.  86:  “ Paresco  que  tenia  un  dios  a que  dccian  tonaca- 

tectli  cl  qual  tomo  por  muger  a tonacaciguatl  6 por  otro  nombre  cachequecalt, 
los  quales  se  criaron  y estovyeron  siempre  en  el  trezeno  cielo  de  cuyo  principio 
no  se  supo  jamas  syno  de  su  estado  y criacion  que  lui  en  el  trezeno  cielo.  Este 
dios  y diosa  engendraron  quatro  hijos.”  There  is  no  mention  of  a single  su- 
preme being.  Neither  is  any  such  belief  mentioned  by  Motolinia,  nor  by 
Gomara,  nor  Sahagun.  Even  Tobar  and  Duran  are  silent  on  the  subject.  The 
Anales  de  Cuauhtitlan,  p.  9,  attribute  the  creation  of  the  world  to  Quetzal- 
cohuatl,  and  on  p.  15  make  him  direct  his  prayers  to  “ Zitlalihue,  Citlaltonac, 


1 86 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


the  elements,  though  Quetzalcohuatl  represented  the  air  or 
winds,1  but  each  was  the  tutelar  deity  o£  a particular  tribe.2 
Thus  Tezcatlipoca  was  the  chief  god  of  Tezcuco,3  Huitzilo- 

Tonacacihuatl,  Tonacateuhtli,  Yeztlaquenqui,  Tlallamanac,  Tlallichcatl,  que 
segun  sabia  y comprendia  residian  estas  Deidades  sobre  nueve  cielos  Chiuchnan- 
chnopaniuhcan.”  There  is  nowhere  any  trace  of  monotheism,  until  we  come  to 
Acosta,  Historia  Natural y Moral  de  las  Indias,  1608,  lib.  v.  cap.  3,  p.  307.  This 
is  easily  explained.  As  each  tribe  appeared  with  its  tutelar  deity  at  the  head, 
this  seemed  to  imply  original  monotheistic  notions,  and  it  was  not  noticed, 
after  the  first  generation  of  Indians  had  passed  away,  that  the  tribal  cult  rested 
on  an  anterior  one,  whose  basis  was  duality  of  sexes,  and  not  a single  individual 
power.  Thus  Tonacatecuhtli  and  Tonacacihuatl  disappear  the  further  we  go 
in  the  century.  The  Spiegazione  delle  Tavole  del  Codice  Mexicano,  in  Kings- 
borough,  vol.  v.,  indicates  the  former  idea  of  a man  and  wife,  — the  pair  who 
gave  life,  but  with  variations.  Mendieta,  Historia  Ecclesiastica  Indiana , lib.  ii. 
cap.  i.  p.  77,  calls  the  first  two  divinities  Citlalatonac  and  Citlalicue,  who  appear 
to  be  identical  with  Tonacatecuhtli  and  Tonacacihuatl,  for  their  names  indicate 
respectively  “body  of  the  star”  and  “skirt  of  the  star.”  The  purest  Indian 
conceptions  of  theogony,  however,  were  preserved  for  us,  as  far  as  the  Nahuatl 
are  concerned,  by  Oviedo,  Historia  General,  lib.  xlii.  cap.  ii.,  iii.,  pp.  39-60.  These 
are  the  famous  interrogatories  of  Indians  in  the  year  1538  for  the  purpose  of 
ascertaining  their  creed.  It  results  from  these  interrogatories  that  the  original 
creative  power  is  represented,  not  by  one  single  power,  but  by  a pair,  — Fama- 
gostad  or  Tamagostad,  and  Cipactonal  or  Cipaltoval,  — pp.  40,  41,  43,  44.  The 
idea  of  a supreme  deity  called  “ Tloque  Nahuaque  Ipalnemohuani  ” is  conveyed 
by  Torquemada,  Monarchla,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  viii.  p.  21,  but  he  speaks,  not 
of  one  god,  but  of  supreme  gods,  using  the  word  as  a collective  name.  “ No  es 
de  menos  consideracion,  y advertencia  saber,  que  esta  condicion.  y atributo,  que 
los  antiguos  atribuyeron  a los  Dioses  Penates,  estos  nuestros  Occidentales  dieron 
a los  que  tuvieron  por  Dioses  supremos,  llamandolos  Tloquenahuaque,  que 
quiere  decir,  junto,  6 par  de  quien  esta  el  ser  de  todas  las  cosas,  y tambien  le 
llamaban  Ypalnemohualoni,  que  quien  decir,  por  quien  vivimos  y somos.”  The 
idea  of  one  single  god  is  first  found  in  Ixtlilxochitl,  Historia  de  los  CAiehimeeos, 
cap.  i.  p.  205,  and  he  has  evidently  distorted  and  disfigured  Torquemada,  to 
whose  work  he  subsequently  refers. 

1 We  find  among  the  Nahuatl  of  Nicaragua  a god  of  the  winds  called 
“ Chiqonaut  y Ilecat  ” (Chiconahui-ehccatl,  Nine  Winds).  Oviedo,  Hist.  General, 
etc.,  lib.  xlii.  cap.  iii.  p.  52.  In  regard  to  Quetzalcohuatl  the  fact  is  too  frequently 
asserted  to  need  quotations. 

i Torquemada,  Monarchla,  etc.,  lib.  vi.  cap.  vii.  p.  20,  intimates  as  much,  but 
his  predecessor  Mendieta  is  very  positive,  Hist.  Ecclesiastica,  lib.  ii.  cap.  x. 
pp.  91,  92. 

3 Mendieta,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  lib.  ii.  cap.  x.  p.  91.  Juan  Bautista  I’omar, 
Relacion  de  Tezcuco,  MSS. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  187 


pochtli  that  of  Mexico,1  Camaxtli  the  god  of  Tlaxcala,2  and 
Quetzalcohuatl  the  principal  divinity  of  Cholula.3  Further- 
more, all  of  them,  and  not  the  last  one  only,  appear  in  native 
tradition  as  historical  personages;4  and  in  that  respect  Que- 


1 This  is  too  well  known  to  require  any  quotations.  It  was  recognized  at  an 
early  day,  and  even  the  Hist,  de  los  Mexicanos  por  sus  Finturas,  cap.  i.  p.  85, 
mentions  it. 

2 Motolinia,  Ilistoria,  etc , Trat.  i.  cap.  x.  p.  59.  Id.,  Libro  de  Oro , MS.,  cap. 
xxvii.  p.  97.  Tobar,  Cidicc  Ramirez,  does  not  speak  of  it,  but  Duran,  Ilistoria  de 
las  Ytidias,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxxv.  pp.  126,  127,  is  the  more  positive  about  the 
fact.  Diego  Munoz  Camargo,  Histoire  de  la  Rlptiblique  de  Tlaxcallan  (French 
translation  in  APuveiles  Annalcs  des  Voyages,  1843,  vols.  xcviii.,  xeix.),  pp.  143,  146. 
Finally  I refer  to  Mendicta,  Hist.  Ecclesiastica,  lib.  ii.  cap.  x.  p.  91,  cap.  xvii. 
p.  103 ; and  to  his  copyist,  Torquemada,  Monarchla,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  ix.  pp.  258, 
259,  cap.  xii.  pp.  265,  266 ; lib.  x.  cap.  xxxv.  pp.  299,  300. 

3 Andres  de  Tapia,  Relacion  sobre  la  Conquista,  etc.,  p.  574 ; El  Conquistador 
A non  into  p.  385. 

4 There  is  not  one  of  these  four  deities  who  is  not  declared  to  have  been  for- 
merly a human  being,  by  some  author,  or  in  some  tradition.  In  regard  to  Tezca- 
tlipoca  we  have  the  statements  of  Camargo,  Histoire  de  la  Rep.  de  Tlaxcallan,  pp- 
143.  146:  “On  regarda  aussi  comme  des  dieux  Camaxtli  et  Tezcatlipuca  qui 
vinrent  de  l’occident ; tnais  ccs  pretendus  dieux  etaient  sans  doute  des  enchanteurs 
diaboliques  et  possedes  du  demon,  qui  pervertirent  toutes  ces  nations.”  Sahagun, 
lib.  i.  cap.  iii.  p.  2,  lib.  iii.  cap.  ii.  pp.  243,  244,  makes  of  him  an  invisible  god, 
but  also  a medicine  man.  Id.  Historia,  cap.  iv.,  v.,  vi.,  vii.,  etc.,  pp.  245, 
etc.  Very  positively  speaks  Duran,  Historia,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxix.  p.  75: 
“ Tezcatlipoca  el  qual  finjiendo  ser  baxado  del  cielo  para  aquel  efecto.”  Men- 
dista,  Hist.  Ecclesiastica,  lib  ii.  cap.  x.  p.  91  : “ Y estos  sin  duda  fueron  hombres 
fantosos  que  hizieron  algunas  hazanas  senaladas  6 inventaron  cosas  nuevas  en 

favor  y utilidad  de  la  republica Fueron  grandes  y esforzados  capitanes.” 

This  he  applies  to  all  four  divinities  mentioned.  Torquemada,  Monorchia,  etc., 
lib.  vi.  cap.  vii.  p.  20,  etc.  The  Anales  de  Cuauhtitlan,  pp.  17,  iS,  also  intimate 
that  Tezcatlipoca  had  been  a man.  In  regard  to  the  three  others,  Iluitzilopochtli 
and  Camaxtli  are  often  identified  ; at  all  events  they  are  represented  as  conspicu- 
ous tribal  leaders.  The  same  is  true  of  Quetzalcohuatl  himself. 

But  I wish  to  mention  here  that  the  two  most  southerly  branches  of  the 
Nahuatl,  both  separated  from  the  main  stock  by  tribes  speaking  a different 
language,  the  Pipiles  of  Honduras,  and  the  Niquiras  of  Nicaragua,  had  no 
knowledge  of  any  of  the  four  divinities  named,  except  of  Quetzalcohuatl,  whom 
the  former  are  said  to  have  worshipped.  A.  von  Frantzius,  San  Salvador  un 
Honduras  im  Jahre  1576,  1873,  pp.  41-44  (German  translation  of  the  Report 
of  Diego  Garcia  de  Palacio).  It  is  doubtful  if  the  Nicaragua  Indians  knew  of 
Quetzalcohuatl. 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  IXSTITUTE. 


1 88 

tzalcohuatl  does  not  form  the  exception  which  has  been 
supposed. 

It  is  hardly  to  be  believed  that  this  mythological  system 
(the  life-giving  pair  excepted)  was  first  framed  by  Indians, 
who  invented  the  respective  personal  names,  and  that  after- 
wards the  individuals  lived  who  personify  the  same  gods  on 
earth.  Thus  the  struggle  between  Tezcatlipoca  and  Quetzal- 
cohuatl,  expressed  by  their  successive  assumption  of  the  role 
of  sun  in  a violent  manner,  was  not  re-enacted  on  earth, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  it  was  the  struggle  on  earth  which  was 
symbolized  subsequently  by  what  came  to  pass  in  the  higher 
world.1  Accordingly,  I believe  that  the  four  principal  gods 
were  deified  men,  whose  lives  and  actions  became  mixed  up 
with  the  vague  ideas  of  natural  forces  and  phenomena,  which 
form  the  only  basis  for  Mexican  theogony ; in  other*  words, 
that  the  historical  personages  preceded,  and  were  the  bases 
of,  the  mythological  ideas.2 

Having  thus  attempted  to  establish  that  Ouetzalcohuatl 
was  originally  an  historical  personage,  there  remains  to  be 
considered  who  he  was,  whence  he  came,  and  what  actions 
he  actually  performed.  In  regard  to  his  origin  we  have  the 
following  statements:  — 

i.  That  he  was  the  son  of  Camaxtli,  tutelar  deity  of  Tlax- 
cala,  who  himself  appears  also  to  have  been  a human  being. 

1 Compare  the  tales  about  this  struggle,  as  told  by  Sahagun,  Ilistoria,  etc.,  lib. 
iii.  cap.  iv.  to  vii.,  and  principally  by  Torquemada,  Monarchia , etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap. 
vii.  pp.  254-256,  lib.  vi.  cap.  vii.  p.  20,  cap.  xxiv.  pp.  4S-50,  etc. 

2 Among  the  Indians  it  is  a very  easy  thing  to  become  deified.  The  develop- 
ment of  the  Montezuma  myth  among  the  Pueblo  Indians  of  New  Mexico  is  an 
instance  of  this.  This  story  I have  already  mentioned  in  my  “ Report  on  the 
Ruins  of  the  Pueblo  of  Pecos”  ( Papers  of  the  Archtcological  Institute  of  America, 
vol.  i.  pp.  m,  1 12).  Subsequent  studies  among  the  Q’ueres  Indians,  yet  unpub- 
lished, have  fully  confirmed  the  views  there  expressed.  Compare  also  the  story 
of  Hiawatha,  or  Ha-yo-went'-ha,  among  the  Iroquois,  L.  II.  Morgan,  Ancient 
Society,  p.  127,  and  their  beliefs  about  George  Washington  as  related  by  the 
same  author.  League  of  the  Iroquois,  pp.  178,  1 79. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  189 


2.  That  he  was  the  son  of  one  of  the  chiefs  at  the  former 
home  of  the  aborigines,  and  possibly  born  outside  of  Mexico, 
who  emigrated  into  that  country. 

3.  That  he  was  a Toltec,  and  as  such  a native  of  Mexico. 

4.  That  he  preceded  the  Toltecs,  coming  into  Mexico  from 
some  distant  land. 

5.  That  he  came  into  the  country  from  parts  unknown, 
while  the  Toltecs  still  existed. 

6.  That  he  came  into  Mexico  from  Yucatan. 

If  the  Ce-acatl  of  the  Codex  Zumarraga  is  the  “second 
Quetzalcohuatl’’  of  later  documents,  then  the  tradition  that  he 
was  a son  of  Camaxtli  gains  in  prominence,  since  it  is  also 
told  by  Motolinfa,  and  reappears  as  a tribal  claim  or  boast 
on  the  part  of  the  Tlaxcaltecos.  But  this  latter  circum- 
stance impairs  the  value  of  the  tradition,  inasmuch  as  it  pos- 
sibly may  have  been  derived  from  Tlaxcala,1  as  appears  to 
have  been  the  case  with  Motolinfa.  Still  there  is  a marked 
difference  between  Motolinfa  and  Diego  Munoz  Camargo,  the 
Tlaxcaltecan  interpreter  and  chronicler.  The  latter  makes 
Quetzalcohuatl  a son  of  a woman  of  Teohuiznahuac,  and  of 
Mixcohuatl  Amacohtle,  adding,  “For  that  reason  I have  stated 
above  that  he  had  come  from  the  North  and  from  Panuco  to 
Tollantzinco  and  Tula,  where  he  was  regarded  as  a god.”  2 
There  is  more  analogy  between  Camargo  and  Torquemada, 

1 There  can  hardly  be  any  doubt  as  to  the  identity  of  Ceacatl  with  the  second 
Quetzalcohuatl.  The  Atiales  de  Cuauktitlan,  p.  13,  call  him  “ Tlamacazqui  ce  acatl 
Quctzalcoatl,”  and  p.  15,  “ Topiltzin  ce  acatl  Quetzalcoatl.”  As  Motolinfa  spent 
most  of  his  early  years  in  Mexico  at  Huexotzinco,  where  Camaxtli  was  wor- 
shipped in  the  same  manner  as  at  Tlaxcala  itself,  it  is  only  natural  that  he 
should  have  collected  and  repeated  the  traditions  and  tales  of  that  tribe  in 
preference  to  others. 

2 Histoire  de  la  Repitblique  de  Tlaxcallan,  p.  145.  This  is  also  intimated  by 
the  Anales  de  Cuauktitlan,  pp.  14,  15:  “ 12  canas,  13  pedernales,  1 cana,  2 cone- 
jos.  En  estc  ano  llego  Quetzalcoatl  a Tulantzinco,  y a los  cuatro  de  su  perman- 
nencia  formo  casa  de  quietud  y descanso,  y habitaciones  de  tablas  de  rnadera. 
Vino  a salir  en  Cuextlan,  pasando  el  rio  por  medio  de  balsas.” 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


1 90 

and  I have  good  reasons  for  supposing  that  the  latter  author 
has,  in  many  instances,  literally  copied  the  former.1  Even  if 
we  add  to  this  the  assertion  of  Motolinfa,  that  Quetzalcohuatl 
settled  also  at  Tlaxcallan,  nothing  positive  is  suggested  except 
the  supposition  that  Tlaxcallon  and  Cholollan  may  originally 
have  been  peopled  by  one  stock. 

That  he  was  the  son  of  one  of  the  chiefs  of  Chicomoztoe 
does  not  necessarily  imply  that  he  was  born  outside  of  the 
present  territory  of  Mexico.  It  is,  as  yet,  impossible  to  lo- 
cate Chicomoztoe  definitively.  While  many  circumstances 
point  to  its  having  been  far  to  the  north,  there  may  be  quite 
as  much  evidence  to  the  contrary.  Thus  the  Codex  Zumar- 
raga  mentions  that  Quetzalcohuatl  was  brought,  as  a tribal 
idol,  not  from  the  seven  caves,  but  from  Aztlan  and  Culhua- 
can,  which  it  places  at  a still  greater  distance  from  Mexico.2 

The  notion  that  Quetzalcohuatl  was  a Toltec  is  supported 
by,— 

1.  The  Codex  Zumarraga,  which  calls  him  a chief  of  Tula. 

2.  By  Motolinfa. 

3.  By  the  “ Anales  de  Cuauhtitlan.” 

4.  By  the  statements  of  Sahagun. 

5.  By  Camargo  in  part. 

The  great  difficulty  in  this  case  consists  in  ascertaining 

1 Compare  Hist,  de  Tlaxcallan,  pp.  135-13",  and  pp.  141-143,  with  Monarchla, 
etc.,  vol.  i.  pp.  257-260.  Camargo  was  a contemporary  of  Torquemada’s  early 
days.  lie  appears  in  the  royal  Cedula  confirming  the  franchises  of  Tlaxcala 
from  May  20,  1 5S5,  as  interpreter,  In/ormacion  de  Tlaxcala,  p.  102;  and  again  in 
the  Merced  de  Cuauhtlantsinco , June  14,  158?)  MSS. 

2 Hist,  de  los  Mcxicanos  for  sus  Pinturas,  cap.  9— 1 1,  pp.  91-93.  It  refers  to 
some  Indian  paintings.  The  Cuadro  histirico-gerogllfico  dc  la  Pcrcgrtnac ion  de  las 
Tribils  Aztecas,  whose  original  is  in  the  National  Museum  at  Mexico,  and  which 
is  reproduced  in  Garcia  y Cubas’s  Atlas  Mexicano,  begins  these  wanderings 
with  “ Coloacan,”fol.  i.  No.  1,  and  fol.  ii.  (e.  e.).  So  Sahagun,  Ilisloria  General, 
etc.,  lib.  x.  cap.  xxix.  pp.  145,  146,  also  mentions  a “Culhoacan”  far  to  the  west. 
It  would  be  impossible  to  quote  here  all  that  has  been  said  and  written  about 
the  presumable  geographical  sites  of  both  Culhuacan  and  Chicomoztoe. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  1 9 1 


who  the  Toltecs  themselves  were.  All  we  can  gather  about 
them  with  safety  is,  that  they  were  a sedentary  Indian  stock, 
which  at  some  remote  period  of  time  settled  in  portions  of 
Central  Mexico,  as  for  instance  at  Tula,  Tullantzinco,  Teoti- 
huacan,  and  perhaps  Cholula.1  Nothing  certain  is  known  of 
their  language,  and  it  must  not  be  overlooked  that  the  so- 
called  Toltec  names  mentioned  in  the  chronicles  are  in  the 
Nahuatl  idiom,  with  a few  exceptions,  whose  etymology  and 
interpretation  are  yet  doubtful.  Conspicuous  among  these 
are  the  words  Toltccatl,  Tula  or  Tollan,  and  Cholula  or 
Cholollan.  Nothing  positive  can  be  ascertained  from  older 
sources  in  regard  to  a Toltec  language.2  The  fact  that  the 
names  of  persons  and  places  are  generally  Nahuatl  is  not 
decisive,  since  the  same  thing  occurs  whenever  an  Indian 
chronicler  belonging  to  that  stock  has  written  about  tribes 
using  a different  language.  I refer  to  Tezozomoc  in  regard 

1 All  the  authors  agree  in  stating  that,  at  some  time,  Cholula  was  a Toltec  set- 
tlement. Camargo  alone  is  not  quite  clear  about  it,  and  Duran,  Historic,  de  las 
Yndias , etc.,  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxix.  pp.  73-77,  leads  to  the  inference  that  the  Toltecs 
were  only  a band  of  missionaries,  disciples  of  Quetzalcohuatl,  whose  principal 
home  was  Cholula.  He  has  been  followed  in  part  by  Torquemada,  Monarchic, 
etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  vii.  p.  255,  and  by  Gregoria  Garcia,  Oriyen  de  los  Indies  de  el 
Nuevo  Muttdo,  2d  edition,  1729,  lib.  iv.  cap.  xxiv.  p.  262.  (This  statement,  how- 
ever, is  not  from  the  learned  father  himself,  but  from  his  editor,  Barcia.  Com- 
pare the  first  edition,  of  1606.) 

2 Sahagun,  Ilistoria  General,  etc.,  lib.  x.  cap.  xxix.  vol.  iii.  p.  1 13 : “ Estos  dichos 
Tultecas  eran  ladinos  cn  lalengua  mexicana,  aunque  no  la  hablaban  tan  perfecta- 
mente  como  ahora  se  usa.”  But  on  p.  144  he  makes  the  distinction  between  the 
“Tultecas,  y los  Mexicanos  6 Nahoas  y todos  los  otros.1’  Ixtlilxochitl,  Quinta 
Rclacion,  de  Nopaltzin,  y el  Diseurso  de  su  vida  y muerte,  p.  345  (Kingsborough, 
vol.  ix. ),  says  the  Nahuatl  is  a mixture  of  Tulteco  with  Chichimeco.  But  Saha- 
gun  (see  above)  affirms  that  theToltecs  were  also  Chichimecas  ! In  regard  to  the 
latter,  I cannot  recognize  in  them  a definite  tribe,  but  rather  an  appellative  used 
by  the  Nahuatl  to  designate  dexterous  and  brave  warriors  and  hunters.  The 
confusion  about  them  is  such  that  nothing  else  can  be  derived  from  the  state- 
ments. The  singular  fact  remains  that  the  word  Toltecatl  has  no  positive  ety- 
mology in  the  Nahuatl  idiom,  — neither  has  the  word  Tollan.  The  latter  is  also 
written  Tollam,  and  has  a suspicious  analogy  with  the  Tulooin,  Taloom,  of  the 
Maya.  I state  this  as  a subject  of  inquiry  in  future  investigations. 


192 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


to  Michhuacan,1  and  to  Ixtlilxochitl  in  the  case  of  the  Oto- 
mites.2 

Still,  the  connection  of  Ouetzalcohuatl  with  the  Toltecs  is 
so  strongly  insisted  upon,  that  it  cannot  be  discarded  for  the 
simple  reason  that  we  fail  to  discover  exactly  who  the  Toltecs 
were.  Then  comes  the  other  statement,  by  Ixtlilxochitl,  that 
he  even  preceded  the  Toltecs  themselves,  and  was  a con- 
temporary of  tribes  called  Olmcca  and  Xicalanca,  — though 
probably  not  a native  of  Mexico.3  Ixtlilxochitl  is  always  a 
very  suspicious  authority,  not  because  he  is  more  confused 
than  any  other  Indian  writer,  but  because  he  wrote  for  an 
interested  object,  and  with  the  view  of  sustaining  tribal 
claims  in  the  eyes  of  the  Spanish  government.  In  the  case 
of  Ouetzalcohuatl,  however,  his  statement  is  exempt  from  this 
reproach,  for  he  had  no  interest  in  painting  for  us  a character 
decorated  with  the  attributes  of  a Christian  missionary,  at 
work  among  tribes  which  had  no  connection  with  those  whose 
genealogy  he  subsequently  traces.  That  genealogy  begins 
with  the  Toltecs,  and  the  latter  are  not  represented  as  de- 
scended from  the  people  whom  Ouetzalcohuatl  is  said  to  have 
taught.  While,  therefore,  this  attempt  at  Christianizing  him 
appears  as  a growth  of  the  sixteenth  century,  among  the 
Indians  themselves,  this  connection  of  him  with  a pre-Toltec 
settlement  deserves  careful  consideration.  For  the  present  I 
can  only  mention  it,  reserving  it  for  future  investigations. 

It  is  chiefly  Torquemada  who  has  propagated  the  idea  that 
Ouetzalcohuatl  came  into  Mexico  from  some  distant  land,  and 
consequently  as  a foreigner,  while  the  Toltecs  were  still  in  oc- 
cupation of  the  country.  I have  already  stated  that  Camargo 

1 Crdnica  Mexicana,  cap.  lxiv.  p.  476.  The  name  Michhuacan  is  itself  Na* 
huatl,  and  not  Tarasca. 

4 Hist  des  Chichimlques , etc.,  cap.  xiv.  pp.  92,  93,  99,  etc. 

8 Ibid.,  cap.  i.  pp.  4 to  7,  and  Kingsborough,  vol.  ix.  pp.  205,  206;  also  in 
Sumaria  Relacion  de  la  Historia  General , etc.,  p.  459,  same  volume. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CIIOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  193 


may  have  been  one  of  his  authorities  ; but  it  is  evident  that 
he  also  drew  largely  from  authors  like  Tobar  and  Duran,  or 
at  least  from  material  similar  to  theirs.1  There  is  in  his  story 
nothing,  except  the  connection  with  the  Toltecs,  that  can 
safely  be  regarded  as  of  historical  value,  or  even  as  of  strictly 
aboriginal  derivation,  unless  the  tale  be  so  construed  as  to  im- 
ply that  Ouetzalcohuatl  was  a native  of  a former  home  of  the 
tribes,  lying  outside  of  Mexico.  The  Yucatecan  tradition,  as 
given  by  Landa,  merely  refers  to  a visit  of  Ouetzalcohuatl  to 
that  peninsula;  for  he  says  that  he  came  from  the  west,  or  the 
direction  of  Mexico,  and  that  “ he  returned  to  Mexico  by  the 
same  road,”  or,  according  to  another  version,  “ he  ascended  to 
heaven,”2  so  that  his  appearance  in  Mexico  cannot  have  been 
subsequent  to  a supposed  visit  to  Yucatan.  The  Quiche 
tradition  I have  quoted  for  its  general  resemblance  to  the  the- 
ogonies  of  Nahuatl  origin,  and  not  because  I regard  such  simi- 
larities as  implying  any  relationship  between  the  two  tribes. 

So  too,  we  must  eliminate  the  notion  of  the  foreign  birth 
of  Quetzalcohuatl,  since  that  would  imply  that  he  belonged 
to  another  race.  This  leaves  him  a prominent  gifted  Indian 
leader,  who  certainly  preceded  the  coming  of  those  Nahuatl 
tribes  that  subsequently  formed  the  valley  confederacy,  as 
well  as  that  of  the  later  tribe  of  Tlaxcallan.  The  claim  to 
his  origin  accordingly  rests  between  the  so-called  Toltecs  on 
one  side,  and  the  Olmeca  and  Xicalanca  on  the  other. 

Little  can  be  gathered  from  the  tales  about  the  deeds  attrib- 
uted to  him  that  proves  of  any  historical  value,  except  his  con- 
nection with  Tula  and  Cholula.  Even  the  statement  of  his 
long  residence  at  Tollan  becomes  somewhat  liable  to  suspi- 

1 Monarchic, r,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  vii.  p.  255,  to  be  compared  with  Codice  Ramirez, 
pp.  81,  82,  but  particularly  with  Hist,  de  las  Yndias,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  pp.  73  to  77. 

2 Relacion  des  Choses  de  Yucatan,  p.  298.  The  Iroquois  have  a similar  tradi- 
tion concerning  Hiawatha.  Morgan,  Ancient  Society,  p.  127.  He  ascended  to 
heaven  in  a white  canoe. 

13 


i94 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


cion  from  the  fact  that  Cholula  was  called  Tollan  CJiolollan,  or 
Tollam  Cholollam,  even  after  the  Conquest.1  However,  I will 
not  dispute  about  what  can  be  neither  proved  nor  disproved. 

If  the  two  places  are  distinct,  as  may  be  inferred,  then 
Ouetzalcohuatl  appears  at  the  former  as  a great  “ medicine- 
man ” ; 2 at  the  latter,  more  in  the  light  of  a “ sachem.”  3 The 

1 Rojas,  Rclacion  de  Cholula,  MS  , § 13  : “A  esta  ciudad  (a  quien  did  titulo  D. 
Luis  de  Velasco,  virey  que  fue  desta  Nueva  Espana,  por  su  carta  misiva)  Hainan 
los  Indios  Tullam  Ch.olullam  Tlachiuh  altcpctl,  y tambien  pronuncian  Tollam 
Cholollam,  que  Tullam  significa  congregacion  de  oficiales  de  diferentes  oficios, 
porque  dicen  que  antiguamente  en  sola  esta  ciudad  se  usaba  haccr  jarros,  ollas, 
escudillas,  sogas,  zapatos,  y otros  oficios  que  les  cran  necesarios  ; y de  aqui 
dicen  los  Indios  antiguos  que  los  demas  pueblos  de  la  comarca  comcnzaron  a 
tomar  y aprendcr  los  oficios : y porque  en  la  lengua  mexicana  toltecatl  quien 
decir  oficial,  sc  llamo  Tullam,  que  como  esta  dicho  quierc  decir  congregacion 
de  muchos  oficios.  Esto  dicen  los  Indios  antiguos  y curiosos,  aunque  no  falta 
quien  dice  que  Tullam  significa  multitud  de  gentc  congregada  en  uno,  a similitud 
del  tide,  que  es  la  cnca  yerba,  y no  parece  ir  fuera  de  camino,  porque  las  armas 
de  esta  ciudad  son  una  mata  espesa  de  tule  y un  cerro  con  una  trompeta  cncima. 
Otros  dicen  que  porque  habia  un  prado  de  tulle  junto  adonde  edificaron  el 
cerro  (de  que  adelante  sc  dira)  cuando  poblaron,  lo  ponen  por  armas,  y tambien 
dicen  los  Indios  que  los  fundadores  desta  ciudad  vinieron  de  un  pueblo  que  se 
llama  Tullam,  del  cual  por  ser  muy  lejos  y haber  muclio  tiempo,  no  se  tiene 
noticia,  y que  de  camino  fundaron  a Tullam,  12  leguas  de  Mexico,  y a Tullantzin- 
co,  tambien  cerca  dc  Mexico,  y que  vinieron  a parar  a cste  pueblo,  y tambien  lo 
llamaron  Tullam,  y esta  opinion  es  la  mas  verosimil  de  todas,  por  ser  cosa  usdda 
dc  todas  las  naciones  poncr  el  nonrbre  de  su  patria  al  pueblo  que  fundan,  y espe- 
cialmcnte  lo  haccn  los  Espanoles  en  las  Indias.  Llamanla  tambien  Cholollam, 
porque  la  tierra  donde  esta  ciudad  esta  fundada  dicen  se  llamaba  asi  antigua- 
mente  cuando  cllos  vinieron  a poblar,  y en  la  lengua  mexicana  Choloan  quicre 
decir  huir,  y Choloani  huidor  ; y entiendcse  que  este  nombre  les  pusieron  los 
comarcanos,  como  advenedizos  y huidores  du  su  tierra.  Tlachiuh  altepetl  quiere 
decir  hecho  a mmo,  como  lo  es  uno  que  esta  en  esta  ciudad,  segun  se  dira 
adelante.”  In  addition  to  the  word  “ Cholollan  ” or  “ Cholollam,”  which  is  fre- 
quently met  with  in  documents  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  Annies  du  Cuauh- 
titlan,  p.  40,  and  Manuel  dc  los  Santos  y Salazar,  Comptlto  Cronologico  de  los  Indios 
Mexieanos , MS.,  “ Dc  los  Segundos  que  vinieron  a esta  Nucua  Espana,”  use 
“ Choloyan.”  At  Cholula  itself  I heard  even  “ Acholoayan.” 

2 Sahagun,  Historia  General,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  iii.  vol.  i.  p.  243,  cap.  v.  p.  248; 
lib.  x.  cap.  xxix.  vol.  iii.  p.  1 12.  The  Annies  de  Cuauhtitlan,  p.  13,  call  him  even 
a “Tlamacazqui.”  This  word,  commonly  translated  by  “ priest,”  is  derived  from 
Tlarna,  “ medico  6 curujano.”  Molina,  Vocahulario,  ii.  fol.  125. 

3 Rojas,  Relacion  de  Cholula,  MS.,  § 14. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY,  i 

Codex  Zumarraga,  however,  makes  of  Ce-acatl  a great  warrior, 
or  war-chief.1  Neither  of  the  three  offices  is  incompatible 
with  the  two  others.  But  we  feel  warranted  in  suggesting 
that  his  career  began  in  the  present  State  of  Hidalgo,  and 
that  there  he  became  the  leader  of  a migration.  His  first 
stay  was  at  Tula  and  Tulantzinco,  two  pueblos  lying  almost 
on  the  same  meridian,2  and  from  the  outset  he  moved  south- 
ward. But  there  are  two  versions  as  to  his  route.  The  ear- 
liest, that  of  the  Codex  Zumarraga,  supported  by  Motolima 
and  Camargo,  makes  him  travel  to  Cholula  by  the  way  of 
Tlaxcala,3  and  finally  settle  at  the  former  place.  Subsequently 
he  travels  thence  to  Cozcatlan  in  the  southeast  corner  of  the 
State  of  Puebla.  The  later  reports,  contained  in  the  annals  of 
Cuauhtitlan,  and  especially  in  Sahagun,  and  which  are  tacitly 
acknowledged  by  Duran,  represent  this  journey  as  a flight  by 
a somewhat  different  route.  The  itinerary  preserved  by  Sa- 
hagun names  the  following  places,  after  leaving  Tula:  Cuauh- 
titlan, Cuahpa,  the  Cumbre  between  the  two  volcanoes,4  and 
finally  Tecamachalco.  Thence  he  moved  towards  Tlapallan, 
which  place  Sahagun  locates  on  the  sea-coast.  In  order  to 
reach  Tecamachalco  from  the  Cumbre,  he  must  have  passed 
through  Cholula  ; but  the  Franciscan  chronicler  does  not 
mention  that  name.  Both  versions  therefore  in  the  main 
agree,  and  even  Ixtlilxochitl  concurs  in  stating,  that  Ouetzal- 
cohuatl  s principal  stay  was  at  Cholula,  whence  he  went  to 
the  eastward;  that  is,  in  the  direction  in  which  Tecamachalco 
and  Cozcatlan  lie  from  Cholula. 

1 list,  de  los  Mexicanos por  sus  Pinturas,  cap.  viii.  p.  91. 

2 Both  places  are  in  the  State  of  Hidalgo. 

3 Motolima,  Libra  de  Ora,  cap.  xxv.  p.  130:  “ Y salio  a edificar  las  provinces 
de  Tlaxcalla,  Huexucinco,  Cholollan.” 

4 The  description  is  very  positive.  Hist.  General , etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  xiv.  vol.  i. 
p.  258  : “ Yendose  de  camino  Quetzalcoatl,  mas  adclante  al  pasar  entre  las  dos 
Sierras  del  Volcan  y la  Sierra  nevada.” 


196 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


The  Codex  Zumarraga,  Motolim'a,  and  even  Fray  Geron- 
imo  de  Mendieta,1  following  him,  attribute  the  foundation  of 
Cholula  to  Quetzalcohuatl.  Sahagun,  as  above  stated,  does 
not  mention  the  place,  but  the  southerly  migration  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Tulla,  to  which  he  so  minutely  refers,  led  them, 
according  to  his  itinerary,  directly  to  the  site.  The  statement 
that  he  founded  Cholula  is  also  made  by  Tapia  and  Rojas. 
But  all  these  stories  are  not  very  clearly  told,  and  the  authori- 
ties are  not  always  consistent  with  themselves.  If  now  we 
consider  that  Camargo  as  well  as  Ixtlilxochitl,  two  authors 
who  have  little  if  anything  in  common,  both  assert  that  Cho- 
lula was  peopled  when  Quetzalcohuatl  came,  the  suggestion 
that  the  Olmeca  and  Xicalanca  were  its  original  settlers  be- 
comes a subject  for  future  historical  investigation.  For  the 
present,  I can  only  refer  to  a few  points  bearing  upon  it. 

Camargo  gives  us  an  itinerary  of  these  two  tribes.  They 
descended  through  the  valley  of  Mexico  until  they  came  south 
of  the  Popocatepetl  at  Tochimilco,  thence  moved  up  north- 
ward, hugging  the  eastern  slopes  of  both  volcanoes,  passing 
Calpan,  Huexotzinco,  and  finally  settling  on  the  present  ter- 
ritory of  Tlaxcala  ; Santa  Marfa  Nati'vitas,  a village  on  the 
southern  slope  of  the  Tlaxcaltecan  hills  and  the  northern 
bank  of  the  Rio  Atoyac,  being  their  most  southerly  settle- 
ment.2 Thus  they  went  completely  around  the  tribal  range 
of  Cholula,  as  it  was  in  1519.  It  is  difficult  to  imagine  why 
they  should  have  taken  such  a route,  leaving  the  fertile  and 
attractive  plain  untouched,  which  was  of  easier  access  to 
them  than  the  region  of  Tlaxcala,  unless  we  suppose  that 
Cholula  was  then  already  occupied. 

Motolim'a  gives  another  version  of  the  settlements  of  the 

1 Historia  Ecclesiastica  Indiana,  lib.  ii.  cap.  vii.  p.  86. 

2 Fragment/}!  de  Historia  Mexicana,  etc.,  pp.  13,  14,  copied  by  Torque  mada, 
Monorchia , etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  viii.  p.  257. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  197 

Olmeca  and  Xicalanca,  stating  that  they  occupied  the  site 
where  the  city  of  Puebla  now  stands,1  perhaps  intending  at  the 
same  time  to  imply  that  Cholula  was  included  in  that  estab- 
lishment. Finally,  Ixtlilxochitl  makes  them  land  on  the  Gulf 
coast,  and  settle  on  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Atoyac,  before  the 
arrival  of  Quetzalcohuatl,  and  long  previous  to  the  coming  of 
the  Toltecs,  — mentioning  Cholula  as  an  Olmec,  or  Xicalanca 
pueblo.2  It  is  clear  that  no  certainty  can  be  attained  from 
such  reports  as  these.  Possibly  the  least  unsafe  surmise  may 
be,  that  a settlement,  perhaps  of  Olmeca,  existed  at  Cholula 
when  Quetzalcohuatl  reached  it,  who  was  the  leader,  or  one  of 
the  leaders,  of  an  Indian  tribe  of  sedentary  character  and  cus- 
toms. That  tribe  or  band  may  have  been  driven  from  Tula 
by  intertribal  warfare  among  people  of  the  same  linguistic 
stock,3  before  its  settlement  at  Cholula.  If  there  were  any 
inhabitants  in  that  region  previously,  the  mild  and  peaceable 
character  attributed  to  Quetzalcohuatl  would  seem  to  imply 
that  the  two  stocks  intermingled  without  previous  hostilities. 
This  may  have  been  owing  to  the  circumstance  that  the  nu- 
merical power  was  not  on  the  side  of  the  new-comers.  If  Cho- 
lula was  inhabited  previous  to  the  coming  of  Quetzalcohuatl, 
then  the  traditions  about  his  life  and  acts  there  point  to  the 
natural  results  of  the  intermingling  of  a group  of  village  In- 
dians of  a higher  order  settling  among  a tribe  in  a lower  stage 
of  culture. 

1 he  beneficial  effects  of  the  coming  of  Quetzalcohuatl  are 

1 Ilistoria,  etc.,  Epistola  Proemial,  p.  7.  Also  Gomara,  Segunda  Parte  de  la 
Crinica , etc.,  p.  432  ; but  he  only  mentions  “ Ulmecatlh,”  and  makes  “ Xica- 
lancatlh  ” settle  on  the  coast. 

2 Hist,  de  los  Chichimecos  (Kingsborough,  vol.  ix.),  cap.  i.  pp.  205,  206.  Su- 
maria  Relation  de  la  Ilistoria  General  etc.,  p.  459. 

3 This  is  clearly  indicated  by  the  Ilistoria  de  los  Mexieanos  / or  sus  Pinturas , 
cap.  viii.  p.  91  ; by  Sahagun,  Ilistoria  General,  etc.,  lib.  x.  cap.  xxix.  vol.  iii.  p.  113. 
Annies  de  Cuauhtitlan , p.  17.  Torquemada,  Monarchia,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  vii.  pp. 
255>  256  1 lib.  vi.  cap.  vii.  p.  20,  etc. 


198 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


stated  to  have  been  the  introduction,  or  more  likely  the  im- 
provement, of  the  arts  of  pottery,  of  weaving,  of  stonework, 
and  of  feather-work,  the  organization  of  government  after  a 
higher  type,  and  the  introduction  of  a mode  of  worship  free 
from  human  sacrifice.1 

All  this  progress  would  naturally  result  from  the  admixture 
of  a higher  class  of  sedentary  Indians  with  those  of  a lower 
grade,  except  only  the  last-named  feature,  the  abolition  of 
human  sacrifice.2 

Neither  the  Codex  Zumarraga,  nor  Motolim'a,  nor  the 
Cuauhtitlan  manuscript  (as  far  as  I have  it),  mentions  this 
humane  disposition  ; Tapia  and  Sahagun,  however,  are  very 
positive  about  it.  Nevertheless  it  is  equally  certain  that,  at 
the  time  of  the  Conquest,  the  idol  Quetzalcohuatl  was  wor- 
shipped by  the  sacrifice  of  a man,  whose  flesh  was  afterwards 
cooked  and  eaten  !3  Still,  this  is  not  absolute  proof  that  the 
historical  personage  may  not  have  been  himself  opposed  to 
such  atrocities,  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  his  more  humane 
views  were  the  cause  of  the  strife  which  drove  him  from  Tula. 
Such  a strife,  it  appears,  continued  to  follow  him  even  to  Cho- 
lula,4  for  all  the  authorities  are  unanimous  in  assigning  to 
the  close  of  his  earthly  career  another  locality,  namely,  the 
mythical  land  of  Tlapallan. 

1 Motolim'a,  Ilistoria,  etc.,  Epistola  Proemial,  p.  10.  Anales  de  Cuauhtitlan , 
pp.  14,  15,  16.  Sahagun,  Ilistoria  General,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  iii.  vol.  i.  pp.  243,  244  ; 
lib.  x.  cap.  xxix.  vol.  iii.  pp.  112, 1 13.  Tapia,  Relacion,  etc.,  p.  574.  Rojas,  Relacion, 
etc.,  MS.,  § 14.  Tobar,  Cidiee  Ramirez,  pp.  81,  82.  Duran,  Historia,  etc.,  vol.  ii. 
cap.  lxxix.  pp.  72-77.  Mendieta,  Ilistoria  Ecclesi&stica,  lib.  ii.  cap.  vii.  p.  86; 
cap.  x.  p.  92 ; cap.  xiv.  pp.  97,  98. 

2 The  Anales  dc  Cuauhtitlan,  p.  26,  even  say:  “Sin  embargo  de  que  algunos 
ancianos  aseguran  que  csta  inhumanidad  se  practicaba  ya  desde  el  tiempo  del  otro 
Quetzalcoatl,  llamatlo  Ce-acatl.”  This  looks  like  attributing  to  Quetzalcohuatl 
the  introduction  of  these  sacrifices. 

8 Tobar,  Codice  Ramirez,  cap.  iv.  p.  1 18.  Duran,  Historia  de  los  Yndias,  vol.  ii. 
cap.  lxxxiv.  p.  121. 

* This  story  is  related  by  Torquemada,  Monorchia , etc.,  lib  iii.  cap.  vii.  pp. 

255.  256- 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  199 


I do  not  feel  justified  in  speculating  upon  the  whereabouts 
of  Tlapallan,1  and  will  only  say  that  most  of  the  authorities 
place  it  on  the  sea-coast,  and  generally  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
But  the  ZumArraga  manuscript  and  the  Cuauhtitlan  annals 
make  him  die  there,  and  Motolinfa  himself  is  silent  as  to  his 
departure  by  sea.  That  story  is  told  in  full,  first  by  Saha- 
gun,  Duran,  and  Tobar. 

It  is  very  probable  that  the  uncertainty  about  the  close  of 
his  life  had  contributed  greatly  towards  his  deification.  Of 
the  latter  there  is  no  doubt,  and  it  is  equally  clear  that  he 
was  worshipped  as  God  of  the  Air  or  Wind.  Why  he  should 
have  been  chosen  for  that  role  is  a subject  open  to  wide  specu- 
lations, which  are  beyond  the  domain  of  history.  Still,  to  one 
who,  like  myself,  has  watched  for  some  time  the  atmospheric 
phenomena  at  Cholula,  one  slight  observation  may  perhaps 
be  permitted. 

In  the  first  place,  it  is  not  the  damaging  wind-storm,  the 
tremendous  hurricane,  which  Quetzalcohuatl  is  made  to  repre- 
sent, but  the  beneficial  rain-winds,  “ which  sweep  the  path 
for  the  rain-clouds,”  upon  whose  timely  descent  so  much  of 
the  future  of  the  horticultural  Indian  depends.  These  clouds, 
as  I have  already  said,  arise  in  a semicircle  along  the  great 
mountain  peaks,  from  the  Malinche  to  the  Popocatepetl,  en- 
compassing those  portions  of  the  horizon  whence,  according 
to  either  version  above  related,  Quetzalcohuatl  descended  to- 
wards Cholula.  May  there  not,  therefore,  be  some  natural 
connection  between  the  tradition  and  the  physical  phenomena 
related  ? 

The  influence  which  Quetzalcohuatl  is  represented  as  hav- 

1 Without  attaching  any  importance  to  it,  I will  suggest  that  Tlapallan  might 
be  derived  from  Tlapalli,  “ color  para  pintar,  6 cosa  tenida.”  Molina,  Vocabu- 
lario,  ii.  fol.  130.  It  would  then  mean  the  “ land  of  paint.”  Such  a designation 
might  imply  vegetable  as  well  as  mineral  paints,  because  the  Indians  used  both. 
Hut  the  Analcs  de  Cuauhtitlan  give  other  names  besides  (p.  21 ). 


200 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


ing  exercised  on  the  tribe  of  Cholula  is  such  as  would  natu- 
rally spring  from  Indians  of  the  highest  class,  both  in  respect 
to  habits  and  to  social  organization.  In  religion,  the  worship 
of  his  person  finally  became  the  leading  feature,  making  him 
the  tutelar  deity  of  Cholula. 

Whatever  changes  the  immigration,  as  whose  central  figure 
Ouetzalcohuatl  stands,  may  have  wrought,  these  were  perhaps 
not  obliterated,  though  they  may  have  been  materially  im- 
paired, by  subsequent  events  previous  to  the  Conquest.  Of 
such  later  changes  there  are  distinct  traces. 

Camargo  asserts  that  the  Cholullans,  Huexotzincas,  and 
Tlaxcallans  “were  all  of  the  same  race  and  of  the  same  fam- 
ily.’’1 It  is  certain  that,  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  they 
all  spoke  the  Nahuatl  language.  But  the  coming  of  the 
Nahuatl  tribes  is  generally  admitted  to  have  been  the  last 
“irruption”  of  Indians  into  that  part  of  Mexico  comprising 
the  present  States  of  Puebla  and  Tlaxcala,2  and  the  fact  that 
their  language  prevailed  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest  certainly 
supports  this  view,  although  it  does  not  make  it  absolutely 
certain.  There  exist  various  versions  of  this  coming  of  the 
Nahuatl,  but  the  earliest  ones  are  almost  hopelessly  confused. 
Motolinfa  briefly  states  that  the  Tla-xcaltecos  came  from  the 
northwest.3  Tobar,  however,  relates  that,  when  they  reached 

1 Hist,  de  la  Ripublique  de  T/axcal/an,  p.  184. 

2 The  Chichimecas  arc  commonly  regarded  as  having  preceded  the  Nahuatl. 
But  I fail  to  discover  in  this  word  anything  more  than  a general  term,  a surname 
or  a nickname.  While  the  appellatives  Olmecatl,  Toltecatl,  Otomitl,  Nahuatl, 
define  linguistic  stocks  or  specific  tribes,  Chichimecatl  is  indiscriminately  made 
to  signify  a savage,  a good  hunter,  or  a brave  warrior.  I therefore  cannot  recog- 
nize a Chichimecan  period  in  ancient  Mexico.  The  Nahuatl  of  Tlaxcala  them- 
selves are  also  called  Chichimecos,  or  Teochichimecos.  Torquemada,  Monor- 
chia, etc.,  lib.  i.  cap.  xiii.  p.  36;  lib.  iii.  cap.  ix.,  x.,  xi.,  xii.,  xiii.,  pp.  258  to  269. 
Sahagun,  Hist.  General,  etc.,  lib.  x.  cap.  xxix.  vol.  iii.  pp.  1 15-120,  147,  even  includes 
the  Toltecs  among  the  Chichimecos.  At  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  the  Northern 
tribes,  on  account  of  their  more  roving  character,  were  also  called  Chichimecos 
by  the  Mexicans,  irrespective  of  their  language. 

8 Historia,  etc.,  Epist.  Procmial,  p.  II. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  201 


the  lands  east  of  the  volcanoes,  they  found  them  occupied  by 
giants.  These  they  exterminated,  and  took  possession  of  the 
country.  Duran  is  still  more  detailed.  He  not  only  mentions 
the  giants  as  occupying  Tlaxcala  and  Cholula  together  with 
the  site  of  Puebla,  but  says  the  Cholultecas  exterminated 
them,  and  that  they  were  called  “ Quiname.”  In  another 
place  he  intimates  that  these  giants  had  built  the  so-called 
“ Pyramid"  of  Cholula,  which  Sahagun  positively  affirms,  stat- 
ing also  that  the  Toltecs  were  of  more  than  ordinary  size. 
All  this  tends  to  show  that  the  Nahuatl,  when  they  immi- 
grated into  the  present  State  of  Puebla  by  way  of  Tlaxcala, 
overthrew  a Toltec  tribe  then  occupying  Cholula.1  In  this 

1 Early  mention  of  these  giants  is  found  in  the  Anales  de  Cuauhtitlan , p.  24, 
where  “los  barbaros  Tlatlatecollo.de  Cuextlampa  quizaco,”  are  noticed.  Still 
they  are  not  positively  called  giants.  An  earlier  notice  of  them,  as  yet  unprinted, 
is  found  in  the  MS.  of  Motolim'a,  Libro  de  Oro , cap.  xxviii.:  “ El  segundo  sol  dicen 
nahui  ocelotl ; perecio  cayendo  el  cielo  sobre  la  gente  y los  mato  a todos,  y cucn 
tan  que  cn  aquella  edad  y sol  segundo  fueron  los  gigantes,  y que  de  aqucllos  son 
los  grandes  huesos  que  dije  que  ahora  se  hallan  cn  las  minas  y en  otras  partes 
debajo  de  la  tierra.”  This  agrees  with  the  Hist,  de  los  Mcxicanos  for  sits  Pinturas, 
cap.  iii  p 87,  cap.  iv.  p.  88,  in  substance,  though  not  precisely,  — whereas  it  is 
almost  literally  contained  in  Gomara,  Seg  Parte  de  la  Crimea , etc.,  p.  431.  The 
earliest  connection  of  the  tale  with  Cholula  is  probably  by  Fray  Pedro  de  los 
Rios  in  1566,  as  reported  in  the  Sfiegazione  delle  Tavole  del  Codice  Mexico  no, 
Kingsb.  vol.  v.  pp.  165,  166.  It  is  afterwards  repeated  by  Tobar,  Cod.  Ramirez, 
p 21;  and  with  fuller  details  by  Duran,  Ilistoria,  etc.,  vol.  i.  cap.  i.  pp.  6,  7; 
cap.  ii.  pp.  13-15.  Sahagun,  Ilistoria,  etc.,  lib.  x.  cap.  xxix.  vol.  iii.  pp.  112,  141, 
is  very  positive.  The  tale  in  the  sixteenth  century  was  clearly  founded  on  the 
existence  of  fossil  remains  of  large  size,  and  as  such  is  an  excellent  illustration 
of  the  formation  of  “ Historical  Traditions  and  Myths  of  Observation,”  as  illus- 
trated by  Mr.  E.  B.  Tylor  in  Researches  into  the  Early  History  of  Mankind,  1878, 
cap  xi.  pp.  32-34.  Bernal  Diez,  Historia  Verdadera,  etc.,  1795,  v°h  ’■  P-  35°> 's 
very  properly  quoted  by  him.  But  it  becomes  interesting  to  study  the  names  by 
which  the  Nahuatl  called  these  supposed  monsters.  The  Cuauhtitlan  MS.  uses 
“ tlatlacatecollo  Ixcuiname.”  The  first  word  is  easily  decomposed  into  “ tlatlaca,” 
men,  and  “ tecolatl,”  owl,  thus  indicating  the  conception  of  “demon  ” or  “devil,” 
attached  by  the  Nahuatl  to  the  term  of  “ tlacatecolotl,”  man-owl.  The  second  is 
derived  from  “ Ixachi,”  much  or  numerous,  and  “ Quinametli,”  giant.  Molina, 
Vocabulario,  ii.  fol.  44,  and  i.  fol.  65.  The  same  author  also  calls  giants  “ tla- 
caneyac,”  great  men.  I cannot  find,  in  the  Nahuatl  language,  any  explanation  of 


202 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


instance  the  reverse  of  what  had  happened  at  the  time  of 
Quetzalcohuatl  took  place : a more  barbarous  tribe  succeeded 
to  one  higher  advanced  in  culture,  and  the  result  was  a 
blending  of  the  customs  of  both,  while  the  tribal  worship  of 
Quetzalcohuatl,  now  formally  converted  into  adoration  of  the 
atmospheric  elements,  remained  as  before. 

This  is  on  the  assumption  that  the  Nahuatl  incursion  was 
of  a warlike  nature.  But  although,  for  reasons  which  I shall 
hereafter  state,  I incline  to  this  belief,  still  it  is  not  certain 
that  the  change  was  effected  by  force.  That  the  worship  of 
Quetzalcohuatl  should  have  survived  a military  conquest  is 
not  very  probable.  Still,  here  the  peculiar  relations  come  in 
between  Camaxtli  and  Quetzalcohuatl.  The  tribal  boast  of 
Tlaxcala,  that  its  tutelar  deity  was  father  to  the  tutelar  god 
of  Cholula,  indicates  the  former  inferiority  of  the  latter  ; and 
while  that  relation  was  apparently  soon  changed,  as  regards 
intertribal  connection,  remnants  of  it  may  have  been  left  in 
forms  of  worship  and  in  mythological  tales. 

The  settlement  of  Nahuatl  Indians  on  the  site  of  Cholula  is 
the  last  great  change  in  the  history  of  that  tribe  previous  to 
the  Conquest  ; but  when  that  event  occurred  I shall  not 
attempt  to  determine.  It  is  as  yet  too  early  to  establish  a 
definite  chronology  running  farther  back  from  the  Conquest 
than  two  centuries,  and  even  within  that  period  but  very  few 

the  word  “ Quinamctli,”  plural  “ Quiname.”  It  looks  like  a foreign  term.  Rios, 
S/>ierazione  delle  Tivole,  p.  165,  calls  the  giants  “ tzocuillixeque,’’  and  Ixtlilxochitl, 
Hist,  des  Chiehimiques , etc.,  p.  3,  “ Quimametzin  Tzocuilhioxime.”  Tezozomoc, 
Crinica , etc.,  cap.  cviii.  p.  692,  calls  human  monsters  “ Tezocuilyexique  y por 
otto  nombre  Centevexique.”  Dr.  Valentini  has  suggested  to  me  the  possibility 
that  the  word  “quiname”  may  originally  have  been  “Maya,”  that  is,  a cor- 
ruption of  “ uinac  ” or  “ uinic,”  man,  with  the  Mexican  plural  “ me  ” attached, 
thus  signifying  a corruption  of  men  (“  uinac-me  ” changed  into  “quina-me”). 
If  this  suggestion  should  be  confirmed,  it  would  resolve  the  tale  of  the  “ giants  ” 
into  a former  settlement  of  Maya  Indians  at  Cholula,  the  recollection  of  which 
was,  through  a “ mvth  of  observation,”  subsequently  transformed  into  the  tradi- 
tion of  a colossal  or  monstrous  people. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  203 


dates  have  been  satisfactorily  fixed.  No  sooner  were  the 
Nahuatl  established  at  Cholula,  however,  than  we  have,  up  to 
the  time  of  Cortes,  a series  of  inter-tribal  feuds,  Cholula  fight- 
ing: asrainst  Tlaxcala  and  Huexotzinco,  or  in  alliance  with  one 
of  these  acainst  the  other.  Towards  the  latter  half  of  the  fif- 
teenth  century,  the  Mexicans  and  confederates  appeared  in  the 
valley  of  Atlixco,  threatening  both  Cholula  and  Huexotzinco  ; 
whereupon  Cholula  appears  in  alliance  with  Tlaxcala  against 
the  valley  confederacy,  and  finally  in  armed  array  against  the 
Tlaxcaltecos  and  inclining  towards  the  tribes  of  the  Mexican 
valley.  Thus  Cortes  found  them  in  15  19.1 

To  ascribe  to  Quetzalcohuatl  the  introduction  of  forms  of 
worship  at  Cholula  may  therefore  be  very  proper,  but  it  is 
doubtful  whether,  under  the  influence  of  subsequent  immigra- 
tion, these  forms  remained  unaltered.  If  it  is  true  that  the 
worship  of  his  tribe  excluded  human  sacrifice,  then  a great 
change  took  place  during  the  Nahuatl  period.  A cursory 
notice  of  the  form  under  which  the  Cholultecos  represented 
Quetzalcohuatl  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  and  the  manner 
in  which  they  adored  him,  may  not  be  out  of  place  here. 

Sahagun  simply  states  that  this  idol  was  always  lying  on 
the  ground,  covered  with  robes  ; that  the  face  was  ugly,  the 
head  long  and  bearded.2  Tobar  and  Duran  give  more  details, 
and  the  latter  says : “ This  idol  was  of  wood,  and  had  the 
appearance  which  the  painting  presents  ; that  is  to  say,  it  had 
the  entire  body  of  a man  and  the  face  of  a bird  with  a red 

1 For  a very  confused,  though  detailed,  description  of  these  feuds,  I refer  to 
Anales  de  Cuauhtitlan , and  to  Camargo,  Fragmentos , etc.,  pp.  42-91,  etc.  Some 
details  are  also  in  Duran,  Historia,  etc.,  vol.  i.  cap.  lvii.,  lix.,  lx.,  etc.,  in  Tczozomoc, 
Cronica , etc.,  cap.  xevi.,  xeix.,  etc.,  and  Diego  Panes  y Abelian,  Theatro  de  Nueba 
Espaha,  etc.,  MS.,  vol.  ii.  fol.  27,  43,  150. 

2 Historia  General,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  iii.  p.  243.  Rojas,  Relation  de  Cholula , 
MS.,  confirms,  or  perhaps  copies,  this  statement.  The  writings  of  Father  Ribeira 
were  known  to  Spanish  officials  in  1581,  although  not  published.  He  died  on  the 
5th  of  February,  1590,  and  the  manuscript  of  his  Historia  was  completed  prior 
to  1570. 


204 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


bill,  on  which  grew  a crest  with  warts  like  a Peruvian  duck. 
The  bill  also  had  a row  of  teeth,  and  the  tongue  hanging 
out.  From  this  beak  to  the  middle  of  the  face  there  was 
yellow  paint,  and,  besides,  a black  band  from  the  eyes  down 
around  the  bill.”  1 

The  festival  of  Quetzalcohuatl  is  stated  by  Duran  to  have 
taken  place  on  the  3d  of  February.  Forty  days  previously  a 
slave  was  selected,  who  must  be  in  perfect  health  and  of  fault- 
less body.  Me  was  dressed  in  the  same  manner  as  the  idol, 
and  after  having  been  carefully  bathed,  and  kept  in  “honorable 
confinement  ” as  an  object  of  worship  for  that  length  of  time, 
he  was  sacrificed  at  midnight.  The  heart  was  tendered  to  the 
moon,  and  afterwards  thrown  at  the  idol,  and  the  body  cut 
up,  cooked,  and  publicly  devoured.  This  was  the  manner  in 
which  the  festival  was  celebrated  at  Mexico,  where  Quetzal- 
cohuatl  was  much  less  worshipped  than  at  Cholula ; still, 
Tobar  leads  us  to  infer  that  at  Cholula  a similar  sacrifice  was 
performed.2 

Motolinfa  mentions  a great  festival  which  took  place  at 
Cholula  every  fourth  year,  preceded  by  long  fasts  and  tor- 
tures self-inflicted  upon  various  parts  of  the  body,  sufficient  to 
draw  blood.  The  same  author  speaks  of  reciprocal  relations 
between  Cholula  and  Tlaxcala  on  the  occasion  of  the  festivals 
of  Camaxtli  and  of  Quetzalcohuatl.3 

It  is  noteworthy  that  some  of  the  older  writers  attribute 
to  Quetzalcohuatl  the  invention  of  those  self-tortures  which, 
at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  were  so  common  among  the 
Nahuatl  Indians  of  Mexico  4 The  custom,  however,  of  fast- 
ing and  subjecting  one’s  self  to  pain  is  and  was  in  general 

1 Historia  de  las  Yndias,  etc,  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxxiv.  p.  1 19.  Lam.  6,  Trat.  2°. 

2 Codice  Ramirez,  Trat.  ii.  cap.  iv.  pp.  147,  148.  Historia  de  las  Yndias  de 
Nueua  Espaha,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxxiv.  pp.  119-121. 

3 Historia,  etc.,  Trat.  i.  cap.  xi.  pp.  60-62.  Libro  de  Oro,  cap.  xxvii.  p.  97. 

4 Sahagun,  Hist.  General,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  iii.  vol.  i.  p.  244;  lib.  x.  cap.  xxix. 
vol.  iii.  p.  1 12.  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist,  de  los  Chiehimccos,  pp.  205,  206,  etc. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  205 


use  among  Indians  as  a preparation  for  the  office  of  “medi- 
cine-man,” 1 which  could  only  be  obtained  by  severe  trials  of 
that  sort.  The  appellation  of  “priest”  was  bestowed  upon 
him  by  the  older  writers,  and  has  prevailed  ever  since.  His 
main  duty,  besides,  consisted  in  offering  himself  up  in  behalf 
of  the  tribe.  The  assertion,  therefore,  that  Quetzalcohuatl 
invented  such  a practice,  while  it  cannot  be  totally  disproved, 
still  appears  of  doubtful  probability. 

About  the  organization  of  a so-called  priesthood  at  Cholula 
by  Quetzalcohuatl,  it  is  equally  impossible  to  form  any  con- 
clusion.2 Gabriel  de  Rojas  has  the  most  details  on  the 
subject  of  that  organization,  and  I can  do  no  better  than  to 
translate  his  statements  here  without  vouching  for  their  entire 
correctness  :3  — 

“The  Indians  of  this  city  were  free,  acknowledging  obe- 
dience to  no  external  authority  or  cacique.  They  governed 
themselves  by  two  principal  men,  called  Aquiach  and  Tlalchi- 
ach.  The  coat  of  arms  of  Aquiach  was  an  eagle,  and  that  of 
Tlalchiach  a tiger,  which  is  the  fiercest  animal  of  this  land  ; 
signifying  thereby,  that,  as  the  eagle  is  over  the  birds,  and  the 
ti^er  over  the  beasts,  so  were  the  two  mentioned  above  all 

O 

the  others.  These  two  Indians  were  in  the  chief  temple  of 
the  city,  called  Quetzalcoatl  (where  the  convent  now  is).  This 
temple  was  founded  in  honor  of  a captain  who  led  the  people 
of  this  city  to  settle  here  in  ancient  times,  from  very  remote 
parts  in  the  west,  of  which  nothing  certain  is  known,  and  that 

1 Tlamacazqui,  from  Tlama,  physician  or  doctor. 

2 I am  unable  to  find  any  direct  proof  of  the  fact  believed  by  many,  that  one 
of  the  medicine-men  bore  the  title  of  Quetzalcohuatl.  There  are  indications  of 
it,  however,  and  it  is  not  at  all  impossible.  Something  similar  took  place  among 
the  Iroquois.  The  second  and  third  sachemships  of  the  Mohawks,  Ha-yo- 
went'-ha  (Hiawatha)  and  Da-ga-no-we'-da,  were  filled  but  once,  and  by  the 
mythical  personages  so  named.  But  the  titles  remained  always  afterwards. 
Morgan,  Ancient  Society,  p.  131.  Also  the  title  of  “ Atotarho,”  of  the  Onondagas. 
Parkman,  The  Jesuits  in  North  America , Introduction,  pp.  liv.  and  lv. 

3 Relacion  de  Cholula,  MS.,  § 14. 


206 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


captain  was  called  Quetzalcoatl,  and  when  he  died  they  built 
a temple  to  him.  In  that  temple  there  were,  besides  the  said 
two  Indians,  a great  number  of  religious  men,  who  had  to  be 
chosen  from  the  nobles  of  one  single  quarter  of  this  city, 
which  was  called  Tianquiznahuac,  and  to-day  is  named  S. 
Miguel.1  Whenever  these  took  the  vows  of  religion,  they 
offered  up  all  or  most  of  their  property  to  the  temple  for  the 
maintenance  of  its  inmates  ; and  having  once  entered  the 
order,  it  was  not  allowed  to  them  to  go  out  of  it  any  more. 
If  they  were  married,  they  might  go  home  at  nightfall  to  sleep 
with  their  wives,  but  whenever  at  midnight  a trumpet,  made 
of  a long  calabash,  was  blown,  they  gathered  at  the  temple, 
where  they  remained  in  prayer  a certain  time,  casting  incense 
before  the  image  of  Quetzalcoatl.  That  image  was  within  the 
temple,  of  full  size,  and  with  a long  beard.  They  prayed  to  it 
to  give  them  good  rains,  health,  and  peace  in  their  common- 
wealth. The  remainder  of  the  time  they  passed  in  the  tem- 
ple, whither  they  carried  food  from  their  houses,  and  every 
twenty  days  they  all  came  together  in  the  temple  and  ate  in 
common.  To  those  who  newly  entered  the  order  was  given 
a black  cape,  which  they  were  four  years;  after  that  time 
another  cape  of  black  and  red  colors  ; this  they  wore  four 
years  more,  at  the  close  of  which  they  received  a black  cape 
with  red  border  for  four  years  ; then  again  a black  and  red 
cape  ; and  when  these  three2  courses  of  four  years  each  were 
past,  they  received  black  capes  again,  which  they  wore  for  the 
rest  of  their  days,  except  the  oldest  of  the  order,  whose 
dresses  were  red.  So  it  happened  that,  when  the  two  Indians 
mentioned  as  Aquiach  and  Tlalquiach  died,  these  were  the 
persons  who  had  to  succeed  in  the  chief  priesthood,  the  two 
oldest  ones  taking  office,  and  receiving  the  names,  coats  of 

1 This  is  the  San  Miguel  Ticpan  of  the  old  map. 

- This  should  be  four,  but  the  text  reads,  “ y acabados  estos  tres  cursos  de  a 
cada  cuatro  anos.” 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CUOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  2QJ 


arms,  and  insignia  of  Aquiach  and  Tlalquiach,  the  eagle  and 
the  tiger.  Thus  the  oldest  ones  continually  succeeded  in  the 
supreme  office,  and  two  of  them  governed  the  whole  republic, 
and  from  this  order  the  captains  were  chosen  by  Aquiach  and 
Tlalquiach  whenever  any  war  with  their  neighbors  began.” 

Rojas  then  states  how  the  chiefs  of  neighboring  pueblos 
went  to  Cholula  to  pay  tribute  and  homage  to  Quetzalcohuatl 
after  being  placed  in  office,  and  received  from  the  two  high- 
priests  the  investiture.  I have  already  alluded  to  the  im- 
probability of  this  statement.  He  afterwards  proceeds  as 
follows : — 

“ Alongside  of  the  said  temple  there  was  a great  block  of 
houses  ( una  gran  cuadra ),  in  which  resided  ordinarily  twenty- 
six  of  the  leading  Indians  of  the  tribe,  who  accompanied  the 
two  high-priests  whenever  these  went  out  anywhere.  In  the 
same  block  there  were  stationed  a large  number  of  trumpeters 
and  drummers,  whose  office  it  was  to  go  before  the  high- 
priests,  when  they  went  out,  playing  their  instruments.  Be- 
sides, the  trumpeters  had  to  blow  their  trumpets  at  sunset,  so 
that  all  might  say  their  prayers,  and  again  at  midnight.  Then 
those  of  the  temple  rose  to  pray,  as  it  has  been  told,  and  to 
burn  incense  to  the  idol,  after  having  first  bathed,  and  when 
at  midnight  the  trumpets  sounded,  all  those  of  the  people  who 
heard  the  sound  rose  in  their  houses,  bathed,  and  remained 
awhile  in  prayers.  Afterwards,  at  daybreak,  they  gave  another 
blast  for  the  same  purpose,  and  the  people  of  the  pueblo  com- 
monly gathered  in  the  temple  in  the  morning  to  pray  and 
make  their  offerings,  which  consisted  of  fowl,  quails,  rabbits, 
deer,  copal-incense,  and  other  things 

“ On  the  summit  of  a hill  which  is  in  this  city,  there  was,  in 
a hermitage  there  constructed,  an  idol  called  Chiconauh  Ouia- 
huitl,  that  is  to  say,  he  who  rains  nine  times , because  they 
called  the  rain  quiahuitl,  and  the  number  nine  chiconahue. 


208 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


To  this  they  prayed  whenever  they  lacked  water,  and  sacri- 
ficed to  it  children  from  six  to  ten  years  of  age,  whom  they 
captured  or  bought  for  that  purpose.  When  they  sacrificed, 
they  carried  the  children  up  the  hill  in  procession,  whither 
went  some  old  men  singing,  and  before  the  idol  they  cut 
the  child  open  with  a knife,  taking  out  the  heart,  and  they 
burnt  incense  to  the  idol,  and  afterwards  buried  the  baby  (la 
criatura)  there  before  the  idol.  This  they  always  did  when 
there  was  scarcity  of  water  for  their  crops.  Besides,  they 
held  a special  festival  for  it  every  year,  at  which  all  the  pueblo 
were  present. 

“ In  addition  to  these  idols,  which  were  the  principal  ones 
of  the  city,  it  contained  well-nigh  eight  hundred  minor  idols 
in  little  churches  or  hermitages  in  all  the  quarters,  in  which 
they  also  performed  their  rites  and  ceremonies,  adorations  and 
sacrifices  of  such  men  as  fell  to  the  share  of  each  quarter  in 
war.  These  idols  also  had  little  hillocks  made  by  hand,  like 
the  one  mentioned,  with  its  hermitage  upon  it,  called  Tcucale, 
or  house  of  god.  Of  these  hillocks  there  remain  two  at  this 
day,  which  are  close  by  the  great  hill.  These  may  be  forty 
ells  in  height,  and  are  made  of  adobe  bricks,  and  even  to-day 
there  are  all  over  the  city  relics  of  many  other  smaller,  which, 
together  with  the  houses,  have  gone  to  decay.” 

I have  already  alluded  to  the  probability  that  the  two  high- 
priests  may  have  been  in  fact  only  leading  chiefs,  similar  to 
the  dual  executive  found  in  other  tribes.  The  ritual  and  the 
organization  of  the  so-called  priesthood  are  simply  analogous 
to  what  existed  among  the  Nahuatl  tribes  at  the  time  of  the 
Conquest,1  and  also  resemble  what  is  told  by  Burgoa  about 
the  customs  and  practices  of  worship  at  the  former  Tzapoteco 
seftlement  of  Lyo-Baa,  where  now  stands  the  village  of  San 

1 Compare  Sahagun,  Hist.  General , etc.,  lib.  ii.  Ape'ndice,  vol.  i.  pp.  217,  229; 
lib.  iii.  Apendice,  cap.  ix.  ib.  p.  276;  lib.  viii.  cap.  xxvii.  vol.  ii.  p.  316 ; and  others. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AA’D  ITS  VICINITY.  209 


Pablo  Mitla,  in  the  State  of  Oaxaca.1  There  are,  of  course, 
tribal,  and  therefore  local  variations,  but  at  the  same  time 
such  conspicuous  resemblances  that  I cannot  safely  conclude 
whether  any,  or  what,  part  may  be  due  to  the  original  influ- 
ence of  the  immigration  which  Quetzalcohuatl  has  been  made 
to  typify. 

There  still  remains  to  be  considered  how,  and  in  what  man- 
ner, he  may  have  come  to  be  regarded  as  “ god  of  the  traders.” 
In  another  place  I have  attempted  to  show  the  true  part  which 
the  inhabitants  of  Cholula  played  in  the  life  of  Indian  tribes 
in  Mexico.2  Cholula  was,  by  its  geographical  position,  its 
natural  products,  and  the  industry  of  its  people,  a great  Indian 
market.3 

In  the  first  place,  it  was  of  easier  access  from  the  south  than 
any  other  pueblo  of  Central  Mexico,  and  consequently  the 
tribes  of  the  valley,  in  their  trading  expeditions,  found  there 
a resting-place,  when  on  their  journeys  towards  Oaxaca.  But 
at  the  same  time,  at  the  Cholula  fairs,  they  met  with  the  pro- 
duce of  the  far  south,  which  had  been  carried  along  the  line 
of  tribes  extending  from  Tehuantepec  up  through  the  valley 
of  Oaxaca  to  Cuicatlan,  Cozcatlan,  Tehuacan,  Tepexe,  Te- 
peaca,  to  within  convenient  distance  of  Cholula.  All  these 
pueblos  lay  within  easy  reach  of  each  other,  and  it  was  not 
necessary  for  the  Indian  traders  from  the  south  to  go  any  far- 
ther than  Cholula  in  order  to  meet  the  products  of  the  valley 
tribes.  The  exchange  might  very  well  take  place  there. 

1 Fray  Francisco  de  Burgoa,  Geograjica  Description  de  la  Parte  septentrional 
del  Polo  Arctico  de  la  America,  y Arucva  Iglcsia  de  las  Indias  Occidentals,  y Sitio 
Astronimico  de  esta  Provincia  de  Predicadores  de  Antcquera  Valle  de  Oaxaca, 
etc.,  Mexico,  1674,  Parte  ii.  cap.  xxiii.  fol.  129;  id.  vol.  ii.  fol.  25S-261,  cap.  liii. 
I shall  have  occasion  to  refer  again  to  this  very  rare  and  considerably  over- 
estimated work. 

2 Social  Organization  and  Mode  of  Government,  etc.,  pp.  602-606. 

3 Ixtlilxochitl,  Quinta  Relation,  etc.,  p.  332,  even  speaks  of  Cholula  as  one  of 
the  chief  markets  of  the  Toltecs.  That  its  fairs  were  much  frequented  at  the 
time  of  the  Conquest  is  well  known. 

14 


2 10 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


The  tribe  possessed  two  great  staples,  — cochineal  and 
maize,  of  which  the  latter  was  of  much  less  importance.  Co- 
chineal, or  nocheztli  (blood  of  the  prickly  pear),  was  raised  on 
the  Opuntia  in  large  quantities.  As  late  as  1581,  the  city  of 
Cholula  alone  produced  annually  from  2,000  to  4,000  arrobas 
(50,000  to  100,000  pounds).1  The  subsequent  introduction  of 
European  cereals  completely  put  an  end  to  its  culture  there, 
although  the  Spanish  government  encouraged  it  in  other  parts 
of  Mexico.  But  before  the  Conquest  the  dye  was  a valuable 
object  of  exchange,  much  sought  after,  and  it  formed  an  at- 
traction to  traders  of  distant  tribes.  It  is  known  that,  under 
the  system  of  desultory  warfare  common  to  the  aborigines  of 
Mexico,  commercial  intercourse  was  seldom  interrupted,  even 
at  the  time  of  hostilities. 

Of  industrial  products,  it  was  principally  the  pottery  which 
drew  strangers  to  the  Tianquiz  of  Cholula.  There  can  be 
bought  now  in  Cholula  large  numbers  of  heads  made  of  clay; 
human  heads  and  skulls,  heads  of  lizards,  and  possibly  of 
monkeys.  They  all  go  by  the  name  of  idols,  although  the 
children  call  them  “ little  faces  ” ( caritas ).  I am  satisfied 
that  they  were  merely  intended  for  ornaments  to  jars  and 
pots,  shaped  in  little  moulds  and  fastened  upon  the  unbaked 
vessels,  commonly  one  on  each  of  four  sides.  In  some  cases 
an  entire  human  body  formed  one  face  of  the  jar.  Plastic  art 
in  general  at  Cholula  labored  under  the  same  defects  which 
are  manifest  in  the  collections  at  the  National  Museum  of 
Mexico.  The  form  is  fairly  good  whenever  it  is  very  simple. 
Thus  human  faces  are  sometimes  excellent,  and  I have  secured 
one  piece,  imitating  the  female  head-dress  previously  men- 
tioned, which  is  quite  perfect.  But  as  soon  as  an  attempt  is 
made  to  carve  the  whole  body,  then  a disproportion  between 
its  various  parts  results,  which  is  most  disagreeable  to  the  eye. 
The  same  is  true  of  stone  figures  also.  The  latter  are  scarce 


1 Rojas,  Relation  de  Cholula , § 23. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY'. 


2 I I 


at  Cholula  at  present,  and  are  all  made  out  of  tetzontli,  the 
black  lava  used  for  the  manufacture  of  grinding  slabs. 

Green  stones,  carved  into  various  shapes,  have  been  asso- 
ciated with  Quetzalcohuatl,1  and  inferentially  with  Cholula. 
They  are  quite  frequent,  or  were  so  a short  time  ago,  among 
the  finds  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  present  city.  I have 
seen  collars,  perforated  disks,  and  entire  frogs.  The  work- 
manship has  nothing  to  distinguish  it  from  that  of  other  speci- 
mens of  plastic  art.  But  it  is  to  be  remembered,  that  I have 
been  unable  to  find  this  material  in  situ  anywhere  within  the 
district;  that  the  Indians  always  positively  assured  me  that  its 
locality  was  unknown  ; and  finally,  that  most  of  the  natives 
are  of  the  opinion  that  these  stones  are  artificial  compounds. 
They  are  called  “ chalchihuites,”  but  it  can  easily  be  seen  that 
this  name  is  applied  to  the  color  alone,  irrespective  of  their 
chemical  composition.2  I have  scarcely  any  doubt  that  this 
material  was  imported  into  Cholula  from  regions  now  un- 
known, thus  affording  additional  evidence  of  traffic  at  the 
aboriginal  pueblo. 

The  same  can  be  said  of  obsidian.  It  was  called  by  various 
names,  Itztli,  Melitztetl,  Pelitztetl,  and  the  nearest  place  where 
it  occurs  lies  far  outside  of  the  present  district.  Still,  the 
demand  for  it  must  have  been  great,  judging  by  the  quantity 
of  flakes,  cores,  knives,  arrowheads,  etc.,  etc.,  still  to  be  found 
scattered  over  the  surface.  It  was  an  object  of  such  moment 
in  daily  life  as  to  indicate  a steady  intercourse  with  the  North, 
where  the  nearest  obsidian  rocks  protrude.3 

1 Sahagun,  Hist.  General,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  iii.  p.  243.  Anales  tie  Cnauhtitlan, 

p.  16,  and  others. 

At  Calpan  I was  shown  chalchihuite  of  various  kinds.  One  was  plainly 
serpentine,  another  was  as  plainly  green  obsidian,  and  a third  apparently  chlo- 
rite slate.  It  is  the  color  which  gave  the  name.  Therefore  it  ought  to  be  written 
as  it  is  pronounced,  — “ chal”  or  “ xal,”  “ xihuitl,”  the  a-  sounding  like  sh  in 
English. 

3 Near  Tullantzinco,  on  the  western  slope  of  the  coast  Cordillera,  although  I 
incline  to  the  belief  that  it  may  be  found  even  nearer. 


2 I 2 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Of  gold,  silver,  and  copper  there  are  a few  traces  in  the 
southwestern  and  southern  parts  of  the  old  tribal  range,  but 
there  is  no  certainty  that  veins  of  these  metals  were  ever 
worked  there.  That  objects  of  art  made  from  such  material 
should  be  scarce  now  is  only  natural,  and  no  evidence  of  their 
former  rarity.  Still,  the  metal  could  have  reached  Cholula 
only  by  trade  and  barter.  Such  metallic  objects  as  I have 
seen  were  fairly  well  made  by  beating  or  hammering,  but 
without  any  evidence  of  casting.  Of  their  antiquity,1  how- 
ever, I do  not  feel  quite  sure. 

Featherwork  and  rabbit-hair  were  used  to  decorate  cotton 
textures.  Of  the  former  there  is  still  a magnificent  specimen 
at  the  church  of  Calpan,  which,  however,  postdates  the  Con- 
quest ;2  and  of  the  latter  I have  seen  a fine  robe  from  Tlaxcala, 
also  of  later  date,  but  with  patterns  evidently  antique.3  Some 
species  of  the  birds  of  Cholula  have  bright  hues,  but  the  most 
brilliant  of  all,  the  humming-birds,  are  not  more  common 
there  than  in  northern  latitudes.  The  gaudy  plumage  of  the 
parrot  and  macaw,  the  splendid  feathers  of  the  trogon  or  que- 
tzaltototle,  had  to  be  brought  from  the  far  South,  thus  forming 
another  object  of  commerce  on  the  Tianquiz  of  Cholula. 

I confess  my  inability  to  decide  the  question  whether  cot- 
ton was  raised  at  Cholula  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  or  not. 
The  older  authors  are  silent  on  this  point,  and  I incline  to  the 
belief  that,  if  cultivated  at  all,  it  was  not  extensively.  The 
fact  that  I saw  an  ancient  hand-loom  at  Cuauhtlantzinco,  is 
far  from  conclusive.  But  as  the  people  dressed  in  cotton,  at 
least  to  some  extent,4 1 infer  that  cotton  also  formed  an  article 
of  importation. 

1 Such  are  car-rings  of  gold,  now  in  the  National  Museum  of  Mexico. 

2 The  picture  of  St.  Andrew,  commonly  called  “ El  San  Andres  de  pluma.” 

8 It  was  offered  to  me,  but  I refused  to  buy  it.  It  contains  silk  thread,  and, 
although  made  after  antique  patterns,  is  still  evidently  later  than  the  Conquest. 

4 Rojas,  Relation  de  Cholula,  § 30,  “ Mantas  de  algodon  para  su  vestir,  no  se 
liacen  aqui;  pero  traenlas  a vender  al  tianqucz  de  diversas  partes  donde  se 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  21  3 


Last,  but  certainly  not  least,  as  an  object  of  barter,  is  the 
cacao.  It  is  needless  to  state  that  this  was  not,  and  is  not 
now,  a product  of  the  high  plateau.  Rojas,  in  1581,  writes 
about  it  as  follows : “ The  greatest  commerce  done  in  this 

pueblo  is  in  cochineal  and  in  cacao This  cacao  they 

grind  and  dissolve  in  water,  beating  it  with  the  hand,  so  that 
it  raises  much  froth.”1  At  present,  it  is  no  longer  beaten,  but 
a wooden  pestle  is  twirled  about  in  the  liquid  between  the 
palms  of  both  hands.  That  cacao  served  for  exchange,  or 
rather  as  a rude  substitute  for  money,  is  well  known,  which 
evidently  increased  the  demand  for  it.  Rojas  says  that,  at 
his  time,  there  were  Indians  so  dexterous  in  handling  cacao  as 
to  count  200,000  grains  in  one  day. 

The  variety  of  products  which  accumulated  at  Cholula 
in  this  manner  made  of  its  inhabitants  a tribe  of  traders, 
as  the  Tlaxcaltecos  justly  remarked  to  Cortes.  It  is  not 
strange,  therefore,  that  the  tutelar  deity  of  Cholula,  Quetzal- 
cohuatl,  became  in  the  eyes  of  foreign  tribes  the  god  of 
the  traders.  Those  who  frequented  the  Cholula  market 
placed  themselves  under  his  protection,  and  sought  to  secure 
his  good  will  and  assistance  by  offerings  at  his  shrine,  which 
accounts  for  the  idea  that  Cholula  was  a place  of  pilgrimage 
for  all  the  Indians  of  Mexico.  It  is  very  natural  that  the 
Cholultecos  may  have  made  some  such  boast  of  an  imaginary 
superiority  of  their  god  to  all  the  other  deities  of  the  land. 

Before  casting  a glance  at  the  arts  of  life  and  husbandry 
practised  at  Cholula  at  the  time  of  its  Spanish  conquest,  I 
must  call  attention  to  the  other  statement  of  Rojas  touching 
worship ; namely,  that  besides  Quetzalcohuatl,  and  next  to 
him  in  authority  and  importance,  that  tribe  worshipped  an 
idol  called  Chiconauh  Quiahuitl,  or  Nine  Rains. 

labran,  y especialmente  se  gastan  las  de  Campeche,  que  son  las  comunes,  aunque 
se  gastan  tilmas  y huipiles  pulidos  y curiosos  para  su  vestir.” 

1 Relation,  etc.,  § 33. 


214 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE . 


That  such  an  idol  was  really  worshipped  on  the  top  of  the 
so-called  Pyramid  of  Cholula,  so  far  as  I know,  is  only  stated 
by  this  author  ; but  it  is  singular  that,  among  the  Indians  of 
to-day,  the  great  mound  is  called  Chicontepetl,  Nine  Hills. 
I would  here  remark,  that  the  number  nine  associated  with 
an  object  frequently  denoted  among  the  Nahuatl  merely 
something  supernatural,  without  regard  to  definite  quantity.1 
Therefore,  while  I incline  to  the  belief  that  the  word  is  di- 
rectly connected  with  the  nine  months  of  the  year  from  the 
beginning  of  March  to  the  beginning  of  December,  — during 
which  more  or  less  rain  falls  at  Cholula,  — still  it  might  simply 
indicate  the  origin  of  rain  as  from  the  heavens,  without  any 
allusion  to  the  specific  period  or  season.  But  it  is  worth  not- 
ing, that  the  idol  at  Cholula  next  in  importance  to  Quetzalco- 
huatl,  the  rain-bringing  Winds,  is  Rain  itself,  and  the  idea  of 
an  original  connection  between  the  two  cults  becomes  quite 
probable.  This  is  further  strengthened  by  the  statement  of 
Sahagun,  according  to  which  Chiconquinitl  was  brother  of  the 
god  of  the  merchants.2  I shall  have  to  return  to  this  point 
again,  when  I treat  of  the  great  mound,  or  so-called  Pyramid 
of  Cholula. 

The  position  of  Cholula,  as  an  extremely  convenient,  and 
therefore  much  frequented  market,  explains  another  statement, 
that  Quetzalcohuatl  possessed  unusual  treasures,  according  to 
the  Indian  conception  ; such  as  birds  of  precious  plumage, 
which  that  part  of  Mexico  does  not  possess,  “ chalchihuitl,” 

1 I refer  to  the  “ nine  heavens  ” of  the  Historia  de  los  Mexicanos  par  sus  Pin- 
turns,  p.  102,  of  the  Annies  de  Cuauhtitlan,  p.  15.  To  the  terms  used  by  Tezo- 
zomoc,  CrAnica,  etc.,  cap.  lv.  p.  436:  “Yu  atlecalocon  Chicnauhmictlan,  en  el 
noveno  infierno  del  abismo  ” ; also  cap.  lx.  p.  454.  To  the  idol  Chicunahuitz- 
cuintli,  “ nine  dogs,”  Torquemada,  Monarchia,  etc.,  lib.  vi.  cap.  xxx.  p.  60.  To 
the  river  Chicunahuapan  in  the  infernal  regions,  Id.,  lib.  xiii.  cap.  xlvii.  p.  527. 
Finally,  to  the  idol  Chicunauh  Hecat,  “nine  winds”  (Chiconauh  Ehecatl)  of  the 
Nahuatl  of  Nicaragua,  already  mentioned. 

2 Hist.  General,  etc.,  lib.  i.  cap.  xix.  p.  32. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  A AD  ITS  VICINITY.  2 I 5 


and  gold  and  silver.  Some  writers  have  attributed  to  him 
the  invention  of  the  art  of  manufacturing  these  materials. 
It  is  more  than  doubtful  whether  this  is  true  in  regard  to 
metals  1 and  stones  ; while  as  to  feather-work,  not  only  was 
it  in  use  during  ancient  times  among  tribes  where  Quetzal- 
cohuatl  was  hardly  supposed  to  be  known,  but  at  Cholula 
feathers  and  also  rabbit-hair  were  worked  into  cotton  cloth,  or 
rather  mantles.  Rojas  positively  asserts  that  the  latter  were 
not  made  at  Cholula.  His  picture  of  the  aboriginal  dress  at 
the  time  of  the  Conquest  is  very  clear  and  positive  : “ Their 
dress  in  times  of  peace  consisted  of  a tilmatl  or  white  cotton 
mantle,  square,  with  the  two  ends  tied  together  on  the  right 
shoulder  ; of  a narrow  breechclout,  and  of  shoes  like  sandals, 

similar  to  those  which  the  ancients  used  to  wear The 

women  used  to  wear  a many-colored  cotton  skirt,  coming 
down  to  the  ankle  or  a little  above,  with  plaits  and  folds  and 
paintings,  called  nahuas.  Over  the  naguas  was  worn  a gui'- 
pilli,  like  a cloak  or  breast-cloth  without  sleeves,  the  border 
stitched  with  cotton,  and  with  tufts  of  rabbit-hair  and  feath- 
ers of  ducks  for  ornament.  In  front  and  behind,  these  gu'f- 
pilles  show  a square  portion,  on  which  many  figures  of 
animals,  birds,  and  fishes  are  executed  with  gold  and  in 
colors.”  Cotton  also  entered,  like  feather-work,  largely  into 
their  military  dress  and  ornaments.  Says  the  same  author- 
ity : “ They  fought  with  bows  and  arrows,  and  with  a weapon 
made  out  of  a handle,  in  which  was  inserted  many  pieces  of 
flint  as  sharp  as  knives.  This  they  called  itzquanitl,  or  wood 
of  knives , because  they  call  a knife  istli,  and  wood  quanitl. 
In  war  they  wore,  as  protection  against  arrows,  skirts  (ju- 


1 Torquemada,  Afonarchia,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  xix.  p.  282,  positively  denies 
that  the  people  of  Cholula  worked  these  metals  : “ Y no  a ser  Plateras,  y 
Entalladoras,  como  Francisco  Lopez  de  Gomara  dice,  aunque  es  verdad,  que 
muchas  usan  el  trato  de  la  Mercancia,  y andan  de  Mercado,  en  Mercado.” 
Neither  does  Rojas  mention  it 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


2 l6 

bones ) stuffed  with  cotton,  like  armor,  and  shields  of  canes 
decorated  with  feathers  ; also,  much  feather-work  was  worn 
for  ornaments,  and  these  shields  and  feathers  they  use  to-day 
in  their  dances,  called  mitoti.”  1 If  cotton  was  not  extensively 
cultivated  about  Cholula,  of  which  there  is  no  proof,2  it  must 
be  doubtful  whether  Quetzalchuatl  could  have  had  anything 
to  do  with  inventing  arts  for  which  the  materials  were  not  at 
his  command. 

Aboriginal  horticulture  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest  was 
limited  to  but  few  objects,  of  which  I have  already  mentioned 
cochineal,  maize,  and  cotton.  Beans,  calabashes,  and  pepper 
were  the  other  cultivated  plants,  with  the  addition  of  the  all- 
important  maguey.  I have  been  able  to  learn  nothing  of 
value  as  to  the  modes  of  cultivation  and  the  implements  used. 
In  regard  to  irrigation,  one  curious  fact  is,  that  the  Cholulte- 
cos  were  dependent  for  it  upon  their  neighbors  of  Huexo- 
tzinco,  since  all  the  drainage  of  the  Yzta-cihuatl  had  to  pass 
through  the  latter’s  territory,  (which  included  Calpan,)  before 
it  reached  the  Range  of  Cholula.  The  use  of  this  water  was 
a fruitful  source  of  dissensions,  and  hence  arose  the  almost 
continuous  quarrel  between  the  two  tribes.3 

1 Relation,  etc.,  § 15.  This  style  of  dress  had  already  begun  to  be  changed 
in  his  time.  But  we  readily  recognize  the  same  general  features  which  com- 
posed the  aboriginal  dress  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  and  among  the  weapons 
the  “ macuauitl,”  or  wooden  sword,  the  “ ichcahuipilli,”  or  stuffed  cotton  skirt 
and  jacket,  and  the  “ chimalli,”  or  shield.  D.  Juan  N.  Mendez,  Governor  of  the 
State  of  Puebla,  informed  me  that  he  had  found  the  “ macuauitl  ” in  graves 
many  years  ago.  At  present,  there  are  none  to  be  seen. 

4 Torquemada,  Monarckla,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  xix.  p.  282,  says : “ La  gente 
pobre  vestfa  de  nequen,  que  es  la  Tela  gruesa,  y basta,  que  se  hace  del  Maguei, 
y los  Ricos,  vestfan  de  Algodon,  con  orlas  labradas  de  Pluma,  y Pelo  de  Cone- 
jos, aunque  aora  todos  visten  bien.”  Compare  Tapia,  Relation,  etc.,  p.  573. 
Bernal  Diez,  Hist.  Verdadera,  etc.,  cap.  lxxxii.  p.  73.  Cortes,  Carta  Segunda, 
p.  21. 

3 It  continued  the  same  after  the  Conquest.  The  archives  of  Cholula  con- 
tain many  documents  relative  to  this  continuous  strife,  down  to  the  present  cen- 
tury. The  drinking-water  for  Cholula  now  descends  from  the  haciendas  of 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  A AD  ITS  VICINITY.  217 


The  maguey  was,  and  still  is,  of  great  value  to  the  Indian 
of  that  region.  In  aboriginal  times  it  was  used  not  only  to 
manufacture  a beverage  from,  and  for  firewood,  but  its  spines 
and  thorns  served  as  needles  and  awls,  and  the  fibre,  “ pata,” 
was  used,  as  it  now  is,  for  thread,  and  for  ropes.  It  was  also 
medicinal,  the  charred  spines  being  used  as  a cure  for  open 
wounds.1  The  beverage,  however,  which  the  Indians  made 
from  the  maguey  was  different  from  the  pulque  of  to-day. 
The  latter  is  fermented,  the  former  was  boiled.  Fray  Toribio 
Motolim'a  described  the  process  of  boiling  as  follows  : “ This 
liquid,  when  it  is  gathered,  is  like  honey,  and  when  it  is  cooked 
and  boiled  on  the  fire  it  makes  a clear  sweetish  wine,  which 
the  Spaniards  drink,  and  declare  to  be  very  substantial  and 
wholesome.  When  some  roots  are  thrown  in  during  the  cook- 
ing, which  the  Indians  call  ocpateli,  a word  which  signifies 
sauce  or  medicine  of  wine,  it  becomes  so  strong  as  to  in- 
ebriate those  who  take  it  in  quantities.  During  heathenish 
times  the  Indians  used  it  to  make  themselves  drunk,  and 
more  cruel  and  beastly.” 2 Rojas,  who  wrote  about  thirty 
years  later,  does  not  mention  the  boiling  process  ; but  Oviedo,3 
who  was  a contemporary  of  Motolim'a,  and  also  Hernandez,4 

Chahuac  and  Buenavista.  Both  lie  on  the  slopes  of  the  Yztac-cihuatl,  in  the 
district  of  Iluexotzinco. 

1 Rojas,  Relacion , etc.,  § 26.  But  the  juice  of  the  maguey  was  also  used  to 
dissolve  medicines.  Motolinia,  Historia,  etc.,  Trat.  iii.  cap.  xix.  pp.  244,  245  : 
“ Todas  las  medicinas  que  se  han  de  beber  se  dan  a los  enfermos  con  este  vino; 
puesto  en  su  taza  6 copa  echan  sobre  el  la  medicina  que  aplican  para  la  cura  y 
salud  del  enfermo.”  Sahagun,  Hist.  General , etc.,  lib.  xi.  cap.  vii.  p.  276. 

2 Historia,  etc  , Trat.  iii.  cap.  xix.  p.  244.  It  is  singular  that  the  Conquistador 
aninimo,  xi.  p.  382,  does  not  mention  the  boiling  process  at  all.  “ Et  in  certo 
tempo  dell’  anno  che  e maturo  et  ha  la  sua  stagione,  con  una  trivella  forano  questo 
albero  da  basso  donde  stilla  un’  humore  che  lo  mettono  in  conserva  in  certe 
scorzc  d’  alberi  che  hanno ; et  di  li  a un  di,  6 duoi  lo  beono  cosi  smisuratamcnte 
che  fiu  che  cadano  in  terra  ibriachi  senza  sentimento  non  lassano  di  bere.”  This 
would  indicate  fermentation  also. 

8 Hist.  General  y Natural,  etc.,  lib.  xi.  cap  xi.  pp.  384,  385. 

4 Joannes  Eusebius  Nieremberg,  Historia  Nature e maxime  Peregrince,  1635, 
lib.  xiv.  cap.  xi.  p.  300.  Nieremberg  copied  Hernandez. 


2 I 8 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


know  of  no  other  mode  of  preparing  the  juice  of  the  maguey 
as  a beverage.  It  seems,  therefore,  that  the  aborigines,  pre- 
vious to  the  Conquest,  produced  their  maguey  wine  in  a 
manner  somewhat  different  from  the  pulque  of  to-day,  and 
similar  to  the  process  still  in  use  among  the  Comanches.1 

That  the  fields  were  small,  on  which  these  and  the  other 
crops  grew,  can  be  seen  to-day.  Even  now,  when  the  Indian 
is  acquainted  with  the  use  of  domestic  animals,  he  practises 
horticulture  rather  than  agriculture.2  That  the  area  culti- 
vated was  much  smaller  then  than  now,  is  proved  also  by  the 
abundance  of  game  then,  which  now  has  almost  entirely  dis- 
appeared. 

Their  mode  of  tenure  of  lands  did  not  differ  from  that 
which  I have  described  as  in  existence  among  the  ancient 
Mexicans.3  It  was  communal,  and  remained  so  until  lately. 
The  plots  were  held  in  possession,  and  not  by  absolute  owner- 
ship. For  governmental  purposes  a special  tract  was  set 
off,  and  this  custom  lasted  at  Cholula  perhaps  longer  than  in 
many  other  parts  of  Mexico,  as  the  “ tecpan-tlalli,”  as  well  as 
the  “ tlatoca-tlalli,”  at  an  early  date  were  converted  by  the 
Spaniards  into  private  estates  for  the  Indian  chiefs  under  the 
erroneous  impression  that  these  chiefs  had  owned  them  pre- 
vious to  the  Conquest.  The  “ tlatoca-tlalli  ” of  Cholula  cer- 
tainly remained  unimpaired  as  late  as  I555.4  while  eleven 


1 Bancroft,  Native  Races , vol.  i.  p.  517. 

2 The  turkey  was  domesticated  before  the  Conquest.  Now  the  Indian  has 
other  domestic  animals,  but  he  generally  takes  very  poor  care  of  the  larger  kind. 

8 Compare  On  the  Tenure  and  Distribution  of  Lands,  and  the  Customs  with  Re- 
sfect  to  Inheritance,  among  the  Ancient  Mexicans.  I have  nothing  to  add  to  the 
contents  of  that  essay  except  the  fact,  that  possibly  the  members  of  the  same 
calpulli  may  have  been  allowed  to  sell  their  lots,  “ tlalmilli,”  to  others,  provided 
these  were  of  the  same  cluster.  I am  not  quite  sure  of  this,  however. 

4 Testamento  de  Capixlahuatzin,  MS. : “ Y para  que  sirban  en  nuestra  tierra 
de  cacicasgo  que  nos  endond  el  Senor  Viso-Rey  Don  Luis  de  Velasco,  en  nombre 
de  nuestro  gran  Rev,  el  que  se  haya  en  Espana  ....  a vos  otros  nuestros  hijos 
y nietos,  que  estan  en  nuestra  tierra  antigua,  que  nos  fueron  endonado.”  This 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  219 


years  later  the  same  tracts  of  the  pueblo  of  Calpan  appear  as 
private  property  of  a cacique.1  The  mode  of  inheritance  also 
seems  to  have  been  the  same  as  in  Mexico,  the  male  descend- 
ants alone  having  a share  in  the  cultivable  lots  ;2  but  during 
the  time  of  Spanish  domination  this  was  changed,  so  as  to 
gradually  introduce  an  equal  distribution  among  all  the  chil- 
dren. 

Marriage  and  burial  customs  are  best  described  by  simply 
translating  the  passages  in  which  Rojas  alludes  to  them  : 
“ When  they  married  they  did  not  go  to  church,  but  the  pair, 
being  together  in  the  house  of  the  parents,  were  covered  both 
with  one  mantle  or  tilmatl,  and  a chip  of  pitchy  pine  wood 
was  fastened  in  front  of  them,  called  in  their  language  ocotl, 
and  when  this  chip  had  burnt  down,  the  marriage  was  con- 
sidered as  concluded ; but  it  could  be  dissolved  on  any 
trifling  grounds,  and  they  might  remarry  with  whom  they 
liked.  They  had  but  one  legitimate  wife,  but  many  concu- 

alludes  evidently  to  the  “ tecpan-tlalli,”  converted  into  private  tracts  by  the 
Spanish  donations.  The  following  words,  however,  apply  to  the  “ tlatoca- 
tlalli  ” : “a  de  acabar  de  hacer  la  Yglesia  de  San  Pedro  y San  Pablo  Tlaquil- 
tenanco  en  la  tierra  del  Senorio.” 

1 Junta  de  San  Nicolds,  MS.  The  “tierras  de  los  caciques”  were  designated 
by  groups  of  palm  trees  at  their  corners,  and  I have  seen  three  such  groups.  One, 
a very  large  one,  is  on  the  western  slope  of  the  Teoton,  another  on  the  east  side 
of  the  old  monastery  of  Calpan,  and  a third  between  San  Gregorio  Atzompan 
and  Papaxtla.  It  is  presumable  that  these  palms  were  not  planted,  but  simply 
left  standing.  I must  here  recall  another  fact.  The  Anales  de  Cuauhtitlan , p.  22. 
call  the  morning  star  “ Tlahuiz  Calpan  Teuctli,”  and  this  is  translated  by  “ Chief 
who  sheds  light  on  the  Houses.”  This  same  expression  I found  in  a deed  of 
real  estate,  written  in  Nahuatl,  of  1730,  applied  to  D.  Leonardo  de  Mendoza. 
In  general,  it  was  only  in  the  latter  half  of  the  past  century  that  the  Spanish 
government  made  a decided  effort  to  oust  the  Nahuatl  idiom  from  common  use 
in  writing.  I have  seen  deeds  in  Nahuatl  dated  1787.  According  to  the  Libro 
Primero  de  Cordilleras , of  Calpan,  MS.,  fol.  47,  48,  49,  the  Pishop  of  Puebla, 
D.  Francisco  Fabian  y Fuero,  issued  a circular  dated  19  September,  1769,  en- 
joining strict  use  of  the  Spanish  language  by  the  aborigines.  This  was  in  conse- 
quence of  a mandate  from  the  Viceroy,  Marquis  de  Croix,  dated  7 September, 
1769,  fol.  49. 

2 Rojas,  Relacion,  etc.,  MS. 


220 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


bines  beside.”  1 This  agrees  perfectly  with  the  general  cus- 
tom reported  of  the  Nahuatl  tribes  before  the  Conquest,  and 
suggests  also  a few  of  the  ceremonies  still  observed  among 
the  natives  of  to-day.2 

Rojas  is  brief  in  regard  to  burials  : “ When  they  died 
they  were  buried  before  some  idol,  in  a round  hole,  not  ex- 
tended at  full  length,  but  leaning  or  squatting.”3  I made  dili- 
gent inquiry  for  graves,  but  never  saw  any.  A great  number 
of  descriptions,  however,  were  furnished  to  me  by  those  who 
had  found  them  within  the  city  of  Cholula  as  well  as  outside, 
as  far  west  as  the  Hacienda  de  San  Benito,  on  the  former 
confines  of  Calpan,  and  as  far  north  as  near  the  great  bend  of 
the  Rio  Atoyac.  The  statements  vary  greatly,  and  indicate 
either  superficial  observation  or  different  modes  of  burial  — 
probably  both. 

On  the  plan  of  part  of  the  city  of  Cholula,  (Plate  XIII. 
Fig.  io,)  I have  designated  the  places  where  I became  satis- 
fied that  human  bones,  skulls,  and  other  indications  of  burial, 
had  been  exhumed.  These  are  not  all,  but  they  are  the  only 
ones  which  I could  locate  definitively. 

1.  On  the  summit  of  the  so-called  Pyramid  were  found  a 
few  human  bones,  together  with  an  urn  or  jar,  two  conch- 
shells,  and  a piece  of  quartz  containing  iron  pyrites.  This 
recalls  the  sacrifices  of  children  to  the  idol  of  Rain  mentioned 
by  Rojas,  in  which  the  bodies  were  buried  in  front  of  the  idol. 
No  other  details  could  be  ascertained,  except  that  the  objects 
were  all  close  together,  as  if  in  one  heap. 

2.  A human  skeleton  was  disinterred,  extended  at  full 
length,  with  head  to  the  west.  On  the  skull  was  a small  bowl 

1 Relation,  etc.,  MS.  The  girls  brought  no  dower. 

2 I was  told  that  in  some  cases  the  principal  men  were  sent  to  make  request 
for  the  girl.  I need  not  refer  to  older  authors  for  descriptions  of  marriage  cusr 
toms,  as  they  are  well  known. 

3 Relation,  etc.,  § 14. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  221 


of  clay  painted  red,  which  contained  coins.  The  remains  were 
dug  up  in  the  street  at  a slight  depth,  and  the  coins  clearly 
indicate  that  the  burial  postdated  the  Conquest. 

3.  Another  instance  occurred  in  the  adobe  of  the  north  side 
of  the  artificial  Cerro  de  Acozac,  but  no  details  were  secured. 

4.  At  the  base  of  the  pyramid,  northwest  corner,  but  within  1 
the  area  over  which  the  adobe  of  the  mound  formerly  extended,1 
was  a round  grave  or  cyst,  incased  by  stones.  The  body  was 
in  a sitting  posture,  facing  the  east.  Along  with  it,  a very  few 
vases,  stone  figures,  and  trinkets  were  found.  Among  these 
trinkets  was  a circular  perforated  tablet,  composed  of  trape- 
zoidal plates  of  green  stones  (< chalchihuites , but  of  various 
materials).  It  lay  on  the  breast  of  the  skeleton.  The  whole 
was  covered  with  a little  knoll  of  earth. 

5.  Human  bones  were  exhumed  near  the  cross  erected  on 
the  southwestern  platform  of  the  great  mound.  No  reliable 
details,  however,  were  obtained,  and  possibly  the  burial  is 
recent. 

6 and  7.  Railroad  excavations  at  the  foot  of  the  mound,  and 
also  near  the  Cerro  de  la  Cruz,  brought  to  light  four  skulls. 
Of  these,  one  was  complete,  with  the  lower  jaw,  and  large.  It 
showed  a most  remarkable  artificial  deformity.  The  rear  part 
of  the  head  was  perfectly  flat,  giving  the  skull  the  appearance 

1 I would  refer  here  to  a statement  made  by  Humboldt,  Monuments  Indigenes, 
Pyramide  de  Cholula,  p.  108.  When  the  new  road  to  Puebla  was  made  (the  one 
marked  A 13  on  the  map  of  the  Pyramid),  a square  house  [une  maison  carrte) 
of  stone  was  found,  supported  by  beams,  or  pillars  ( poutres  of  Cuprcssus  disticha ), 
and  containing  two  corpses,  idols  of  basalt,  and  a great  number  of  artistic  vases, 
painted  and  varnished.  He  did  not  himself  see  the  vases,  but  he  states  that  this 
house  was  covered  with  adobe  coatings  of  clay  overlapping  each  other.  Al- 
though it  was  plain  that  the  building  had  no  entrance,  it  is  doubtful  whether  it 
was  a sepulchre.  The  place  where  it  stood  is  not  in  the  interior  of  the  mound, 
but  on  the  lowest  northern  apron  of  it,  and  the  greatest  depth  at  which  it  could 
have  been  found  could  not  have  exceeded  two  metres  (about  six  feet).  It  looks 
more  like  a very  old  house  standing  on  that  apron,  and  subsequently  covered 
over,  as  is  indicated  by  the  strata  of  clay. 


2 2 2 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


of  half  a dome  cut  in  two  vertically.  The  other  was  not 
much  distorted,  but  had  the  forehead  rather  low  and  slightly 
sloping.  They  both  appeared  to  be  strongly  prognathic, 
and  lay  imbedded  in  the  adobe  projecting  from  the  mound. 
The  skulls  lay  by  themselves,  and  no  other  human  bones  or 
any  objects  were  with  them,  and  I saw  them  both,  as  well 
as  their  impressions  in  the  adobe,  which  were  at  a depth 
of  1.50  metres  (about  5 feet).  The  adobe  appeared  undis- 
turbed. At 

7.  Two  other  skulls  were  found,  but  without  the  lower  jaws, 
one  of  which  I secured  for  the  Museum  at  Cambridge.  These 
were  dug  up  beneath  the  adobe,  at  a depth  of  at  least  5 metres 
(16  feet)  from  the  surface.  In  addition  to  these  skulls,  human 
bones  were  found  along  the  trenches  opened  by  the  railroad 
on  the  west  side  of  the  mound,  but  I could  not  learn  any 
reliable  details  about  their  situation. 

8.  In  the  northwest  corner  of  the  court  of  his  house,  at  a 
depth  of  H metres  (5  feet),  the  Licenciado  D.  Antonio  Daniel 
dug  out  of  the  soil  a lot  of  funeral  urns,  not  large,  but  well 
painted.  They  were  arranged  so  as  to  surround  the  best  one, 
beneath  which  he  found  a copper  ring,  which  I saw.  It  was 
thickly  corroded  with  green  carbonate.  In  the  northeast 
corner  of  the  same  court,  Sr.  Daniel  dug  up,  at  the  same  depth 
and  in  the  same  layer  of  earth,  large  vases,  but  less  ornate. 
These  contained  human  bones  uncalcined,  and  with  them 
complete  skulls  and  also  female  trinkets.  Close  by,  he  un- 
covered foundations  of  adobe  and  stone. 

9.  Human  bones  were  dug  out  of  a low  mound  south  of  the 
Cerro  de  Acozac.  No  details  were  secured,  but  the  fact 
appears  positive. 

10.  Human  bodies  were  disinterred  in  the  corner  of  the 
block.  No  record  was  made  and  preserved  of  the  mode  of 
burial. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  223 

1 1.  At  the  northwest  corner  of  the  house  belonging  to  Don 
Antonio  Ramirez,  some  eighteen  years  ago,  a singular  dis- 
covery was  made,  which  I record  here,  although  it  does  not 
strictly  belong  to  instances  of  interment.  A metlatl,  or  grind- 
ing-slab,  was  unearthed,  with  the  entire  skeleton  of  a woman 
bending  over  it,  and  beside  her  still  lay  the  crushing-pin  and 
ladle.  The  skeleton  was,  however,  soon  scattered  by  the 
Indian  workmen,  who  generally  have  very  little  respect  for 
the  remains  of  their  ancestors. 

Of  burials  outside  of  the  city  of  Cholula  I have  heard 
various  reports.  An  Indian  told  me  that,  while  ploughing 
in  a field,  he  unearthed  a clay  vessel  containing  ashes  and 
charred  bones,  which  he  threw  out,  and  that  the  vessel  soon 
afterwards  was  broken.  Of  the  skeletons  found  in  mounds  on 
the  banks  of  the  Rio  Atoyac  I have  already  spoken.  But  D. 
Eusebio  dc  la  Hidalga,  of  Puebla,  told  me,  that,  a few  days 
after  my  departure  from  Cholula,  along  the  new  railroad  now 
in  construction  to  San  Martin  Tezmelucan,  and  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Cuauhtlantzinco,  very  large  clay  vessels,  with  covers, 
had  been  exhumed,  each  containing  a human  body  in  a squat- 
ting posture.  This  information  I consider  reliable. 

On  the  Hacienda  of  San  Benito,  the  property  of  Don 
Francisco  Aguilar,  east  of  the  beautiful  cone  of  the  Teoton, 
many  remains  of  burials  have  been  brought  to  light.  The 
Indians  invariably  scattered  the  bones  before  Sr.  Aguilar 
could  reach  the  spot,  but  another  person  stated  that  the 
bodies  lay  extended.  Along  with  them  stone  heads  were 
found,  two  of  which  I saw.  The  largest  one  is  of  black  lava, 
of  almost  natural  size,  and  much  worn.  The  other,  though 
smaller,  is  flat,  and  of  a greenish,  very  hard  rock,  fragments 
of  which  I found  only  at  the  bottom  of  the  deep  barranca  of 
Atiopan,  near  Calpan.  San  Benito  now  lies  in  the  district  of 
Atlixco,  but  it  formerly  belonged  to  the  range  of  Huexotzinco 


224 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


and  Calpan,  and  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  the  settlement 
there,  of  which  many  vestiges  are  still  visible,  had  ceased  to 
be  occupied  before  the  time  of  the  Conquest. 

None  of  the  data  here  collected  are  of  very  much  signifi- 
cance ; but  enough  can  be  gathered  to  suggest  several  distinct 
modes  of  burial,  implying  occupation  of  the  soil  at  different 
periods  of  time.  The  most  recent  one,  belonging  to  the  time 
of  the  Conquest,  according  to  Rojas,  is  clearly  illustrated  by 
the  round  grave  found  at  4.  Urn-burial  I consider  as  estab- 
lished, from  the  character  of  the  authorities  from  whom  I 
derive  my  information  ; but  cremation,  although  not  improb- 
able, is  not  yet  absolutely  proved  to  have  existed.  The  find 
on  the  Rio  Atoyac  is  authentic  in  the  main,  and  seems  to 
indicate  mound-burial  in  masses,  but  the  details  are  too  vague 
to  permit  any  conclusions  to  be  drawn.  Finally,  the  graves 
at  San  Benito,  of  whose  existence  also  I am  satisfied,  are  too 
imperfectly  described  to  suggest  even  the  mode  of  burial. 
The  last  two  localities  are,  beyond  all  doubt,  much  older 
than  the  Nahuatl  pueblo  of  Cholula,  which  Cortes  saw  in 
1519.  The  urn-burial  near  Cuauhtlantzinco  also  occupies  a 
site  of  which  no  tradition  is  left.  Should,  therefore,  cre- 
mation not  be  proved,  or  should  it  be  established  that  its 
practice  was  coeval  with  one  or  the  other  of  the  customs  men- 
tioned, there  would  be  at  least  three  different  aboriginal  modes 
of  disposing  of  the  dead,  which  suggest  as  many  distinct 
stocks,  succeeding  each  other  in  occupation  of  the  territory 
of  Cholula. 

I have  already  stated  my  inability  to  find,  in  the  whole  dis- 
trict, any  satisfactory  remains  of  house  architecture.  The 
reason  for  this  is  easily  explained  by  the  fact  that  Cholula 
was  not  destroyed  and  abandoned,  but  gradually  transformed 
by  improvements  in  the  style  of  architecture  and  in  materials. 
Previous  to  the  Conquest,  the  Indian  knew  nothing  of  burnt 


r'hh 


PLATE  XII. 


DOORWAY,  SAN  ANDRES  CHOLULA. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  225 


lime  or  of  brick.1  His  building-stone  was  not  hewn,  it  was 
hammered  or  broken,  and  polished  by  simple  friction  when 
his  fancy  demanded  it.  I saw  but  a single  broken  wall  to 
which  I can  assign  an  origin  prior  to  the  coming  of  the 
Spaniards.  This  wall  stands  inside  the  court  of  a dwelling 
in  the  Calle  de  Herreros,  at  Cholula,  and  in  some  places  is 
0.50  metre  (20  inches),  or  even  1 metre  (39  inches)  high, 
and  0.83  metre  (32  inches)  thick,  and  is  made  of  broken 
stones  of  various  sizes,  imbedded  in  common  adobe  soil.  In 
method  of  construction,  thickness,  and  material,  it  agrees  per- 
fectly with  the  body  of  the  walls  composing  the  buildings  of 
Mitla.  It  is  probable  that,  as  at  Mitla,  these  rough  walls 
were  faced  with  polished  blocks  to  prevent  deterioration  by 
rain  ; but  of  the  kind  of  facings  it  is  not  easy  to  form  a 
conjecture. 

The  keystone  of  the  flat  arch  of  a doorway  in  a house  front- 
ing on  the  Calle  Real  bears  a half-effaced  sculpture  of  the 
head  of  an  eagle,  which  strikingly  resembles  those  of  Santa 
Lucia  Cosumalwhuapa  in  Guatemala,  and  the  head  of  the 
great  eagle  which  Dr.  A.  Le  Plongeon  has  discovered  in 
the  course  of  his  remarkable  explorations  at  Chichen-Itza, 
Yucatan.  In  the  court  of  the  same  house  I discovered 
fragments  of  another  stone  with  the  same  design,  and  finally 
the  four  eagles  on  the  doorway  from  San  Andres  Cholula 
(Plate  XII.)  are  exactly  similar.  These  four  specimens  are 
the  only  examples  of  polished  stonework  which  I regard  as 

1 The  question  of  burnt  lime  is  an  interesting  one.  Rojas,  Relation,  etc.,  § 31, 
says  : “ Y la  cal  (la  tram.)  de  la  ciudad  de  los  Angeles.”  And  I have  not  seen 

any  burnt  lime  in  any  Indian  building  of  old  date.  It  was  always  pulverized 
carbonate  of  lime,  and  therefore  unburnt.  The  Spanish  expression  “ cal  y canto  ” 
has  nothing  decisive  beyond  indicating  a stone  wall.  Thus  Torquemada  calls 
the  houses  of  Cholula,  “ cran  de  cal  y canto.”  I found  the  stone  wall  of  the 
Tecpan  to  consist  of  broken  stone  and  common  earth,  not  mortar.  From  the 
circumstance  that  we  have  no  description  of  how  they  burnt  lime,  nor  even  a 
statement  that  they  burnt  it,  I infer  that  the  art  was  unknown  to  them. 

IS 


226 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


probably  dating  back  to  aboriginal  times  at  Cholula,  and 
their  appearance  has  convinced  me  that  they  were  not  hewn, 
but  broken  by  hammering,  and  afterwards  rubbed  down  to 
smoothness  and  approximate  squareness. 

We  have  no  description  of  the  houses  of  Cholula,  as  they 
appeared  to  Cortes  and  to  his  followers,  but  we  may  well  sub- 
stitute that  of  the  Indian  houses  of  Tezcoco  left  us  by  the 
native  author,  Juan  Bautista  Pomar,  in  the  year  1583.  Many 
of  these  houses  are  still  standing. 

“ The  form  and  construction  of  their  houses  is  low,  with  no 
upper  story  whatever  ; some  of  them  are  built  of  stone  and 
lime,  others  of  stone  and  simple  clay,  the  most  of  them  of 
adobe,  which  is  chiefly  used  in  this  city.  To-day  we  find 
buildings  thereof  as  strong  and  perfect  as  if  they  were  new, 
although  they  are  over  two  hundred  years  old.  The  covering 
is  of  beams,  and,  instead  of  planking,  there  are  small  strips  so 
well  fitted  together  that  none  of  the  earth  which  forms  the 
top  can  run  through.  Most  of  them  enclose  a court,  around 
which  are  the  rooms  which  they  require  ; their  dormitories  and 
reception-rooms  for  the  men  in  one  section  and  for  the  women 
in  another,  — their  storage  places,  kitchens,  and  corrales.  The 
houses  of  the  principal  men  and  chiefs,  particularly  those  of 
the  kings,  are  very  large,  and  have  such  massive  woodwork 
that  it  appears  almost  impossible  that  human  strength  and 
industry  could  have  put  it  in  place,  as  is  to  be  seen  to-day  in 
the  ruins  in  this  city,  and  especially  in  those  of  the  house  of 
Nezahualcoyotzin,  which  is  in  the  square  More  than  one 
thousand  men  might  be  lodged  in  them.  They  stand  on  plat- 
forms, the  lowest  of  which  are  one  fathom  high,  and  the  high- 
est five  to  six.  The  largest  rooms  are  halls  twenty  fathoms 
or  more  long,  and  as  many  wide.  They  are  square,  and  in 
the  middle  are  many  wooden  pillars  at  a fixed  distance  from 
each  other,  resting  on  great  blocks  of  stone  ; and  on  these 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  227 

the  rest  of  the  woodwork  is  supported.  These  rooms  have  no 
outer  doors,  only  doorways  with  wooden  pillars  like  those  in- 
side, three  fathoms  wide.  As.  these  posts  were  of  wood,  and 
exposed  to  the  sun  and  rain,  they  did  not  last  long,  but  rotted 
below,  and  thus  the  house  fell  down.  Still  they  did  not  decay 
so  rapidly  but  that  rooms  remain  which  were  built  one  hun- 
dred and  forty  years  ago.  From  this  we  may  conclude  that, 
if  the  woodwork  were  covered  and  sheltered  from  rain,  it 
would  last  much  longer.  This  house  is  built  around  a court, 
very  large,  with  the  floor  of  a white  composition,  very  bright, 
and  steps  around  it  by  which  to  ascend  to  the  great  halls 

and  rooms  which  surround  it The  character  of  the 

houses  of  principal  and  rich  men  is  similar,  but  they  are  small 
in  comparison  with  the  royal  ones,  although,  as  it  has  been 
stated,  all  rest  on  platforms.”1 

There  is  no  reason  why  the  architecture  at  Tezcoco,  whose 
people  belonged  to  the  same  linguistic  stock  as  those  of  Cho- 
lula,  should  have  differed  materially  from  that  of  the  latter 
pueblo.  The  roof  is  of  identical  construction,  and  we  easily 
recognize  in  the  so-called  “ royal  houses  of  Nezahualcoyotzin,” 
at  Tezcoco,  the  “Tecpan,”  or  official  house,  of  which  Cholula 
may  have  had  two.  Wood  and  stone  were  more  easily  ob- 
tainable at  the  former  place  than  at  the  latter.  For  its  build- 
ing material,  adobe  excepted,  Cholula  was  dependent  upon  the 
slopes  of  the  volcanoes,  held  by  the  tribe  of  Huexotzinco. 

I am,  therefore,  of  the  opinion,  that  the  old  pueblo  of  Cho- 
lula was  mostly  built  of  adobe,  that  walls  of  stone  were  only 
erected  in  exceptional  cases,  such  as  of  official  buildings,  and 
that  stone  also  may  have  been  used  for  foundations  and  oc- 
casionally for  ornaments.  Lintels  and  doorposts,  however, 
were  probably  of  wood,  as  at  Tezcoco.  The  perishable  na- 

1 Rclacion  dc  Tezcoco , MS.  The  original,  which  belonged  to  San  Gregorio  at 
Mexico,  has  since  disappeared. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  229 


(5  feet)  deeper,  they  are  so  much  the  more  exposed.  The 
bricks,  laid  approximately  level  in  adobe  earth,  measure  0.57 
X 0.28  X O.12  metre  (23  X 1 1 X 5 inches,  in  the  foundations, 
while  the  superstructure,  as  far  as  I could  investigate,  appears 
to  consist  uniformly  of  bricks  measuring  0.41  X 0. 17  X .08 
metre  (16  X 7 X 3 inches)  each.  Throughout  the  entire 
mass  no  ledges  of  stone  are  to  be  seen. 

I have  met  with  but  one  interpretation  of  the  word  “ Aco- 
zac,”  this  is,  impregnable  wall.  It  may  be  asked  whether  it 
may  not  be  derived  from  “ aco,”  above,  and  “ zacatl,”  grass  ; 
but  I do  not  think  that  this  is  the  case.  The  same  au- 
thority states  that  it  was  possibly  called  also  “ Ixtenextl.”  1 
“ Tenextli  ” is  lime,  or  any  substance  which  has  lost  its  color, 
as  the  word  “ Ixtenextic”  (discolored  object)  indicates.  The 
name  seems  to  be  destitute  of  meaning  so  far  as  concerns  the 
object  and  the  history  of  the  monument,  and  I could  not  learn 
any  tradition  about  it.2 

The  recent  excavations  made  for  the  railroad  to  Matamoros- 
Yzucar  have  disclosed  the  fact,  that  the  foundations  of  this 
artificial  hill  are  not  connected  with  the  boundary  of  the  great 
mound  itself ; that  it  stood  completely  isolated.  But  it  is 
worthy  of  notice,  that  adobe  bricks  of  the  same  size  which 
compose  the  base  of  Acozac  also  form  the  whole  of  its  north- 
ern neighbor,  the  Cerro  de  la  Cruz. 

This  mound,  marked  A (PI.  XIII.  Fig.  10),  a ground  plan 
of  which  is  given  in  Fig.  2,  stands  about  250  metres  (800 
feet)  north-northeast  of  the  former,  and  about  1 10  metres 
(350  feet)  due  west  of  the  Pyramid  itself.  Its  longitudinal 
axis  runs  very  nearly  north  and  south,  and  has  a length  of 
about  158  metres  (518  feet),  while  the  perimeter  of  the 

1 La  Pirdmide  de  Cholula,  MS.,  note  4.  Humboldt,  Essai  Politique , etc.,  lib. 

iii.  cap.  viii.  p.  154. 

2 The  MS.  already  quoted  gives  it  another  name,  “ Tenochcatzin-’’  La 
Pirdmide  de  Cholula , note  4. 


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facsimile  of  &n  old  rnap  of  Cholula  m cx  *p  in 


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nowbelonGs  to  Jo&cjmn  G^rci^  . 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  231 


by  the  Indians  as  Ezcoloc  (place  where  blood  flows  across).1 
The  obsidian  flakes,  knives,  cores,  etc.,  etc.,  so  profusely  scat- 
tered over  the  whole  town,  are  most  abundant  in  this  same 
region.  If,  as  all  this  seems  to  indicate,  the  Spaniards  were 
quartered  there,  then  the  tradition  that  the  Cerro  de  la  Cruz 
was  the  place  where  the  first  mass  was  said  docs  not  appear 
improbable. 

Along  the  base  of  Acozac,  and  about  this  mound,  conch- 
shells  and  much  pottery  have  been  found,  and  several  large 
slabs  of  yellowish  limestone,  which  seem  to  have  been  inserted 
vertically  in  the  base  of  the  hill.  A number  of  fragments  of 
these,  some  as  large  as  two  metres  by  one  (6X3  feet),  and 
30  to  40  centimetres  (12  to  16  inches)  thick,  are  to  be  seen 
in  several  places  in  the  city.  This  stone  appears  to  have 
been  brought  from  the  east  side  of  the  Atoyac,  near  Puebla, 
and  the  pieces  are  approximately  square,  and  smooth  on  both 
faces  ; but  the  smoothness  looks  more  like  that  of  use  than 
of  artificial  polish.  No  other  trace  of  workmanship  is  visible 
upon  them,  and  I cannot  comprehend  on  what  grounds  popu- 
lar belief  at  Cholula  regards  them  as  parts  of  the  “ stone  of 
sacrifice.”  There  is  absolutely  nothing  in  the  appearance 
of  the  slabs  that  resembles  any  of  the  forms  known  to  us 
of  sacrificial  stones  from  Mexico.2 

The  Cerro  de  la  Cruz  is  a solid  hill  of  adobe  bricks,  of 
uniform  size,  laid  horizontally.  But  between  the  courses, 
near  the  base  of  the  structure,  a seam  of  white,  tolerably  hard 
concrete,  0.05  metre  (2  inches)  thick,  is  inserted.  This  ledge, 
as  I learned  by  testing  it  with  muriatic  acid,  is  composed  of 

1 La  Piramide  de  Cholula , note  4:  “ Por  esa  razon  conserva  la  esquina  re- 
ferida  el  nombre  de  Ezcoloc,  que  quiere  decir,  lugar  adonde  cruzo,  6 corrio  la 
sangre.”  The  etymology  is  correct.  “ Etztli  ” is  blood,  and  “ Colotzin  ” cross. 
But  it  might  also  be  derived  from  “ nitla-coloa,”  to  go  around,  to  bend,  to  wind 
or  curl.  Molina,  Vocabulario,  ii.  fol.  24. 

2 Orozco  y Berra,  El  Cuauhxicalli  de  Tizoc , in  the  Anales  del  Museo,  vol.  i. 
no.  1. 


232 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


carbonate  of  lime,  mixed  with  small  fragments  of  lava  and 
minute  pebbles,  and  therefore  appears  to  be  artificial. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  fact  that  the  two  mounds, 
which  I have  now  described,  were  originally  mounds  of  wor- 
ship. As  such  they  formed  truncated  pyramids,  each  sup- 
porting one,  or  perhaps  two,  small  structures,  like  chapels, 
resembling  towers  in  their  size  and  isolated  position.  Exam- 
ples of  this  kind  of  architecture  are  still  to  be  found  preserved 
in  many  places  throughout  Mexico  and  Central  America. 
Such  are  Papantla  and  Tuzapan  on  the  coast  of  Vera  Cruz, 
Huatusco  on  the  western  slope  of  the  Cordillera  in  the  same 
State,  Monte-Alban  in  Oaxaca,  Tehuantepec  in  the  same 
State,  Palenque  in  Chiapas,  and  Uxmal,  Chichen-Itza,  and 
others  in  Yucatan.1 

It  may  be  interesting  to  compare  what  one  of  the  earliest 
missionaries,  the  celebrated  Motolinfa,  says  of  the  mode  of 
construction  of  Mexican  mounds  of  worship.  After  describ- 
ing the  square  court  surrounding  the  mound  or  mounds,  he 
continues  as  follows  : — 

“ In  the  most  prominent  part  of  this  court  there  stood  a 
great  rectangular  base,  one  of  which  I measured  at  Tcnanyo- 
can  in  order  to  write  this  ; and  found  it  to  be  forty  fathoms 
from  corner  to  corner.  This  they  filled  up  solid,  stuffing  it 
within  with  stone,  clay,  adobe,  or  well-pounded  earth,  and 
faced  it  with  a wall  of  stone  ; and  as  it  rose  they  made  it  in- 
cline inwards,  and  at  every  fathom  and  a half  or  two  fathoms 
of  height  they  made  a stage.  Thus  there  was  a broad  founda- 
tion, and  on  it  walls  narrowing  to  the  top,  both  by  reason  of 
the  stages  as  well  as  by  the  slope,  until  at  a height  of  thirty- 
four  to  thirty-five  fathoms  the  teocalli  was  seven  or  eight  fath- 
oms smaller  on  each  side  than  below.  On  the  west  side  were 

1 For  plates  of  all  these  edifices  I refer  the  reader  to  Bancroft’s  Native  Races, 
vol.  iv  , and  Short’s  North  Americans  of  Antiquity. 


PLATE  XVI 


The  Great  Mound  of  Cholula. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  233 

the  steps  by  which  to  ascend,  and  on  the  summit  were  erected 
two  altars  close  by  the  eastern  edge,  not  leaving  more  space 
behind  them  than  sufficient  for  a walk.  One  of  these  altars 
was  on  the  right,  the  other  on  the  left,  and  each  one  had  its 
walls  and  roof  like  a chapel.  The  large  teocallis  had  two 
altars,  the  others  one,  and  each  had  its  covered  house.  The 
great  ones  were  of  three  stories  over  the  altars,  with  their 
ceilings  fairly  high.  The  base  also  was  as  high  as  a great 
tower,  so  that  it  could  be  seen  from  afar.  Each  chapel  stood 
by  itself,  and  one  might  walk  around  it,  and  in  front  of  the 
altars  there  was  a great  open  space  where  they  sacrificed.”  1 

It  is  perhaps  possible  that  the  great  slabs  previously  men- 
tioned, found  on  the  lower  slopes  of  the  Cerro  de  la  Cruz,  may 
have  belonged  to  the  stonework  of  one  of  its  former  stages, 
where  the  stairway  ascended  to  its  summit. 

East  of  the  Cerro  de  la  Cruz,  separated  from  it  by  cul- 
tivated lots  containing  magueys  and  an  occasional  copal  tree, 
arises  the  colossal  mound  to  which,  since  the  time  of  Hum- 
boldt, the  name  of  the  “ Pyramid  of  Cholula  ” has  been  given. 
(Plate  XIII.  Fig.  10,  and  Plate  XIV.)  It  stands  out  boldly, 
with  the  beautiful  church  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Remedios 
on  its  summit,  almost  overshadowing  the  town  of  Cholula  be- 
neath. p'rom  the  upper  platform  there  spreads  out  a wide 
landscape,  while  it  is  itself  also  a landmark  visible  from  a 
great  distance.  This  is  due  partly  to  its  isolated  position, 
partly  to  its  enormous  size.  (See  Plate  XVI.) 

In  close  proximity  the  mound  presents  the  appearance  of 
an  oblong  conical  truncated  hill,  resting  on  projecting  plat- 
forms of  unequal  height.  The  term  “pyramid”  I do  not  re- 
gard as  proper,  and  shall  henceforth  avoid  it  altogether,  using 
the  more  simple  and  adequate  one  of  “mound,”  which  corre- 
sponds to  the  current  native  designation,  “cerro.”  Over- 


1 Hist,  de  los  Indios  de  Nueva  Esparto , Trat.  i.  cap.  xii.  pp.  63,  64. 


234  ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 

grown  as  it  is  with  verdure,  and  partly  by  trees,  and  with  a 
fine  paved  road  leading  to  the  summit,  it  looks  strikingly  like 
a natural  hill,  along  whose  slopes  the  washing  of  the  rains 
and  slides  have  laid  bare  bald  bluffs,  and  into  whose  bulk 
clefts  and  rents  have  occasionally  penetrated.  The  projecting 
platforms  both  north  and  south  (X  and  Y,  Plate  XIV.)  are 
cultivated,  and  there  are  even  traces  of  former  tillage  on  the 
higher  plateaus  (Z1  and  Z3). 

The  mound  stands  outside  of  the  town,  and  is  mainly  sur- 
rounded by  fields  of  maguey.  There  are  a few  buildings 
along  its  base,  but  on  the  north  side  the  structures  of  the 
new  railroad  are  fast  springing  up.  It  can  be  regarded  as 
bounded  by  roads  on  three  sides  On  the  north  is  the 
high  road  (A  B)  leading  to  Puebla ; on  the  south,  the  path 
(C  D)  in  the  direction  of  San  Andres  Cholula ; the  west 
fronts  upon  the  Calle  de  Monte  Alegre  (A  C) ; the  cast 
terminates  in  a field.  These  roads  give  the  sides  of  the 
mound  a direction  of  from  W.  250  N.  to  E.  250  S.,  and  from 
N.  250  E.  to  S.  250  W.  ; but  this  may  not  in  the  least  indicate 
their  original  lines.  Its  base  now  forms  a trapeze,  whose 
sides,  including  their  irregular  windings,  gave  me  the  follow- 
ing measurements  : — 


North  line  (A  B) 305  metres,  or  1,000  feet. 

East  line  (B  D) 313  “ 1,026  “ 

South  line  (CD) 254  “ 833  “ 

West  line  (AC) 305  “ 1,000  “ 

Total  perimeter  ....  1,1 77  metres,  or  3,859  feet. 


This  gives  an  approximate  area  for  the  base  of  over  20  acres. 

Within  this  area,  if  we  start  from  the  point  G eastward, 
we  meet  successively  the  following  stages  (compare  plan  and 
section  G H).  On  a base  length  of  27.2  metres  (89  feet),  we 
rise  21.8  metres  (71]  feet),  to  the  top  of  the  platform  Z3  and 
Z4,  whose  average  width  there  is  about  65  metres  (213  fee:  , 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  235 


although  owing  to  decay  it  now  varies  greatly.  This  platform 
is  obliquely  intersected  by  the  paved  road  of  Spanish  con- 
struction, exposing  vertical  faces  of  adobe  along  its  north  side, 
and  shaded  by  beautiful  ash  trees.  The  northern  side  of  this 
platform  (Z‘)  is  higher  and  more  decayed  than  the  southern 
section  (Z3)  ; it  is  also  smaller  and  more  overgrown.  The 
trees  on  the  latter  arise  almost  exclusively  upon  its  abrupt  brink 
and  slope,  while  they  partly  crown  the  top  of  the  former.  On 
the  eastern  limits  of  this  platform  begins  a steep  rise,  amount- 
ing to  20  metres  (66  feet)  on  a base  line  of  33  metres  (109 
feet),  to  the  summit  of  the  whole  structure,  a polygonal  plat- 
form, paved  and  surrounded  by  a fine  wall.  To  this  we  ascend 
from  the  west  by  a broad  stairway  of  hewn  stone,  3.4  metres 
(14.2  feet)  wide,  also  of  Spanish  origin.  A portal  with  a stone 
cross  inside  it  forms  the  landing.  Four  cypress  trees  are  planted 
on  this  upper  plateau,  which  forms  a court  around  the  shrine 
of  Nuestra  Seiiora  de  los  Remedios  (J).  The  length  of  the 
plateau  from  west  to  east  is  approximatively  61.7  metres  (203 
feet)  ; the  breadth  from  north  to  south,  43.9  metres  (144  feet). 
There  are  two  more  entrances  to  the  upper  court,  one  on  the 
north  and  the  other  on  the  south,  to  which  paved  roads,  and 
not  steps,  lead.  The  present  appearance  of  the  summit  is 
entirely  due  to  the  Spaniards,  as  there  is  not  a trace  of  abo- 
riginal work  upon  it.  The  eastern  descent  from  the  plateau 
to  the  point  H is,  as  the  section  shows,  an  uninterrupted 
slope  of  44.8  metres  (147  feet),  perpendicular  on  a base-line 
of  72  metres  (236  feet).  It  is  much  more  abrupt  and  more 
densely  wooded  than  the  western. 

If  we  ascend  the  mound  from  its  south  side  at  E (see  sec- 
tion B),  we  cross  the  cultivated  area  Y,  23.6  metres  (77  feet) 
wide,  with  a rise  of  only  16  metres  (5^  feet)  ; then  up  a slope 
24.4  metres  (80  feet)  in  vertical  elevation  by  34.3  metres  (i  12 
feet)  base,  above  which  is  another  platform  3.3  metres  (1 1 feet) 


236 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


vertical  by  39.6  metres  (130  feet)  base;  then  a slope  11.3 
metres  (37  feet)  by  24.3  metres  (80  feet),  to  the  top.  Cross- 
ing the  top  and  descending  to  the  northward,  there  is  first  a 
slope  of  17.8  metres  (58  feet)  base,  and  3.5  metres  (8£  feet) 
height ; afterwards  a steep  declivity,  overgrown  with  cactuses 
and  thorny  bushes,  32  metres  (105  feet)  in  vertical  elevation  by 
only  14.3  metres  (47  feet)  base,  which  terminates  on  another 
platform  46.7  metres  (153  feet)  wide  (marked  X),  which  is  cul- 
tivated. The  latter  stands,  on  its  northern  border,  6.7  metres 
(23  feet)  lower  than  the  foot  of  the  slope.  Finally,  an  abrupt 
descent  of  8.9  metres  (29  feet)  brings  us  to  the  level  of  the 
Puebla  road,  whose  width  to  F is  20.6  metres  (68  feet)  at  the 
place  where  I measured. 

It  will  be  observed,  by  the  sections  as  well  as  on  the  map, 
that  I began  my  measurements  at  points  lying  beyond  the 
three  roads  enclosing  the  mound.  This  was  done  because  on 
three  sides  I found  layers  of  adobe  connected  with  the  struc- 
ture, and  reaching  far  outside  of  the  points  G,  F,  and  E. 
To  determine  the  height  of  the  mound,  therefore,  I must  start 
from  the  spots  marked  respectively  IT,  V,  R,  and  P,  and  these 


afford  the  following  results  : — 

From  the  north  or  north-northeast  (R)  . . 62.7  metres,  or  206  feet. 

From  the  east  (H) 44.8  “ 146  “ 

From  the  south  (P) 44.7  “ 146  “ 

From  the  west  (V) 54.5  “ 179  “ 


The  average  altitude,  therefore,  is  51.7  metres  (169  feet). 
Other  determinations  do  not  vary  much  from  this.  Thus 
Humboldt  found  it  54  metres  (177  feet),1  and  the  others  vary 
between  the  extremes  of  Brantz-Mayer  (165  feet)  and  of  Pres- 
cott (208  feet).2  All  these  figures  may  be  correct,  according 
to  the  base  adopted. 

1 Vues  des  Cordilleres  et  Monuments  Indigbies,  vol.  i.  pp.  105,  1 06. 

4 Bancroft,  Native  Raees,  vol.  iv.  p.  472,  note  13. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  A AD  ITS  VICINITY.  237 

If  now  we  turn  to  the  topography  of  the  structure  as  far  as 
delineated,  we  shall  find, — 

1.  A platform  (Z3  and  Z4)  of  unequal  height,  lying  along 
the  entire  western  front. 

2.  An  oblong  central  mound,  bearing  the  upper  pla- 
teau (J). 

3.  The  depressions  X and  Y,  respectively  north  and  south 
of  the  latter. 

4.  The  platforms  Z1  and  Z2,  northeast  and  south  of  the 
central  cone.  These  platforms  are  both  higher  and  smaller 
than  the  great  western  projection.  They  descend  abruptly  to 
the  east,  and  between  them  the  upper  mound  also  sweeps 
down  in  an  uninterrupted  steep  slope. 

The  whole  structure,  therefore,  as  it  now  is,  does  not  pre- 
sent the  appearance  of  a pyramid,  but  of  three  distinct  projec- 
tions, surrounding  and  supporting  a conical  hill,  and  separated 
from  each  other  by  wide  depressions. 

The  entire  mass  consists  of  adobe  bricks  laid  in  adobe  clay, 
undisturbed  except  where  erosion,  earthquakes,  or  the  hand 
of  man  have  mutilated  it.  The  bricks  “break  joints,”  and 
are  of  various  sizes.  I have  measured  them  at  many  places, 
and  have  found  so  far  seven  different  dimensions.  These 
sizes  are : — 

a.  On  the  western  slope  of  Z3,  fronting  the  Cerro  de  la 
Cruz,  0.52  X 0.32  X 0.14  metre  (17  X 13  X 6 inches). 

b.  In  bluffs  of  Z4  exposed  by  road,  0.58  X 0.27  X 0.10 
metre  (23  X 10  X 4 inches). 

c.  In  the  central  mound,  0.54  X 0.30  X 0.12  metre  (22 
X 12  X 5 inches). 

d.  Along  the  base  of  Zl,  and  at  the  southern  base  of  top, 
0.50  X O.24  X O.12  metre  (20  X 10  X 5 inches). 

e.  At  H,  0.40  X 0.18  metre  (16  X 7 inches),  height 
doubtful. 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


238 

f.  In  Z1,  above  those  of  the  fourth  size  indicated,  and  along 
the  slopes  of  Z2,  0.47  X 0.20  X 0.09  metre  (19  X 8X4 
inches). 

g.  In  the  northwest  corner  of  X,  northeast  corner  of  Z2, 
and  southwest  base  of  central  cone,  0.52  X 0.26  X 0.12 
metre  (21  X 10  X 5 inches). 

The  sizes  appear  to  be  irregularly  distributed,  the  central 
mound  alone  being  made,  as  far  I could  see,  of  uniform  bricks 
of  size  c down  to  nearly  30  metres  (98  feet)  below  the  top  ; 
this  was  the  case  on  one  side  at  least.  Of  the  others,  d,f, 
and  g seem  to  compose  the  platforms  Z1  and  Z2  and  the  de- 
pression X,  whereas  the  projections  Z3  and  Z4  have  the  large 
sizes  a and  b.  The  latter  size  comes  near  to  that  forming 
the  Cerro  de  la  Cruz  and  the  foundations  of  Acozac.  The 
bricks  are  all  made  without  straw,  but  much  broken  pottery 
and  bits  of  obsidian  are  found  in  the  mass,  although  it  is  not 
always  positively  clear  whether  they  belong  to  the  bricks  or 
to  the  mud  between,  and  how  far  they  may  have  been  washed 
in  by  rain  ; for  the  mound  has  suffered  considerably  from  ero- 
sion, and  consequent  slides.  There  are  many  deep  fissures 
which  show,  as  do  also  the  perpendicular  cuts  marked  on  the 
map,  that  the  mass  is  probably  solid  throughout,  without  in- 
terior cavities,  and,  if  there  is  a natural  hill  in  its  centre,  that 
it  must  be  at  all  events  a very  small  one.  In  some  places, 
particularly  in  the  northeast  corner,  there  are  bluish  alkaline 
efflorescences. 

Throughout  the  entire  structure  (except  the  platform  Z2  so 
far  as  its  walls  are  exposed),  there  are  horizontal  ledges  of  a 
whitish  composition,  or  concrete.  These  ledges  are  from 
0.05  to  0.15  metre  (2  to  6 inches)  thick,  are  hard,  and 
composed,  like  those  of  the  Cerro  de  la  Cruz,  of  carbonate  of 
lime  mixed  with  small  pebbles  and  bits  of  lava.  I have  not 
seen  this  material  on  any  vertical  surfaces,  except  on  the  steps 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  239 

of  which  I shall  speak  hereafter.  The  ledges  do  not  run 
through  the  whole  mass,  but  seem  to  occupy  different  alti- 
tudes in  different  places;  they  are  sometimes  1 metre  (3  feet), 
sometimes  several  metres,  from  each  other  in  level.  At  the 
base  of  the  western  front,  the  same  substance  seems  to  crop 
out  everywhere,  nearly  at  the  level  of  the  street,  and  it  re- 
appears beyond  it,  between  the  mound  and  the  Cerro  de  la 
Cruz,  though  in  places  it  has  been  destroyed  in  the  process 
of  tillage. 

One  or  two  fragments  of  white  stone,  similar  to  those 
extracted  from  the  Hill  of  the  Cross,  protrude  along  the 
southwestern  slope  of  the  central  cone  ; they  are  much 
weather-worn,  and  appear  somewhat  displaced. 

But  the  most  interesting  discovery  of  all,  perhaps,  was  that 
of  regular  stone  steps,  forming  flights  of  stairs.  They  were 
distinct  in  three  places,  and  traces  were  met  with  in  two 
more.  On  the  north  side,  in  bricks  of  the  size /,  and  close  by 
those  of  the  size  g , what  appears  to  be  a pillar  of  stonework 
overhangs  the  Puebla  road.  Its  widtlj  is  about  1 metre  (3 
feet),  and  it  is  nearly  three  times  as  high.  It  is  constructed 
of  slabs  of  light-colored  limestone,  broken,  and  neither  hewn 
nor  polished,  superposed  in  courses  laid  in  adobe  mud,  and 
generally  0.10  metre  (4  inches)  thick  by  0.30  metre  (12  inches) 
wide.  I was  informed  by  the  Licenciado  Ybanez  that  it  was 
a ruined  stairway.  The  body  of  it  appears,  therefore,  to  have 
been  sunk  into  the  adobe  nearly  2 metres  (6  feet).  I after- 
wards found  well-preserved  steps  in  the  northeastern  slope  of 
Z",  where  it  joins  the  top  mound,  and  on  the  southern  base  of 
the  latter.  In  the  former  place  there  were  three  steps,  each 
0.40  metre  (16  inches)  high,  but  of  unascertainable  width. 
Both  their  faces  were  covered  with  a very  thin  coat  of  a white 
composition,  analogous  to  the  one  composing  the  ledges, 
which,  like  them,  gave  a strong  effervescence  when  treated 


240 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


with  acids.  Beneath  it  were  thin  slabs  of  stone  similar  to 
those  which  compose  the  pillar  on  the  north  side.  Still 
higher  up,  there  were,  in  a recess,  remains  of  similar  steps, 
but  not  in  a line  with  the  lower  ones,  which  would  imply 
that  the  stairway  was  winding,  or  at  least  zigzag. 

The  best  preserved  specimen,  however,  is  the  one  on  the 
south  side,  a view  of  which  is  given  in  Plate  XIII.  Fig.  3.  Here 
there  are  two  flights  of  stairs  alongside  of  each  other,  each  2 
metres  (6^  feet)  wide,  and  separated  by  an  adobe  wall,  1 metre 
(39  inches)  thick.  The  bricks  in  both  places  are  of  the  size^-, 
and  the  separation  is  undisturbed,  which  shows  that  two  par- 
allel stairways  were  originally  built  alongside  of  each  other. 
Upon  re-examining  the  eastern  locality,  I found  there  the 
same  feature  ; namely,  after  an  interval  of  one  metre  of  adobe 
to  the  north,  other  traces  of  steps,  which  implies  also  two  par- 
allel flights  of  stairs. 

Near  to  H,  I found  adobe  whose  vertical  face  also  is  cov- 
ered by  the  same  white  composition,  and  on  the  western  plat- 
form, in  the  cuts  exposed  by  the  road,  is  debris  which  may 
possibly  indicate  the  former  existence  of  steps  there  also. 

Finally,  I have  to  mention  that,  beneath  the  lowest  adobe  of 
the  north  and  south  sides  irregular  blocks  of  “ tepetlatl  ” or 
yellow  indurated  clay,  imbedded  in  adobe  mud,  appear  in  two 
places.  It  is  apparently  the  foundation  ; but  in  Cholula  it  is 
believed  that  even  below  these  the  structure  rests  on  short 
upright  pillars  of  stone.  If  such  be  the  case,  I was  unable  to 
obtain  any  proof  of  it.1 

Having  now  finished  the  sketch  of  the  main  body  of  the 

1 In  the  adobe  of  the  lowest  western  apron  a block  of  lava  has  been  found, 
which  I saw.  It  rested  at  a depth  of  2 metres  (6  feet),  standing  on  its  edge,  but 
the  adobe  around  was  not  tilted  nor  in  any  way  disturbed.  Its  diameter  was 
0.61  metre  (2  feet),  its  height  from  0.11  to  0.15  metre  (4  to  6 inches).  The  top 
was  convex,  like  an  inverted  bowl,  and  it  looked  very  much  as  the  top  of  the 
great  pillars  at  Mitla  would,  if  broken. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  24 1 


mound,  I turn  to  such  traces  of  edifices  as  surround  it,  in 
order  to  find  out  how  far  they  may  originally  have  been 
connected  with  the  hill. 

The  railroad  cuttings  along  its  western  front  have  ex- 
posed an  uninterrupted  layer  of  adobe  bricks,  measuring  0.56 
X 0.23  X 0.12  metre  (22  X 9 X 5 inches),  with  but  one  single 
ledge  of  concrete  visible.  This  has  a thickness  not  exceeding 
4 metres  (13  feet),  if  it  reaches  that  dimension  in  any  place, 
and  extends  so  as  to  form  a vast  apron,  possibly  400  metres 
(1300  feet)  from  north  to  south,  and  about  200  metres  (650 
feet)  from  east  to  west.  It  is  on  this  apron  that  the  Cerro 
de  la  Cruz  stands,  and  in  or  below  it  the  four  skulls  were 
exhumed  which  I have  already  mentioned.  Besides  these  and 
the  bones,  the  adobe,  which  lies  perfectly  undisturbed,  has 
yielded  some  pottery,  one  or  two  clay  flutes,  and  much  ob- 
sidian. But  nowhere,  to  my  knowledge,  did  there  appear 
foundations  of  houses. 

On  the  east  side  are  visible  fragments  of  adobe  hills, 
directly  joining  the  mound  at  S,  composed  of  bricks  of  the 
size  g;  and  almost  due  east  of  H,  at  T,  a low  terrace  crops 
out,  built  of  bricks  measuring  0.43  X 0.23  X o.  10  metre 
(17X9X4  inches).  The  distance  between  H and  T is 
about  160  metres.  The  intervening  space  has  been  ploughed, 
but  often  fragments  of  adobe  are  brought  to  light  throughout 
the  entire  field  up  to  the  path  bounding  the  mound  on  the 
south.  Fragments  of  ancient  “metlapilli”  and  of  very  old 
pottery  are  very  abundant  there,  and  it  is  the  general  belief  at 
Cholula  that  an  apron  existed  there  similar  to  the  one  on  the 
western  side,  which  would  have  been  about  300  metres  (1,000 
feet)  from  north  to  south  by  200  metres  (650  feet)  from  east 
to  west. 

On  the  south  side  the  slope  runs  out  in  the  road  E P,  of 
which  E is  4.1  metres  (13 y2  feet)  higher  than  P,  the  whole 

16 


242 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


distance  between  the  two  points  being  61. 1 metres  (200  feet). 
There  are  fragments  of  adobe,  S,  S,  on  both  sides  of  this 
road,  which  itself  shows  traces  of  it.  The  field  beneath  is  cut 
down  abruptly,  and  yields  much  obsidian  and  pottery.  All 
these  are  indications,  that  another  apron  extended  to  the 
south,  about  60  metres  (200  feet)  from  east  to  west,  and  some 
300  metres  (1,000  feet)  in  a north  and  south  direction. 

The  north  side  presents  some  seeming  complications.  The 
point  R is  70  metres  (230  feet)  from  F,  and  11.6  metres 
(38  feet)  lower.  The  fragments  S,  S,  as  well  as  the  mound 
Q,  are  both  artificial,  and  their  bricks  are  exactly  the  size  (g) 
of  those  of  the  great  hill.  The  top  of  the  mound  is  about 
at  the  level  of  X.  The  road  R F shows  adobe  on  both  sides ; 
and  the  inference  is  therefore  not  improbable,  that  the  space 
north,  which  the  points  O R O F define,  formed  another  spur 
on  the  lowest  platform,  whose  area  may  have  measured  about 
70  bv  400  metres  (230  by  1300  feet),  and  of  which  the  road 
F P,  the  fragments  S,  S,  and  the  circular  mound  Q,  are  the 
only  vestiges  remaining. 

Although  the  restoration  of  ruined  structures  is  always  a 
very  doubtful  undertaking,  it  sometimes  is  difficult  to  avoid 
making  the  attempt.  In  the  case  of  the  great  mound,  before 
attempting  the  dangerous  task  of  re-establishing  its  former 
shape  and  of  approximating  to  its  former  size,  I must  care- 
fully investigate  its  condition  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest, 
in  order  to  ascertain  as  nearly  as  possible  the  changes  which 
the  past  362  years  may  have  wrought. 

Bernal  Dicz  speaks  of  the  chief  temple  of  Cholula  as  being 
higher  than  that  of  Mexico  and  having  120  steps.1  But  this 
edifice  was  not  the  great  mound,  and  it  has  since  disappeared, 

1 Ilistoria  VcrJadera,  cap.  xcii.  p.  92:  “ Mas  era  de  otra  hechura  que  el  meji- 
cano,  e asimismo  los  patios  muy  grandcs  e con  dos  cercas.”  The  latter  certainly 
cannot  apply  to  the  great  mound. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  243 


as  we  know  from  Rojas,  and  its  site  is  occupied  by  the  con- 
vent.1 The  earliest  picture  we  have  of  the  mound  is  on  the 
coat  of  arms  granted  to  Cholula  in  1540,  and  the  first  mention 
of  it  is  about  the  same  year,  from  the  pen  of  Motolim'a.  This 
blazon,  cut  in  black  lava,  is  preserved  in  one  of  the  houses  on 
the  corner  of  the  Callc  Real  and  the  Calle  de  Chalingo,  and 
on  it  the  great  mound  is  represented  as  on  Plate  XIII.  Fig.  9. 
It  suggests  a four-storied  pyramid  with  a truncated  top. 

Motolim'a  briefly  mentions  that  it  measured  a good  cross- 
bow shot  from  corner  to  corner,  and  in  height  also,  — a very 
unsatisfactory  statement,  — and  that  it  was  overgrown  at  his 
time  with  trees  and  shrubs,  and  much  ruined.  He  came  to 
Mexico  in  1524,  and  certainly  saw  Cholula  and  its  mound 
within  ten  years  after  the  Conquest.  “ There  are  on  it  now 
many  rabbits  and  snakes,  and  in  some  places  are  fields  of 
maize.”  (1540  ) On  the  top  was  “ a small  old  temple,”  which 
the  Cholultecos  affirmed  was  much  larger  in  former  times.2 

Sahagun  only  mentions  the  “ cerro,  6 monte  de  Chollan,” 
stating  it  to  be  artificial,  and  that  it  was  made  for  purposes  of 
defence.3 

A detailed  description,  of  great  merit,  is  furnished  by  Ro- 
jas : “ In  this  city  there  is  no  other  fortress  than  an  extremely 
ancient  hill  within  it,  made  by  hand,  all  of  adobe,  which  was 
formerly  rounded,4  and  now,  by  the  blocks  of  the  streets,  has 

1 Rllaeion , etc  , § 14. 

2 Historia,  etc.,  Trat.  i.  cap.  xii.  pp.  65,  66. 

3 Historia  General , etc.,  “ Introduccion,”  vol.  i.  pp.  xvi.  and  xvii. : “ Los  Cholol- 
tecas,  que  son  los  que  de  ella  (Tulla)  se  escaparon,  han  tenido  la  sucesion  de 
los  romanos,  y como  los  romanos  cdificaron  el  capitolio  para  su  fortaleza,  aM  los 
Cholulanos  edificaron  a mano  aquel  promontorio  que  esta  junto  a Cholula,  que  es 
como  una  sierra  6 un  gran  monte,  y esta  todo  lleno  de  minas  6 cucvas  por  de 
dentro.”  Of  the  latter  there  are  no  traces.  Lib.  x.  cap.  xxix.  vol.  iii.  p.  141  : 

“ Pues  manifiesta  estar  hecho  a mano,  porque  tiene  adobes  y cncalado.” 

4 The  term  “ redondo  ” also  means  angular,  polygonal,  in  old  Spanish.  The 
Pueblo  Indians  of  New  Mexico  frequently  call  their  “ plazas  ” redondas , although 
they  are  square  or  rectangular. 


244 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


been  made  square.  Its  base  has  a perimeter  of  twenty-four 
hundred  ordinary  paces,  and  it  is  forty  ells  high,  and  on  it 
there  may  be  room  for  ten  thousand  persons.  From  the  mid- 
dle of  this  base  the  hill  rises  again,  as  a round  mass,  forty 
ells  more,  so  that  the  entire  altitude  is  eighty  ells,  to  the  sum- 
mit of  which  one  can  ride  on  horseback.  On  the  top  there  is 
a level  space  affording  room  for  one  thousand  men,  and  in  the 
middle  a large  cross  is  planted.  It  is  of  wood  with  a pedestal 
of  stone  and  lime,  and  stands  on  the  identical  spot  where  dur- 
ing the  time  of  paganism  was  the  idol  Nauhquiauitl,  as  I have 
said.  In  the  hill  which  this  space  makes  there  is  still  to  be 
seen  a foundation  of  stones,  which  appears  to  have  been  of 
some  balustrade  or  buttress  there  erected.  This  is  the  famous 
mound,  celebrated  as  much  for  its  having  been  made  exclu- 
sively for  the  seat  of  that  idol,  as  for  being  a work  of  such 

magnitude Before  the  Spaniards  conquered  this  land 

the  hill  did  not  terminate  in  a level,  but  it  was  convex,  and 
the  friars  had  it  levelled  in  order  to  plant  on  it  a cross.”  1 

Torquemada  says  the  mound  was  never  finished,  and  at  his 
time  it  was  completely  overgrown  and  decayed,  but  that  nev- 
ertheless it  could  be  distinctly  seen  that  it  once  had  “ stages.” 
He  further  gives  it  a perimeter  of  “ wcllnigh  a quarter  of  a 
league.”  2 

The  Cavaliere  Boturini,  who  wrote  about  the  middle  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  after  stating  that  the  mound  was  “four 
stories”  high,  and  that  it  was  composed  of  four  superposed 
terraces,  adds  : “ The  top  was  reached  by  a fine  road,  winding 
up  to  it  like  a serpent,  as  it  is  seen  in  a painting  made  of 
paper  of  ‘ Metl,’  which  I have  in  my  archives.”  This  how- 

1 Relation,  etc.,  § 32- 

2 Monarchia,  etc,  lib.  iii.  cap.  xix.  p.  281  ; lib.  xvi.  cap.  xxviii.  p.  203.  The 
latter  is  copied  from  Mendieta,  Ilist.  Eccles.  Indiana , lib.  iii.  cap.  xlix.  p.  3*0# 
at  least  in  part. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  245 

ever  refers  to  the  Spanish  roads,  and  not  to  the  Indian  stairs. 
The  painting  in  question  dates  from  after  1594.1 

It  is  clear  that,  among  all  the  evidence  produced,  that  of 
the  coat  of  arms  of  Cholula,  and  the  statements  of  Moto- 
linfa,  and  especially  of  Rojas,  deserve  most  attention.  We 
may  safely  conclude  from  them,  that  the  shape  and  size  of  the 
mound  have  not  changed  much  since  the  Conquest.  The 
sculpture  in  the  blazon  of  the  Spanish  city  is  an  ideal  pic- 
ture, not  intended  for  an  accurate  copy  of  nature,  and  there- 
fore the  four  terraces  should  not  be  regarded  as  indicating 
strictly  the  relative  position  of  the  four  parts.  Rojas,  how- 
ever, mentions  only  two  parts,  a broad  terrace  and  a conical 
hill  arising  from  the  centre,  and  it  is  clear  that  this  descrip- 
tion applies  to  the  identical  mound  which  now  is  regarded 
as  such.  The  two  roads  which  intersect  the  mound  on  his 
map  are  the  same  ones  forming  its  boundaries  north  and 
south  at  present,  and  it  will  be  seen  that  there  are  frag- 
ments left  on-  both  sides,  thus  confirming  my  assumption  of 
two  aprons  extending  beyond  the  present  bulk  in  the  direc- 
tions named.  That  these  aprons  were  lower  than  the  plat- 
forms Z1,  Z4,  Z2,  and  Z3,  is  shown,  on  the  north  side,  by  the 
landing  of  the  steps  there  discovered  ; on  the  south,  by  the 
stairway  which  indicates  the  original  slope  of  the  surface. 
If  the  ddbris  on  the  west  side  of  Z4  is,  as  I incline  to  believe, 
also  the  remnants  of  stairs,  then  the  Calle  de  Monte  Alegre 
marks  the  western  front  of  the  platform  Z3  and  Z4,  descend- 
ing, as  it  does  now,  upon  the  western  apron,  whose  layers  of 
adobe  are  still  spread,  undisturbed,  over  so  large  an  area. 

In  the  east  the  stairway  on  the  northeast  corner  of  Z2 

1 Idea  de  una  Nneva  Historia . etc.,  pp.  1 13,  1 14.  Clavigero,  Storia  del  Messico, 
lib.  ii.  cap.  ii.,  has,  in  a foot-note,  very  ably  disposed  of  this  tale.  He  justly  re- 
marks that  the  painting  in  question  is  of  late  origin.  The  first  chapel  or  shrine 
was  erected  on  the  top  of  the  great  mound  in  1594.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecclcsi- 
istica,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  xlix.  p 310. 


246 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


clearly  proves  that  the  descent  then  was  originally  as  it  is 
now,  and  the  coated  adobe  at  H indicates  the  same  fact  in 
regard  to  Z1.  But  the  central  cone  has  suffered  a consider- 
able change.  In  the  first  place  it  was  reduced  in  height,  as 
Rojas  tells  us,  by  the  conversion  of  its  conical  summit  into  a 
level  plateau  ; secondly,  the  earthquake  of  1864,  shook  down 
the  eastern  end  of  the  plateau  itself,  together  with  the  rear 
portion  of  the  church.  The  west  side  remained  undisturbed 
on  account  of  the  solid  masonry,  and  principally  because  the 
declivity  was  not  so  steep. 

I have  therefore  ventured  to  suggest  a restoration  of  the 
mound,  as  exhibited  on  Plate  XIII.  Figs.  4 and  5.  It  will  be 
seen  that,  contrary  to  Rojas,  I have  retained  the  two  depres- 
sions X and  Y.  This  has  been  done,  not  because  I am  con- 
vinced that  they  really  existed  to  the  extent  and  depth  they 
now  have,  but  in  order  to  avoid  restoration.  I readily  admit 
that  they  may  have  been  largely  deepened  in  course  of  time. 
But  what  I believe  is,  that  the  platforms  Z1  and  Z2  were  origi- 
nally higher  than  the  one  in  the  west,  just  as  they  appear  to 
be  at  the  present  time  ; and  thus  we  find,  counting  in  the 
central  cone,  the  four  levels  or  plateaux  which  the  coat  of 
arms  of  Cholula  indicates.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  Humboldt 
in  his  restoration  of  the  mound  may  have  been  guided  some- 
what by  that  picture,  which  he  knew,  as  well  as  by  the 
statements  of  Boturini.1 

Taking  now  the  perimeter  of  the  whole  structure  as  re- 
stored, it  gives  us  2,360  metres  (7.740  feet),  or  nearly  one  and 
a half  English  miles.  This,  reckoning  the  difference  between 
Castilian  and  English  feet,  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  Rojas 
only  included  the  outside  fragments  of  the  mound  visible 

1 Compare  Vues  ties  Cortiillb'es,  etc.,  Plate  III.  or  VIII.  of  the  edition  in  folio, 

lie  mentions  Boturini’s  name  for  the  mound,  and  in  Essai  Politique , P..150,  re- 
peats the  statement  of  the  “ quatre  assises.” 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  247 


above  the  surface,  still  agrees  very  well  with  his  figures  of 
2,400  “ordinary  paces,”  while  his  altitude  of  eighty  ells  ( varas ) 
equal  to  67.2  metres  (220  feet),  if  we  take  into  account  the 
decrease  in  height  indicated  by  himself,1  comes  very  near  to 
the  one  found  by  me  on  the  north  side.  There  is  to  me  a 
very  pleasing  coincidence  in  these  two  results,  obtained  at 
an  interval  of  just  three  centuries  from  each  other. 

But  there  are  questions  to  be  considered  of  much  more 
weight,  and  far  greater  difficulty  of  solution,  than  that  of  the 
original  form  of  the  mound  of  Cholula.  These  are,  How  and 
for  what  purpose  was  it  built  ? and,  Who  were  its  builders  ? 

The  materials  of  which  the  mound  is  constructed  are  earth, 
broken  limestone,  little  pebbles,  and  occasional  particles  of 
lava.  The  earth  is  in  the  shape  of  adobe  bricks,  and  is  also 
used  as  binding  material  in  which  the  bricks  are  imbedded. 
These  were  probably,  or  at  least  possibly,  formed  in  moulds, 
but  there  is  no  trace  of  grass,  or  of  the  ashes  and  char- 
coal with  which  the  Indians  of  New  Mexico  mixed  their 
adobe.2  The  bricks  are  sun-dried,  not  burnt.  Limestone 
broken  into  slabs  was  used  for  steps  and  stairways,  and 
pulverized  carbonate  of  lime,  mixed  with  pebbles  and  lava 
fragments,  for  the  intervening  ledges  and  the  coating  of 
stairways. 

The  soil  of  the  plain  of  Cholula  is,  in  many  places,  very 
proper  for  the  manufacture  of  adobe  bricks,  without  any  ad- 
mixture. The  particles  of  lava  and  the  pebbles  resemble  the 
sand  which  is  met  with  all  over  the  plain,  in  the  beds  of  rivu- 
lets, and  in  exposed  cuts.  The  limestone  is  found  to  the  east 

1 Humboldt,  Essai  Politique,  p.  151,  states  the  surface  of  the  top-platform  to 
be  4,200  square  metres.  It  has  since  been  greatly  reduced  in  size  by  the  earth- 
quake before  referred  to. 

2 Pedro  de  Castaneda  de  Nagera,  Relacion  du  Voyage  de  Cibola,  translation  by 
Ternaux-Compans,  1838,  ii.  cap.  iv.  pp.  168,  169,  and  my  Visit  to  the  Aboriginal 
Ruins,  etc.  of  the  Rio  Pecos,  p.  57,  note  J. 


248 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


of  Cholula,  not  to  the  west.  Thus  it  appears  that  the  material 
of  which  the  mound  was  built  was  principally  gathered  on 
the  plain  about  it,  and  the  rest  was  brought  from  a short 
distance,  in  the  direction  of  Puebla.  This  disposes  of  the 
stories,  that  the  adobe  was  made  at  the  foot  of  the  volcanoes, 
about  San  Nicolas  de  los  Ranches,  or  even  on  the  other  side, 
in  the  territory  of  Chaleo.1 

The  bricks  are  laid  in  courses,  or  rather  in  columns  break- 
ing joints,  which  rest  on  the  ledges,  all  of  which  are  hori- 
zontal ; I have  not  seen  a single  vertical  seam.  They  are  of 
unequal  dimensions  in  the  different  portions  of  the  structure, 
so  that  no  two  sections  show  only  one  size,  except  the  central 
mound.  This  indicates  that  the  building  was  not  erected  at 
one  time,  but  is  rather  an  accumulation  of  successive  periods, 
the  central  part  being  the  last  one  made.  The  ledges  there- 
fore were  probably  coatings  put  on  for  solidity,  and  in  some 
cases  they  may  also  denote  a particular  epoch  of  construction. 

Some  portions  of  the  adobe  show  alkaline  efflorescence, 
while  others  do  not.  This  leads  to  the  inference  that  it  was 
gathered  from  various  localities  and  directions. 

From  these  various  considerations,  we  are  led  to  infer  that 
the  great  mound  of  Cholula  was  not  originally  constructed 
upon  the  plan  which  it  now  appears  to  have,  but  that  it  grew 
in  the  course  of  time  according  to  necessity.  This  would 
account  for  its  enormous  size,  without  resorting  to  the  sup- 
position of  extravagant  numbers  of  population  ; and  would 
tend  to  show  also,  that,  while  it  was  the  product  of  communal 
labor,  it  was  built  for  some  purpose  of  public  utility,  and  not 
to  benefit  private  interests,  or  as  a token  of  respect  for  the 
memory  of  individuals. 

1 The  story  about  Chaleo  is  told  in  Spiegazione  delle  Tavole,  etc.,  vol.  v.  of 
Kingsborough.  That  about  San  Nicolas  I heard  at  Cholula.  It  would  be  hard 
to  find  near  the  volcano  sufficient  adobe  for  the  purpose. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  249 

There  is  no  evidence  that  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest  any 
part  of  the  hill  was  used  except  the  summit.  On  the  contrary, 
Motolima  states  that,  within  ten  years  of  the  first  arrival 
of  Cortes,  it  was  abandoned  and  overgrown.1  This  is  further 
supported  by  the  fact,  that  none  of  the  conquerors  mentions 
the  great  mound  ; presumably  because  they  all  supposed  it  to 
be  a natural  eminence,  as  nearly  every  one  is  inclined  to  do 
now  at  first  sight,  and  because  the  mound  of  Ouetzalcohuatl, 
which  stood  below,  on  the  spot  where  the  convent  now  is, 
attracted  their  attention.  The  summit  only  was  occupied, 
and  on  it  stood  a “ small  old  temple  ” dedicated  to  the  idol  of 
Rain.  Probably  this  temple  was  a Nahuatl  erection;  at  all 
events,  the  worship  there  maintained  was  a cult  of  the  Nahuatl 
of  Cholula.  The  custom  of  erecting  small  houses  of  worship 
on  high  places  was  often  followed  in  Mexico,  and  there,  are 
traditions  of  it  still  remaining.  If  the  Nahuatl  built  this 
chapel,  it  must  have  been  as  much  on  account  of  the  remark- 
able size  and  height  of  the  mound,  and  of  its  isolated  posi- 
tion, as  on  account  of  some  former  tradition  of  worship  linger- 
ing about  the  place.  They  used  the  top,  but  neglected  and 
abandoned  the  slopes. 

Ihere  was  not  even  then  any  distinct  tradition  in  regard  to 
the  purpose  for  which  the  mound  had  been  built.  Motolima 
intimates  that  it  was  begun  with  a view  of  raising  it  as  high 
as  the  snow-clad  volcanoes  opposite,  but  that  its  completion 
was  prevented  by  a terrible  tempest,  accompanied  by  the  fall 
of  a huge  stone  shaped  like  a toad,  upon  which  the  work 
ceased.-  bray  Pedro  de  los  Rios,  who  in  1566  examined  the 
Mexican  paintings  then  in  the  Vatican,  speaks  of  a tradition 
which  attributed  the  fabric  to  giants,  one  of  whom  he  called 
Xelhua,  who  built  the  mound  in  order  to  escape  from  the 

1 Ilistoria , etc.,  Trat.  i.  cap.  xii.  p.  66. 

2 Ibid.,  pp.  65,  66. 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


250 

flood.1  Duran  relates  that  he  had  heard  that  the  Cholultecans 
attributed  the  work  to  giants,  thus  assimilating  the  story  to 
the  Biblical  narrative  of  the  tower  of  Babel.2  Ixtlilxochitl 
refers  to  it  in  the  same  manner,  and  states  that,  after  the 
destruction  of  the  mound  by  a hurricane,  a temple  was  erected 
on  its  ruins  to  Ouetzalcohuatl,  the  catastrophe  having  been 
caused  by  that  element  whose  worship  he  represented.3  Tor- 
quemada  simply  affirms  that  it  remained  unfinished,4  thus 
copying  Mendieta,5  who  in  his  turn,  like  Fray  Hieronymo 
Roman,6  adopted  the  statement  of  Motolinfa. 

It  is  singular  that  the  story  of  its  having  been  made  as  a 
place  of  refuge,  sometimes  in  connection  with  giants,  is 
handed  down  in  various  forms  through  the  authors  Enrico 
Martinez,7  Vetancurt,8  and  Boturini,9  to  Veytia.10  After  him, 
Clavigero,  in  the  year  1780,  positively  asserted  that  the 
mound  was  to  have  been  a monument  in  honor  of  Ouetzal- 
cohuatl,11 and  since  his  time  various  suggestions  have  been 
made  as  to  the  purpose  of  the  monument. 

1 Spiegazione  della  Tavole,  etc.,  Kingsborough,  vol.  v.  pp.  165,  172. 

2 Hist,  de  las  Yndias,  etc.,  vol.  i.  cap.  i.  pp.  6,  7. 

3 Hist,  de  los  Chichtmecos , cap.  i.  p.  206. 

4 Monarchies,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  xxix.  p.  2S0;  lib.  xvi.  cap.  xxviii.  p.  203:  “ Un 
cerrcjon,  tan  grande,  que  en  trescicntos  afios  no  lo  pudieron  cdificar  muchos 
millares  de  hombres.” 

5 Hist.  Ecclesiastica,  lib.  iii.  cap.  xlix.  p.  309. 

6 Las  Rcpublicas  del  Mundo , 1575,  Segunda  Parte,  lib.  i.  cap.  iv.  p.  360. 

7 Repertories  de  los  Tiempos  y Historia  Natural  desta  ATueva  Espaha,  1606.  He 
copied  Acosta,  Hist.  Nat.  y Moral,  etc.,  lib.  vii.  cap.  iii.  pp.  457-459,  but  only 
mentions  the  giants,  without  giving  to  them  any  connection  with  the  mound. 

8 Teatro  Mcxicano,  Parte  ii.  cap.  i.  pp.  205,  206.  Cronica  de  la  Provincia,  etc., 
p.  1 7 1 . This  author  also  mentions  the  giants,  and  speaks  of  the  Mound  as  a 
“ torre  de  Babel.” 

9 Idea,  etc  , pp.  103,  104.  lie  attributes  the  fabric  to  the  “Tultecos,”  as  a 
refuge  from  the  deluge.  Sahagun  said  the  “ Tultecos  ” were  giants. 

lu  Mariana  Veytia  y Echevem'a,  Historia  de  Mejico,  1836,  vol.  i.  cap.  ii.  p.  l8, 
attributes  it  to  the  *•  Ulmecas,”  and  says  it  is  a reminiscence  of  the  tower  of 
Babel. 

11  Storia  del  Messico,  lib.  i.  cap.  ii. 


4 STUDIES  AD  OUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  25  I 


There  are  scarcely  any  traditions  about  the  mound  current 
in  the  district  of  Cholula  at  the  present  time,  which  are  not 
more  or  less  echoes  of  the  older  writers.  Thus  the  story 
about  the  tower  of  Babel  has  been  told  to  me  frequently  by 
Indians,  with  the  addition,  that  the  top  of  it  was  blown  off  by 
a hurricane  and  carried  to  the  valley  of  Atlixco,  or,  according 
to  another  version,  even  to  Spain.  Many  declare  that  it  was 
a “temple  of  Quetzalcohuatl,  but  there  is  also  a tradition  that 
it  was  a fortification  against  the  Tlaxcaltecos.” 

The  various  Indian  names  by  which  it  is  called  may  per- 
haps throw  some  light  on  the  present  inquiry.  The  oldest 
appears  to  have  been  “ Tlalchiuhaltepetl.”  “ Tlalchiuani  ” 
means  a man  who  works  or  tills  the  soil ; “ allepetl  ” is  a tribe 
or  tribal  settlement.  This  would  imply  “ a settlement  whose 
people  till  the  land,”  and  would  appear  indeed  very  signifi- 
cant. But  we  have  also  the  etymology  “ Tlalchiualiztli,” 
worked  plot,  and  “ tepetl,”  hill,  which  gives  it  quite  a different, 
much  more  modern  sense.1  Of  the  name  “ Chicon-tepetl,” 
nine  hills,  I have  already  spoken  ; and  still  another  designa- 
tion, “ Tenantzin  de  los  Remedios,”  our  mother  of  the  reme- 
dies, is  obviously  subsequent  to  the  Conquest.  The  name 
Quetzalcohuatl  is  an  evident  echo  of  the  older  writings. 

As  there  is  no  tradition  which  does  not  contain  some  grain 
of  truth,  this  will  manifest  itself  in  that  in  which  the  most 
contradictory  statements  agree.  In  the  present  instance  we 
have  the  great  majority  of  statements  in  favor  of  the  assump- 
tion that  the  mound  was  a place  of  refuge,  and  two  which 
make  of  it  a fortification.2  According  to  the  ideas  of  Indian 
warfare,  these  terms  are  identical.3  But  there  is  also  the  fact, 

1 The  first  etymology  is  supported  by  Rojas,  monte  hecho  a mano.”  For 
both  compare  Molina,  Vocabulario,  ii.  fol.  4,  102,  123.  It  is  also  written  “ Tlachi- 
naltepetl,”  which  gives  a very  similar  definition. 

2 The  most  explicit  one  is  that  of  Sahagun,  Historia,  etc.,  Introd.  p.  xvi.  It 
is  indeed  very  striking  and  positive. 

3 Art  0/  War  and  Mode  of  Warfare,  etc  , pp.  143  to  146. 


252 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


that  the  top  was  used  as  a place  of  worship,  which  is  substan- 
tiated by  archaeological  discoveries. 

I have  already  alluded  to  the  singularly  favorable  position 
of  the  mound  for  a “ lookout,”  — a post  of  observation.  Fur- 
thermore, it  stands  in  the  midst  of  land  very  fertile  and  ex- 
ceedingly well  adapted  for  the  maintenance  of  a sedentary 
Indian  population,  but  still  by  nature  almost  entirely  defence- 
less. The  Cerro  de  Tzapotecas,  opposite,  is  the  nearest  hill 
which  could  have  afforded  shelter  to  a threatened  population. 
This  hill  shows  traces  of  an  old  aboriginal  settlement,  of  which 
I shall  hereafter  speak.  But  it  is  remarkable  how  closely  the 
profile  of  the  great  mound,  as  restored  (Plate  XIII.  Fig.  4), 
agrees  with  that  of  the  Tzapotecas  (Fig.  8),  or  that  of  the 
Teoton  (Fig.  6)  and  the  Tetlyollotl  (Fig.  7),  two  hills  lying  in 
front  of  the  great  volcano.  It  almost  seems  as  if  the  builders 
of  the  mound  had  copied  the  outlines  of  these  hills.  The 
whole  area  of  the  mound,  as  restored,  covers  a surface  of 
256,000  square  metres  (2,624,000  square  feet,  or  nearly  60 
acres)  at  least.  Of  this,  the  central  or  upper  mound  occu- 
pied only  16,000  square  metres,  leaving  the  remainder  of 
240,000,  or  fifteen  sixteenths  of  the  whole  expanse,  for  the 
lower  platforms  and  the  projecting  horizontal  aprons.  The 
disproportion  between  the  two  suggests  the  query,  Which 
was  built  for  the  other?  That  walls  of  adobe  should  have 
been  built  around  a vast  court  surrounding  an  edifice  of  the 
kind  called  a “mound  of  worship”  is  plausible;  but  that 
enormous  earth-works,  amounting  in  bulk  to  many  times  the 
volume  of  the  former,  should  have  been  raised  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  supporting  and  ornamenting  it,  is  scarcely  proba- 
ble. There  must  have  been  another,  more  practical  object. 

The  central  hill  I have  designated  as  a former  mound  of 
worship.  Its  size  and  shape,  as  well  as  tradition  and  the 
statements  of  eye-witnesses,  agree  in  confirming  this  view. 
If  we  regard  it  then  as  such,  it  stands  in  reference  to  the 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  253 


other  parts  of  the  structure  as  the  centre  of  a settlement  on 
the  level  ground.1  If  we  imagine  the  plateaux  and  aprons 
around  it  covered  with  houses,2  possibly  of  large  size  like 
those  of  Uxmal  and  Palenque,  or  on  a scale  intermediate 
between  them  and  the  communal  dwellings  of  Pecos  and  many 
other  places  in  New  Mexico,  we  have  then  on  the  mound  of 
Cholula,  as  it  originally  was,  room  for  a large  aboriginal  popu- 
lation. The  structure  accordingly  presents  itself  as  the  base 
of  an  artificially  elevated,  and  therefore,  according  to  Indian 
military  art,  a fortified  pueblo. 

Who  were  its  builders  ? One  thing  seems  certain  ; namely, 
that  the  Nahuatl  did  not  construct  it.  Prior  to  them,  the 
Toltecs  on  one  side,  and  the  Olmecs  on  the  other,  lay  claim 
to  it,  leaving  out  of  view  the  race  of  “ giants,”  whom  Sahagun 
identifies  with  the  Toltecs,  and  Veytia  with  the  Olmecs.  I 
have  already  alluded  to  some  points  which  tend  to  suggest 
that  the  Toltecs  were  Maya;  and  I owe  to  the  friendship  of 
an  eminent  co-laborer,  Dr.  Valentini,  the  further  hint,  that 
even  the  words  “ Ouinamc,”  “ Ixcuiname,”  used  to  designate 
these  giants,  may  be  merely  corruptions  of  the  Maya  lan- 
guage. It  is  also  asserted  by  the  Father  de  los  Rios,  that  in 
his  time  the  inhabitants  of  Cholula  still  had  an  old  song  with 
words  which  they  did  not  understand.  I,f  these  words  are 
correctly  reported,  they  sound  like  corrupted  Maya,  and  the 
surmise  that  the  Maya  and  Toltecs  were  of  the  same  stock 
gains  plausibility.3 

Whether  Olmecs  or  Toltecs  were  the  builders  of  the  mound, 

1 Compare  the  beautiful  description,  by  Motolinia,  Historia,  etc.,  Trat.  i. 
cap.  xii.  p.  63,  translated  in  Art  of  IVar,  etc.,  p.  104. 

2 May  not  the  ‘‘square  house  ” described  by  Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cordillires, 
vol.  i.  p.  108,  be  perhaps  evidence  of  this  ? 

3 These  words  are  given  “ Tulanianhululaez  ” in  Spiegazione , etc.,  Kingsbor- 
ough,  vol.  v.  p.  166.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Popol  Vuh , Introd.  p.  Ixxxii.,  sepa- 
rates it  into  three  words,  “Tulan  yan  hululaez.”  This  suggestion  is  also  due 
to  Dr.  Valentini. 


254 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


tradition  is  almost  unanimous  in  stating  that  it  was  destroyed. 
As  this  cannot  be  taken  in  a literal  sense,  the  tale  of  its  de- 
struction, or  at  least  abandonment,  is  so  strongly  affirmed, 
that  we  must  suppose  something  of  the  sort  really  happened, 
not  to  the  hill  itself,  but  to  the  buildings  standing  upon  it, 
which  were  possibly  a pueblo,  as  I have  suggested.  Indians 
never  rebuild  on  ruins,  or  repair  them  ; so  the  successors  of  the 
mound-builders  of  Cholula  settled  on  the  plain  below,  and 
the  place  of  worship  of  Quetzalcohuatl,  his  “medicine  lodge” 
of  adobe  or  stone,  was  again  erected  in  the  new  pueblo.  The 
summit  of  the  deserted  hill  became  the  seat  of  another  cult, 
that  of  Rain,  practised  in  sight  of  the  volcanoes  from  which 
Quetzalcohuatl  was  supposed  to  carry  the  beneficial  moisture 
over  the  parched  and  arid  plain.  That  the  ruin  of  the  mound 
pueblo  of  Cholula  may  possibly  have  been  brought  about  by 
the  Nahuatl,  I have  already  stated.  They  were  not  altogether 
unprepared  for  a worship  of  Quetzalcohuatl,  and  easily  adopted 
him  for  their  tutelary  god,  changing,  however,  the  place  of  his 
shrine,  for  the  reasons  already  assigned. 

Turning  now  to  other  remains  of  mounds  of  artificial  origin, 
outside  of  the  city,  it  will  be  observed  that  they  are  found  in 
seven  places,  all  marked  on  the  map  of  the  district  (PI.  XI. 
Fig.  i).  One  of  these  spots,  Tlaxcallantzinco  (No.  8),  has  but 
very  faint  vestiges  left,  and  I had  no  time  for  a close  ex- 
amination ; neither  would  it  have  been  advisable  to  attempt 
it,  under  the  irritated  and  suspicious  state  of  the  Indian 
mind  at  the  time.  Neither  could  I even  visit  the  mounds 
of  Cuauhpan  (No.  7).  Although  I regret  this  failure,  I could 
not  avoid  its  happening  ; but  at  least  I made  sure  of  the 
fact  of  their  existence.  All  the  remaining  points  I investi- 
gated more  or  less,  and  have  reached  the  conclusion  that 
they  represent  two  types  of  construction ; namely,  mounds 
built  on  the  level  ground,  without  projecting  platforms,  and 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  255 


platform  mounds,  resembling  in  form  the  great  hill  of  Cholula 
itself. 

The  first  class  includes  Nos.  2 and  6 ; the  latter,  Nos.  3,  4, 
and  5. 

No.  2.  San  Andres  Cholula,  about  1 y2  kilometres  (1  mile) 
southeast  of  the  great  structure,  is  the  base  of  a very  exten- 
sive adobe  structure,  apparently  without  intervening  ledges, 
at  no  place  higher  than  about  2 metres  (6l/2  feet).  In  sur- 
face extent  it  is  rather  larger  than  the  Cerro  de  la  Cruz. 
San  Andres  was,  as  already  stated,  formerly  a “ barrio,”  or 
quarter  of  the  pueblo  of  Cholula,  and  the  mound  therefore 
stood  in  the  midst  of  an  Indian  settlement  at  the  time  of  the 
Conquest,  and  it  is  in  all  likelihood  later  than  the  great  one. 

No.  6.  San  Andres  Calpan.  This  pueblo  existed  at  the 
time  of  the  Conquest,  and  long  previous  to  it.  The  con- 
querors call  it  “ Izcalpan.’’  It  was  regarded  as  affiliated  with 
the  tribe  of  Huexotzinco,  and  was  constantly  at  war  with 
Quauhquechollan,  Cholula,  and  the  valley  confederates.1  The 
present  pueblo,  with  its  monastery,  lies  west  and  south  of  a 
high  hill,  called  Tepeticpac,  or  Tepetipac,2  a long  ridge,  now 

1 The  word  “ Calpan  ” signifies  place  of  houses;  “Izcalpan,"  place  of  many 
houses.  In  what  exact  relations  it  stood  to  the  pueblo  of  Huexotzinco,  it  is  not 
possible  for  me  to  tell.  It  was  probably  confederated,  and  had  an  autonomous 
existence.  The  Auales  de  Cuauhtitlan  frequently  mention  it.  Duran,  Historic, 
etc.,  vol.  ii.  cap.  lxxxi.  p.  93,  says  that,  at  a certain  festival  of  Iluitzilopochili, 
the  victims  for  sacrifice  had  to  be  from  “ Calpa  ” also.  The  name  “ Ixcalpan  ” 
is  given  by  Bernal  Diez,  Hist.  Verdadcra,  cap.  lxxxvi.  p.  80.  “E  asi  caminando, 
llcgamos  aquel  dia  a unos  ranchos  que  estan  en  una  cumbre  de  sierra,  que  cs 
poblacion  de  Guaxocingo,  que  me  parcce  que  dicen  los  ranchos  de  Izcalpan, 
cuatro  leguas  de  Cholula.”  The  distance  and  description  are  very  correct. 
Subsequently,  Calpan  formed  an  independent  municipality,  and  the  Archivo 
General  at  Mexico  has  a number  of  documents  concerning  its  quarrels  with 
Huexotzinco  about  timber  and  water. 

2 The  convent  of  San  Andres  Calpan  is  a splendid  structure,  but  it  is  now 
abandoned,  sacked,  and  decaying.  It  was  in  existence  as  early  as  1571.  Tepe- 
ticpac may  be,  and  probably  is,  Tepetlicpac,  “ cumbre  de  sierra,”  crest  of  a ridge. 
Molina,  Vocabitlario , ii.  fol.  102.  This  agrees  very  well  with  the  character  of  the 

place. 


256 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


cultivated,  sloping  to  the  southwest,  and  descending  abruptly 
to  the  barranca  of  Atiopan  in  the  north,  and  less  steeply  to 
another  gorge  in  the  south.  The  whole  hill,  from  which  a 
magnificent  view  is  had  over  the  eastern  plain  to  the  volcano 
of  Orizaba,  is  covered  with  fragments  of  pottery,  and  obsidian, 
whorls,  metates,  and  metlapiles  of  the  old  form,  and  stone 
heads  and  whole  figures  resembling  the  “Indio  triste”  are 
also  exhumed  from  it.  According  to  current  tradition  the 
aboriginal  pueblo  stood  on  this  site,1  and  its  Tianquiz,  or 
market-place,  occupied  until  200  years  ago  the  space  imme- 
diately east  of  the  convent.  On  the  summit  of  the  hill  are 
low  remains  of  a mound  of  worship,  made  of  adobe.  It  meas- 
ures 40  X 25  metres  (131  X 82  feet),  and  is  at  its  eastern 
front  3 metres  (10  feet)  high.  West  of  it  no  metres  (360 
feet)  is  another  round  knoll,  30  metres  (100  feet)  in  diameter, 
and  only  1 metre  (3  feet)  high.  The  pueblo  was  well  situated 
for  defence,  as  well  as  for  the  habitation  of  sedentary  Indians. 
The  ridge  is  high  and  very  commanding : on  the  north  the 
barranca  affords  a constant  supply  of  clear  running  water, 
while  the  valley  on  the  other  sides  is  fertile  and  well  irrigated. 

The  mounds  of  the  second  class  are  located  at  Nos.  3,  4, 
and  5. 

No.  3 stands  near  the  Rio  Atoyac,  and  the  tramway  from 
Puebla  to  Cholula,  after  crossing  the  Puente  de  Mexico, 
describes  a sharp  curve  around  its  northern  base.  On  the 
summit  of  the  natural  swell  on  which  it  stands  is  a plat- 
form of  adobe  earth  nearly  square,  much  disturbed,  and 
at  places  scarcely  discernible.  This  platform  occupies  an 
area  of  about  40,000  square  metres  (500,000  square  feet,  or 
about  12  acres).  It  is  divided  from  east  to  west  into  two 
equal  portions,  of  which  one  is  slightly  higher  than  the 
other.  It  supports  a mound  whose  base  has  a diameter  of 


1 This  is  corroborated  by  the  quotation  from  Bernal  Diez. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  257 

about  100  metres  (328  feet),  with  a height  varying  between 
10  metres  (33  feet)  on  the  southeast,  and  14  metres  (46  feet) 
on  the  northwest.  The  western  platform  has  besides  an- 
other inconsiderable  swelling.  The  whole  is  undoubtedly 
artificial,  and  it  is  covered  with  fragments  of  pottery  and  ob- 
sidian, with  metlapiles  and  arrowheads.  Many  of  these  ob- 
jects have  been  washed  farther  down  the  eastern  slope,  where 
the  cultivable  soil  is  eroded,  and  lie  now  on  the  “tepetlatl,”  or 
indurated  clay,  which  forms  the  base  of  the  hill.  The  mound 
has  a circular  upper  platform,  9 metres  (30  feet)  in  diameter, 
in  which  is  a depression  made  by  former  treasure-hunters. 
This  hole  was  dug  on  the  strength  of  a belief,  that  from  the 
mound  a subterraneous  gallery  conducted  to  a great  distance, 
where  treasures  lay  deposited.  When  I explored  the  locality,’ 
on  the  nth  of  May,  1881,  I found  in  the  hole  marks  of  a 
recent  fire,  and  gum-copal  partly  consumed,  showing  that  su- 
perstitious rites  had  recently  been  performed  there  by  the 
Indians.  The  mound  itself  shows  blocks  of  “tepetlatl”  with 
adobe,  and  fragments  of  white  calcareous  ledges,  but  no  reg- 
ular adobe  was  visible,  owing  to  its  condition  of  cultivation. 

On  the  western  declivity  stand  the  ruined  buildings  of 
the  former  Rancho  de  San  Jos<L  They  are  partly  built  of 
tepetlatl,  and  are  completely  abandoned  at  this  day.  I 
could  not  obtain  access  to  the  titles  to  the  land,  but  there  is 
no  mention  of  San  Jose  del  Rancho  Viejo,  as  the  place  is 
called,  in  the  General  Archives  up  to  1641.  The  Indians 
have  no  name  for  the  place  in  the  Nahuatl  idiom,  and  it  ap- 
pears to  be  a ruin,  abandoned,  and  forgotten  even,  at  the  time 
of  the  Conquest. 

No.  4.  About  4 kilometres  (2%  miles)  north-northeast  of 
Cuauhtlantzinco,  in  the  cultivated  plain  between  it  and  San 
Lorenzo  Olmecatlan,  rise  the  ruined  mounds  of  San  Juan  Te- 
peyahualco.  I did  not  measure  them,  rain  compelling  me 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


253 

to  return.  But  I satisfied  myself  that,  while  the  size  of  the 
largest  mound  is  about  equal  to  that  of  the  Rancho  Viejo, 
they  are  artificial,  and  of  adobe  with  strong  alkaline  efflores- 
cence. There  are  at  least  three  knolls,  the  largest  one  on  the 
west  side,  while  the  two  eastern  ones  appear  like  successive 
stages  of  it.  No  tradition  lingers  about  the  place,  although 
the  walls  of  a large  hacienda,  now  ruined  and  overgrown  with 
opuntia,  stand  at  the  foot  of  the  structure. 

No.  5.  The  “ Lomftas  de  Coronanco.”  The  main  road  from 
Cuauhtlantzinco  to  Santa  Marfa  Coronanco,  at  about  4 kilo- 
metres (2)4  miles)  from  the  former,  and  1 kilometre  (-/$  mile) 
from  the  latter  pueblo,  passes  between  two  artificial  emi- 
nences. These  are  the  “ Lomftas  ” or  “ Cerritos  ’’  of  Coro- 
nanco. The  northern  one  is  3.4  metres  (12  feet)  above 

the  wheat-field  on  which  it  stands  ; the  latter  is  1.7  metres 
(5)4  feet)  higher  than  the  road.  The  hill  is  surrounded  now 
by  a draining  ditch,  that  gives  an  irregularly  polygonal  shape 
to  its  base.  Its  actual  perimeter  is  134  metres  (440  feet).  On 
its  southeastern  slope,  there  are  crumbled  steps,  much  like 
those  of  the  great  mound  of  Cholula,  and  with  the  same  coat- 
ing. The  entire  hill  is  of  adobe  ; also  an  oblong  mound  south- 
east of  it,  which  is  lower  and  more  decayed.  I measured  the 
adobe  bricks  and  found  them  0.52  X 0.26  X 0.15  metre 
(21  Xio  X 6 inches),  or  very  nearly  the  size  ( g ) of  those  of 
the  Cholula  hill.  Both  mounds  stand  on  a rectangular  plat- 
form, which  is  very  well  defined  on  the  south  side  of  the  road, 
measuring  there  280.7  metres  (920  feet)  from  east-southeast  to 
west-northwest,  and  58.7  metres  (192  feet)  from  south-south- 
west to  north-northeast.  The  northern  section  is  much  oblit- 
erated, but  I believe  I am  within  bounds  in  assigning  to  both 
an  aggregate  surface  of  30,000  square  metres  (307,500  square 
feet,  or  7 acres),  of  which  the  mounds  now  occupy  about  one 
fifteenth,  whereas  at  San  Jose  del  Rancho  Viejo  the  propor- 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  259 


tion  is  one  fifth.  The  platform  is  about  0.50  metre  (20  inches) 
above  the  surrounding  fields ; it  is  bounded  on  the  north  by  a 
recent  trench,  which  exposes  blocks  of  “ tepetlatl  ” beneath 
the  crumbled  adobe.  The  whole  area  is  covered  with  pottery, 
obsidian,  and  the  other  usual  remains  of  aboriginal  occupation 
antedating  the  Conquest. 

The  proximity  of  these  mounds  to  the  pueblo  of  Coronanco 
gives  the  impression  that  they  belonged  to  a pueblo  which 
stood  there  at  the  time  of  Cortes.  Although  there  is  no 
doubt  of  the  fact  that  such  a village  existed  then,  it  is  by  no 
means  certain  that  the  mounds  belonged  to  it.  The  latter 
appear  in  their  present  shape,  with  a road  passing  between 
them,  on  the  map  of  the  grant  of  Cuauhtlantzinco  of  1598,  and 
the  Indians  of  Coronanco  have  absolutely  no  recollection  or 
tradition  concerning  them,  beyond  the  fact  that  they  call  the 
smaller  one  “ Xochiqueyac,”  or  “place  of  the  frog  of  the 
flowers.”  Besides,  the  village  of  Coronanco  itself  is  sur- 
rounded by  other  plots,  which  show  numerous  and  distinct 
traces  of  former  occupation,  and  the  present  inhabitants  in- 
cline to  the  belief  that  these  were  the  places  where  their 
pueblo  stood  in  1519,  whereas  the  “Lomitas”  were  then 
already  abandoned  and  forgotten. 

Areas  which,  by  the  presence  of  pottery  and  obsidian,  de- 
note the  presence  of  Indian  settlements  before  the  Conquest, 
but  which  contain  no  trace  of  buildings  or  mounds  of  any 
kind,  are  not  unfrequent  in  the  district  of  Cholula.  Besides 
those  already  spoken  of,  where  mounds  arise,  I was  able  from 
personal  observation  to  locate  eighteen  more,  including  San 
Benito,  which,  with  four  others,  belongs  to  the  former  range  of 
Calpan,  or  rather  Huexotzinco.  Of  the  thirteen  remaining 
for  the  range  of  Cholula  proper,  only  three,  the  Cerro  de  Tza- 
potecas,  Santa  Maria  Tonantzintla,  and  Chalchihuapan,  are  of 
any  extent  ; the  others  are  very  small,  and  only  imply  the 


26o 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


presence  of  perhaps  a few  houses.  Tonantzintla  and  Chalchi- 
huapan  probably  existed  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  but  of 
the  settlement  on  the  hill  of  Tzapotecas  there  is  no  record 
or  recollection  whatever.  Still  it  is  an  extensive  area,  the 
whole  lower  flank  of  the  mountain  from  the  northeast  to  the 
southwest  being  strewn  with  pottery,  obsidian,  and  corn-grind- 
ing implements.  It  is  not  more  than  4 kilometres  {2%  miles), 
at  farthest,  from  Cholula,  and  faces  directly  the  great  mound. 
The  original  grant  to  the  city  does  not  include  it.  The  re- 
mains there  appear  to  belong  to  a considerable  pueblo,  which 
disappeared  long  before  the  Conquest. 

On  that  part  of  Cholultecan  territory  which  has  been  but 
recently  added  to  it  from  the  former  range  of  Huexotzinco, 
on  the  slopes  of  the  volcanoes,  considerable  pottery  and  ob- 
sidian are  found  on  areas  about  whose  occupation  by  man 
tradition  does  not  speak.  These  are  the  western  slopes  of 
the  Cerro  del  Teoton  and  Pozotitlan,  south  of  San  Nicolas 
de  los  Ranchos,  near  the  road  to  Atlixco.  I have  document- 
ary evidence  that  these  places  were  unoccupied  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  and  have  remained  so  ever  since.1  But  the 
slopes  of  the  volcanoes  themselves,  in  some  places  as  high  up 

1 The  “Pago  de  San  Benito”  was,  according  to  tradition,  formerly  called 
“ Cuauhnepantla,”  the  interior  of,  or  in  the  midst  of,  the  deserted  woods.  Mo- 
lina, V'ocabulario,  i.  fol.  86.  There  are  evident  traces,  indeed,  that  the  Monte 
extended  east  of  San  Benito.  The  place  was  settled  about  1606,  ( Merced  d 
Catalina  Roxas,\ ol.xxv.  fol.  S7,)  but  a hermitage  of  San  Benito  stood  there  prior 
to  it,  — on  the  summit  of  the  Teoton  probably,  where  the  vestiges  of  it  are  still 
visible.  The  western  slopes  of  that  beautiful  mountain  were  inhabited,  and  also 
its  base.  There  are  vague  traditions  about  it  extant,  but  they  are  of  the  same 
nature  as  those  concerning  the  great  mound,  and  my  conviction  is,  that  the  settle- 
ment was  no  longer  in  existence  when  Cortes  came.  This  is  confirmed  by  the 
MS.  which  I have  called  Junta  de  San  RTicolds. 

Pozotitlan  lies  near  San  Baltasar.  On  the  map  of  the  Popocatepetl,  of 
1 592,  it  is  vacant,  and  there  is  no  trace  of  a pueblo.  The  space  covered  by  frag- 
ments is  extensive.  The  “ Monte  ’’  itself  shows  occasional  spots  which  indicate 
former  settlements,  too  small  for  pueblos,  and  suggestive  of  transient  habitation. 
These  spots  yield  pottery,  but  very  little,  if  any,  obsidian. 


STUDIES  ABOUT  CHOLULA  AND  ITS  VICINITY.  26 1 

as  the  snow  line,  yield  remains  of  aboriginal  art  which  de- 
serve some  attention  here. 

In  the  “ Monte,”  and  in  the  little  fields  bordering  it,  statues 
of  lava  are  occasionally  exhumed,  which  are  totally  different 
from  those  of  Cholula,  Huexotzinco,  and  Calpan,  or  other 
places  in  the  plains.  They  are  much  ruder,  the  faces  are 
square,  the  eyes  and  mouths  round,  the  nose  is  often  indi- 
cated by  a cavity  instead  of  a protuberance.  The  limbs  are 
especially  diminutive  ; the  arms  generally  folded  on  the  breast, 
and  forming  curves  instead  of  elbows.  The  largest  of  these 
statues  I found  at  San  Nicolas.  It  is  a squatting  figure, 
0.60  metre  (24  inches)  high,  0.32  metre  (13  inches)  wide,  and 
0.16  metre  ( 6]4  inches)  thick.  I do  not  believe  that  they  are 
merely  unfinished  specimens  ; they  are  too  numerous,  and  too 
strictly  limited  to  one  geographical  section.  They  appear  like 
the  work  of  a tribe  which  had  disappeared  before  the  time  of 
the  Conquest,  and  one  much  less  proficient  in  the  art  of  carv- 
ing stone  than  were  the  Nahuatl.  The  region  where  these 
remains  are  found  is  the  same  which,  according  to  Camargo, 
the  Olmeca  and  Xicalanca  traversed,  while  shifting  from 
south  of  the  Popocatepetl  to  the  territory  of  Tlaxcala. 

To  sum  up  these  investigations,  we  find  that,  according  to 
tradition,  the  territory  of  Cholula  was,  up  to  the  year  1519, 
successively  occupied  by  at  least  three  different  stocks.  The 
modes  of  burial,  so  far  as  ascertained,  reveal  an  equal  number 
of  distinct  customs.  The  architecture,  so  far  as  it  is  pos- 
sible to  investigate  it,  shows  at  least  two  separate  types,  — 
the  one  of  the  Nahuatl  period  at  the  time  of  Cortes,  the  other 
that  of  their  predecessors,  the  “ mound  villages,”  of  which 
the  great  “ Pyramid  ” of  Cholula,  and  the  artificial  hills  of 
San  Jose  del  Rancho  Viejo,  San  Juan  Tepeyahualco,  and 
Coronanco,  seem  to  be  representative  specimens.  Finally,  we 
may  ask  if  the  facts,  that  the  adobe  bricks  of  the  great  mound 


262 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


contain  pottery  and  obsidian,  and  that  skulls  have  been  found 
beneath  its  projecting  western  apron,  do  not  hint  at  a still 
older  population,  with  perhaps  a different  style  of  architec- 
ture. These  suggestions  are  thrown  out  merely  as  queries, 
or  objective  points  for  further  critical  investigations.  If  such 
investigations  should  prove  the  erroneousness  of  my  surmises, 
substituting  for  them,  however,  the  absolute  historical  truth,  I 
should  be  overjoyed,  and  regard  it  as  the  only  benefit  derived 
from  my  “ Studies  about  Choluia.” 


Part  IV. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MITLA. 

BY  the  first  day  of  June,  1 88 r , I had  so  far  concluded  my 
survey  of  Cholula  as  to  make  it  desirable  to  compare 
the  results  with  aboriginal  remains  elsewhere.  This  appeared 
particularly  indispensable  so  far  as  concerned  house  architec- 
ture,— of  which  the  few  vestiges  to  be  found  in  Cholula  did 
not,  alone,  warrant  any  plausible  inferences.  I was  repeatedly 
told,  that  the  neighboring  State  of  Tlaxcala  contained  remains 
of  the  kind  I looked  for ; but  I had  already  travelled  so  many 
weary  miles  in  vain,  upon  the  strength  of  similar  assurances, 
that,  while  not  doubting  the  fact  of  the  existence  of  such 
ruins,  I still  questioned,  perhaps  wrongly,  their  importance, 
and  I decided  therefore  upon  visiting  localities  where  ancient 
buildings  were  known  to  be  in  a fair  state  of  preservation. 
To  visit  Teotihuacan,  or  Tula,  both  of  which  M.  Charnay  had 
so  diligently  investigated,  would  have  been  to  a certain  extent 
useless,  and  certainly  unbecoming,  while  Mitla,  in  the  State 
of  Oaxaca,  though  far  to  the  south,  seemed  to  afford  the  ma- 
terial which  I desired.  Besides,  in  his  relation  of  the  flight 
of  Ouetzalcohuatl,  Sahagun  makes  the  singular  remark  that, 
after  leaving  Tecamachalco,  Ouetzalcohuatl  “ made  and  built 
some  houses  underground,  which  are  called  mientlancalco.”1 

* Historia  General,  etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  xiv.  p.  25S.  Such  misprints  are  very 
common  in  Bustamante’s  edition;  they  result  from  imperfect  copying  of  the 
original,  as  I have  satisfied  myself,  having  consulted  Bustamante’s  manuscript. 


264 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE . 


It  is  easy  to  recognize  here  a misprint  for  Mictlancalco,  and 
the  subterranean  buildings  agree  very  well  with  the  architec- 
ture of  Mitla,  or  Mictlan. 

I left  Puebla  on  the  9th  of  June,  reaching  Esperanza  early 
the  following  morning,  and  Tehuacan  (in  the  southeastern 
corner  of  the  State  of  Puebla)  at  four  p.  M.  The  rapid  descent 
from  Esperanza  carries  one,  in  six  hours,  from  the  chilly  pla- 
teaux, through  the  arid  Canada,  1,300  metres  (4,300  feet)  lower 
into  the  broad  valley,  where  tropical  fruits,  occasional  palm 
trees,  and  an  astonishing  variety  of  cactuses  grow  and  blossom 
in  patches.  Tehuacan,  now  a pleasant  town  of  9,172  inhab- 
itants,1 was  formerly  the  seat  of  an  important  Nahuatl  tribe, 
represented  as  very  warlike.  It  is  not  quite  certain  whether 
they  were  tributary  to  the  valley  confederates  or  not.  The 
proper  name  was  Teohuacan,2  — channel  or  gorge  of  God. 
Previous  to  1541  a P'ranciscan  convent  had  been  already 
established  there,  which  enjoyed  great  reputation  in  early 
times.3  There  are  remains  of  great  antiquity  on  the  moun- 
tain slopes  around  the  present  city  ; but  I had  no  time  to 
investigate  them,  and  set  out  for  Oaxaca  on  the  nth  of  June 
on  horseback,  reaching  the  capital  of  that  State  on  the  1 6th, 
at  noon,  after  a tiresome  and  difficult  ride.  While  it  is  very 
hot  at  Tehuacan,  it  is  fiercely  so  in  the  narrow  valleys,  and 
we  were  thankful  to  reach  Don  Dominguillo  on  the  evening 

1 Busto,  Estadistica,  etc.,  i.  p.  li . ; the  whole  district  has  51,221.  In  1746,  it 
had  2,080  families  of  Indians,  with  nine  pueblos.  Villa-Senor  y Sanchez,  Thcatro 
Americano,  vol.  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xxiv.  pp.  350,  351.  In  1571,  3,000  souls,  with  the 
subjetos,  about  20  aldeas.  Relacion  Particular,  etc.,  p.  28,  MS. 

2 Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecclesiastica,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xxvi.  p.  130,  writes  also  “Teoa- 
can  cap.  xxxiii.  p.  145,  “Teohacan”  ; Gomara,  Scg  Parte,  etc.,  pp.  432,  449, 
“Teouacan.”  The  word  is  derived  from  “Teotl,”God,  and  “ Uacalli,”  chan- 
nel, and  is  appropriate  if  we  take  into  consideration  that  the  people  of  the  place 
were  supposed  to  offer  an  unusual  number  of  sacrifices.  Motolima,  Historia, 
etc.,  Trat.  ii.  cap.  v.  p.  1 1 7 ; Torquemada,  Monorchia,  etc.,  lib.  xx.  cap.  xliii. 
p.  481  ; and  others. 

8 Motolima,  Historia,  Epist.  Proemial,  p.  13,  etc. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


265 


of  the  14th,  — the  lowest  point  of  the  route,  and  at  the  foot 
of  the  high  pass  of  Salomea.  The  soil  is  dark  red  in  many 
places,  and  also  deep  sand  for  long  and  weary  miles,  while 
the  whole  vegetation  appears  to  consist  of  dangerous  thorns. 
Still  the  Indians  raise  two  crops  of  corn  annually.  Through- 
out the  entire  region  the  dwellings  of  the  aborigines,  with  a 
few  exceptions  in  the  villages,  are  made  of  canes  or  poles, 
sometimes  covered  with  palm  leaves,  or  with  the  narrow, 
pointed  blades  of  the  Maguey  de  las  Casas  ; between  Tehua- 
can  and  the  Canada  Grande,  I have  seen  entire  huts,  square, 
and  steep-roofed,  made  of  leaves  of  the  largest  agave.  The 
roots  are  generally  of  a high  pitch,  and  sloping  on  all  four 
sides.  Posts,  sometimes  stripped  of  their  bark,  and  with 
natural  bifurcations  at  the  upper  end,  form  the  corners.  I 
have  also  seen  walls  where  the  interstices  were  filled  with 
clay  ; but  walls  of  adobe  are  not  common.  Not  a nail  enters 
into  the  whole  construction,  as  everything  is  fastened  by  a 
strip  of  maguey. 

As  in  the  State  of  Puebla,  the  Indian  here  occupies  three 
buildings  ; or,  if  there  are  only  one  or  two,  they  still  are  so 
divided  as  to  indicate  three  distinct  sections,  corresponding 
respectively  to  the  sala,  here  used  as  a dormitory,  the  kitchen, 
and  the  store-room.  Ethnographically,  this  region  is  an  im- 
portant one.  The  Nahuatl  language  prevails  until  beyond 
San  Antonio  Nanahuatipac,  on  the  boundaries  of  the  State  of 
Oaxaca.  Thence  on  to  the  south  the  Mazateco  begins,1  and 
the  road  passes  not  far  from  where  the  Cuicateco  also  makes 
its  appearance.2  Beyond  Dominguillo,  and  near  the  summit 

1 Orozco  y Berra,  Geogrcifia , etc.,  p 197,  says  the  Nahuatl  is  spoken  there  ; but 
I am  sure  that  the  original  idiom  is  Mazateco.  It  was  used  in  my  presence  at 
San  Juan  de  los  Cues.  According  to  Villa-Senor,  Theatro,  etc.,  vol.  i.  p.  139, 
Tecomavaca  contained,  in  1746,  twenty-two  families  of  Mazatccos. 

2 I have  not  heard  this  language  myself,  but  know  that  it  is  spoken  in  Cui- 
catlan,  and  near  Dominguillo.  Orozco,  Geografia , etc.,  p.  188.  Murguia,  Esiadis- 
tica,  etc.,  pp.  222-225. 


266 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


of  the  pass  of  Salomea,  we  touch  upon  the  Chinanteco.1  All 
these  idioms  are  but  little  known  and  have  been  scarcely 
studied.  At  the  entrance  of  the  valley  of  Oaxaca  the  first 
pueblos  are  Mixteco  ;2  thence  toward  the  south  and  south- 
east as  far  as  Mitla,  the  Tzapoteco  prevails.  A knowledge 
of  the  Nahuatl  is  of  little  or  no  avail.  It  is  a region  which 
I cannot  too  earnestly  commend  to  the  attention  of  future 
students. 

Aboriginal  ruins  are  scattered  over  it  at  intervals.  I have 
heard  of  important  ones  at  Cuzcatlan,  where  a number  of  val- 
uable relics  were  exhumed  about  thirty  years  ago,  — a place 
whose  foundation  is  also  attributed  to  Quetzalcohuatl.3 * * * * 8  I 
found  there  among  the  Indians  the  singular  tradition,  that  the 
buildings  of  Sansuanch  — as  the  ruins  are  called  east  of  the 
Venta  Salada,  at  the  foot  of  the  Sierra  de  Zongolica  — had 
been  the  former  home  of  Montezuma,  from  which  he  had 
started  to  conquer  Mexico.  The  parallelism  with  similar 
traditions  among  the  pueblo  Indians  of  New  Mexico,  far  to 
the  north,  is  indeed  remarkable. 

The  pueblo  of  San  Juan  de  los  Cues,  in  the  State  of  Oaxaca, 
derives  its  name  from  the  mounds  of  worship,  whose  ruined 
heaps  arise  on  the  bluffs  encircling  this  beautiful  spot,  where 
all  the  exuberance  of  tropical  vegetation  seems  to  be  crowded 
together  in  the  midst  of  a dismal  valley  overgrown  with  the 
spectral  Candelaber  cercus.  It  was  an  excellent  site  for  an 

1 Murgui'a,  Estadistica,  etc.,  p.  222.  Orozco,  Geografia,  etc.,  p.  187. 

2 Here  I endeavored  to  secure  some  of  the  terms  of  relationship ; but  it  was 
tedious  work,  and  I got  only  a few : — 

My  father,  Du-tui ; thy  father,  Du-tung. 

My  mother , Di-ti ; thy  mother,  Dl-ung. 

Grandparents,  Iluela ; Huelui. 

Father's  brother,  as  well  as  mother's  brother,  Dl-to. 

Brother,  Nyani  ; sister,  Cua. 

I tried  to  explain  the  Gentile  system,  but  they  could  not  understand  it. 

8 Ilistoria  de  los  Mexicanos  por  sus  Pinturas,  cap.  viii.  p.  91. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


16 7 


Indian  village,  as  the  bluffs  afforded  perfect  defences  for  a 
pueblo,  and  there  is  water  close  at  hand  ; while  the  grove 
beneath  abounds  with  fruit.  I saw  some  of  the  old  pottery- 
picked  up  among  the  ruins,  and  found  it  totally  different  from 
the  kind  that  occurs  at  Cholula,  — of  a light  ashy  gray,  not 
painted,  very  thick,  and  closely  resembling  that  of  Mitla. 
Here  the  Mazateco  language  is  spoken. 

Tecomavaca,  about  12  kilometres  (8  miles)  farther  south,  is 
in  the  vicinity  of  important  ruins.  The  village  itself,  among 
whose  people  the  Mazateco  has  already  become  almost  dis- 
used, lies  on  a sandy  expanse,  fearfully  hot.  The  valley  is 
narrow,  but  the  rocky  hills  bordering  the  mountain  slopes 
bear  the  remains  of  three  settlements,  the  nearest  of  which 
lies  kilometres  (1  mile)  and  the  farthest  12  kilometres  (8 
miles)  from  the  place.  Some  of  the  buildings  are  said  to  be 
in  a perfect  state.  The piedra  del  reloj,  now  at  the  Institute 
of  Oaxaca,  and  a large  carved  block,  also  preserved  there,  rep- 
resenting a puma,  are  said  to  have  been  found  here. 

I have  been  informed  of  the  existence  of  at  least  three 
more  ruined  pueblos  between  Tecomavaca  and  Dominguillo, 
all  situated  on  high  bluffs  bordering  the  picturesque  moun- 
tains which  frown  down  upon  the  hot  and  narrow  valley. 

It  is  singular  that,  while  the  Nahuatl  language  is  useless  in 
these  places,  the  local  names  are  all  in  that  idiom.  This  terri- 
tory was,  at  one  time,  invaded  by  the  Mexicans  and  their  con- 
federates, and  the  latter  thereafter  gave  their  own  appellatives 
to  the  places,1  communicating  them  to  the  Spaniards,  through 


1 In  regard  to  Tecomavaca,  the  following  story  is  told  by  Herrera,  Hist. 
General  de  los  Ilechos  de  los  Castellanos,  etc.,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xv.  p.  ioi  : 
“ En  el  pueblo  de  Tecomauaca,  que  esta  en  el  Camino  Real  de  Guaxaca  a Mexi- 
co, iendo  Motcvuma  a dar  batalla  a los  Indios  en  Zapotitlan,  i pensandole,  que 
se  llevase  en  su  exercito  mas  cuidado  del  regalo,  i de  lo  que  se  avia  de  comer, 
que  de  las  armas,  con  que  avian  de  pelear,  mando  quebrar  todas  las  xicaras,  i 
Tecomagues,  que  son  vasijas,  de  aqui  quedo  este  nombre  de  Tecomauaca.” 


268 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


whom  they  became  permanent.  It  is  certain  that  they  bore 
these  names  in  the  sixteenth  century.  In  1670  there  were 
parishes  established  in  most  of  these  pueblos,  the  Dominican 
order  having  charge  of  spiritual  affairs  here.1 

Beyond  Dominguillo  begins  the  ascent  to  the  pass  of 
Salomea,  one  of  the  wildest  and  grandest  in  Mexico.  While 
the  road  winding  up  to  its  summit  recalls,  in  solidity  and 
width,  those  which  traverse  the  Alpine  passes  of  Switzerland, 
the  landscape  is  marked  by  more  appalling  grandeur  and  ex- 
tent of  view.  But  fan-palms  and  madrohas  alone  cover  the 
slopes,  through  which  deer,  pumas,  and  even  the  jaguar,  still 
roam.  Higher  up  oak  trees  begin  to  appear,  and  beyond  the 
hamlet  of  Salomea,  near  the  Cumbre,  we  enjoy  the  singular 
spectacle  of  a forest  of  oaks,  palms  and  madrohas.  The 
Maguey  de  Mezcal  grows  at  their  feet,  in  large  heads,  like 
cabbages.  This  wilderness  — interposed  like  a barrier  be- 
tween the  valley  of  Oaxaca  and  the  descent  from  Tehuacan  — 
almost  reminds  one  of  the  Mictlan-Cuauhtla  mentioned  by 
Tezozomoc.3  About  one  hour’s  ride  beyond  the  Cumbre,  the 
valley  of  Oaxaca  spreads  out  at  our  feet  like  another  world, 
the  dark  mountains  of  the  Mixteca  rising  directly  west  of  us. 
The  valley  is  reached  near  San  Francisco  Huitzo,  and  along 
the  borders  of  the  Rio  Atoyac  there  are  in  succession  three 
pueblos,  called  by  the  name  of  Huitzo, — San  Francisco,  San 
Pablo,  and  Santiago.  The  word  is  Tzapoteco,  and  said  to 
signify  a lookout  or  post  of  military  observation  on  the  fron- 
tier.3 Above  San  Pablo  Huitzo  ruined  mounds  crown  the 

Mitla,  or  Mictlan,  is  also  Nahuatl,  and  Torquemada,  Monorchia,  etc.,  lib.  ii. 
cap.  lxxvi.  p.  21 1,  states  that  it  was  invaded  by  the  Mexicans. 

1 Fray  Balthazar  dc  Medina,  Chrinica  de  la  Santa  Provincia  de  San  Diego  de 
Mexico,  etc.,  1682,  fol.  228. 

2 Crimea  Mexicana,  cap.  xxxvii.  pp.  354,  355.  There  is  another  Mictlan- 
Cuauhtla  in  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz. 

3 Burgoa,  Geografica  Descripcion  de  la  Parte  Septentrional  del  Polo  Arctico 
de  la  America,  vol.  ii.  cap.  xli.  fol.  204,  “ Huijazoo,”  atalaya  de  guerra. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


269 


summit  of  a bare  hill,  and  it  looks  as  if  there  had  been 
here  a frontier  village  whose  elevated  position  and  excellent 
opportunities  for  defence  justify  that  name.  The  Tzapotecos 
claimed  the  spot,  and  are  said  to  have  withstood  there  the 
incursions  of  the  Mexicans.1  But  the  part  of  the  Mixteca 
extending  north  of  Huitzo  was  independent  of  the  Mexi- 
cans, and  at  war  with  the  Tzapotecos.  The  settlement  in 
question,  therefore,  served  against  the  Mixtecos  as  well  as 
against  the  confederates.  Following  the  course  of  the  Rio 
Atoyac,  we  strike  soon  the  broad  and  pleasant  valley  of 
Oaxaca  proper.  The  mountains  in  the  west  are  lower  and 
barren  ; in  the  east,  the  Sierra  Juarez  is  picturesque  and 
wooded.  Vegetation  in  the  valley  itself  is  rich,  but  there 
are  no  palms.  In  their  place,  the  colossal  Ricinus,  the 
Papaya,  and  hedges  of  dark  green  Tzompantli,  so  high  as  to 
shade  the  road,  are  the  most  conspicuous  plants.  Villages 
are  numerous  along  the  bottom  land  as  well  as  the  eastern 
mountain  slopes.  San  Pedro  Etla,  with  an  imposing  system 
of  artificial  mounds,  ten  in  number,  looms  up  conspicuously. 
They  seem  to  rise  on  a vast  platform,  like  the  great  mound 
of  Cholula.  Etla,  whose  aboriginal  name  was  Lyo-vanna,  or 
Loa-vanna  (signifying  “place  of  subsistence,”  according  to 
Burgoa2),  lies  at  the  outlet  of  another  passage  from  Tehuacan 
to  Oaxaca,  which  is  nearly  one  day’s  journey  shorter  than  the 
route  across  Salomea.  Etla  was  formerly  an  important  pue- 
blo of  Tzapotecos.  Opposite  to  it,  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
Atoyac,  near  San  Isidro,  three  pyramidal  mounds  arise  on  the 
Hacienda  de  Aleman.  As  far  as  I could  examine  one  of  them, 
it  consists  of  earth  and  loose  stones,  with  calcareous  ledges 
0.35  metre  (14  inches)  apart,  and  o.  10  metre  (4  inches)  thick. 

1 Burgoa,  Geogr.  Description,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  fol.  205,  206;  also  Murguia,  Esta- 
distica,  etc  , pp.  17  5-1 77. 

2 Gcografica  Description,  vol.  ii.  cap.  xl.  fol.  199,  “ lugar  de  mantenimiento.” 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


270 

These  artificial  elevations  appear  to  rest  immediately  upon 
the  surface,  and  recall,  by  their  forms  if  not  by  their  size,  the 
pyramids  of  Teotihuacan.  Northwest  of  the  city  of  Oaxaca,  on 
the  most  northerly  spur  of  the  Espinazo,  the  extensive  ruins 
of  Monte-Alban  present  themselves,  like  ruined  castles.  The 
city  of  Oaxaca  itself  lies  at  the  foot  of  this  ridge,  between  it 
and  the  old  Fortin.  Five  valleys  converge  there,  — the  Valle 
de  Oaxaca,  Valle  Grande,  Valle  Chico,  Valle  de  Etla,  and 
Valle  de  Tlacolula.  These  in  fact  form  but  three,  since  Etla 
belongs  to  the  Oaxaca  valley.  The  Chico  and  Grande  both 
lie  south,  so  that  the  city  has  only  three  outlets;  — one  to 
the  north,  from  which  we  have  just  descended  ; one  to  the 
south,  towards  Ocotlan  and  Puerto  Angel ; and  one  to  the 
southeast,  to  Tlacolula,  and  ultimately  to  Tehuantepec,  or 
Chiapas. 

It  was  the  northern  valley  in  part,  together  with  the  neigh- 
boring one  of  Cuilapa,  which  formed  the  Marquezado,  or  the 
grant  executed  in  the  month  of  July,  1529,  to  Cortes,  with  the 
title  of  Marques  del  Valle  de  Oaxaca.1  It  is  interesting  to 
note  that  this  grant  conveyed  to  the  great  conqueror  23,000 
vassals,  who  at  that  time  were  supposed  to  have  composed  the 
population  of  the  region.2  If  this  estimate  be  true,  a great 
increase  of  numbers  has  taken  place  within  the  past  360 
years,  for  the  proportion  of  Indians  to  mestizos  and  whites 
is  exceedingly  large  in  the  State  of  Oaxaca.3 

1 Herrera,  Hist.  General,  etc.,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  vi.  cap.  iv.  p.  105.  Prescott,  Hist, 
of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  vol.  iii.  p.  320,  notes  24,  26. 

2 Herrera,  Hist.  General,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  p.  105. 

3 Herrera,  Descripcion,  etc.,  cap.  x.  p.  20,  says  the  bishopric  of  Oaxaca  had 
150,000  tributary  Indians.  It  also  included  the  southern  portion  of  Vera  Cruz. 
Humboldt,  Essai  Politique,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  p.  184,  gives  the  population  in  1803  as 
534,800;  Jose  M.  Garcia,  Ideas,  etc.,  in  Bolotin  de  la  Soc.  Mexicana  de  Geogr.  y 
Estadistica,  p.  1 19,  in  1852,  after  Almonte,  525,101;  in  1857,525,938;  Garcia 
Cubas,  531,768;  Busto,  Estadistica,  etc.,  in  1878,  p.  xlviii.,  733,556.  The  Mar- 
quezado formed  only  a part  of  the  State. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MITLA. 


271 


The  city  of  Oaxaca  proper  is,  like  Puebla,  of  Spanish  foun- 
dation, the  royal  Cedula  bearing  date  25  April,  1532.1  Its 
beginnings  were  so  humble,  and  the  first  years  so  full  of 
trouble,  that  in  1544  it  had  barely  thirty  Spanish  settlers.2 
Possibly  an  aboriginal  pueblo  stood  on  the  site  of  the  town. 
Its  population  in  1881  is  about  30,000  souls,  and  it  lies  in  lat. 

1 7°  10'  north,  and  long.  96°  38'  west  of  Greenwich,3  and  at  an 
altitude  of  about  1,200  metres  (3,900  feet)  above  the  sea-level. 
The  climate  is  therefore  pleasant  and  very  equable,  though 
not  to  be  compared  with  the  beautiful  skies  of  Puebla. 

The  Mexicans  called  Huaxyacac  a region  which  is  gen- 
erally identified  with  the  present  valleys  converging  at  the 
city  ; but  the  inhabitants  of  these  valleys  they  called  “ Tzapo- 
tecos.”  Of  the  signification  of  the  name  Huaxyacac,  (or 
Guaxaca,  as  it  was  first  written  by  Cortes,4)  nothing  certain' 
is  known,  and  very  little  even  of  the  Tzapotecos  themselves. 
The  latter  called  their  country  “ Lachea”  ;5  but  of  their  own 
name  for  the  tribe  and  idiom  I have  as  yet  found  no  trace  ; 
and  even  Dr.  Berendt  has  not  been  able  to  classify  the  lan- 
guage.6 Neither  do  we  know  anything  certain  about  their 
beliefs,  or  traditions  in  relation  to  their  origin.  Torquemada 
has  a story,  according  to  which  they  were  refugees  from  Cho- 
lula.7  Unfortunately  we  lack  reports  upon  the  Tzapotecos 
of  the  early  times  of  the  Conquest,  except  so  far  as  relates 
to  their  contests  with  the  Mexicans.  The  latter,  or  rather 

1 Murguia,  Estadistica , etc.,  p.  i6t. 

2 Juan  de  Zarate,  Lettre  a Philippe  II.,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  “ Recueil  de 
Pieces,”  etc.,  p.  297.  In  1610  its  population  was  400.  Herrera,  Descripcion, 
p.  19. 

3 Garcia,  Ideas,  etc.,  p.  118,  after  Garcia  Cubas. 

4 Carta  Cuarta,  pp.  97,  109,  etc. 

6 Orozco  y Berra,  Geografia  de  lenguas,  etc.,  p.  29. 

6 Die  Indianer  des  Isthmus  von  Tehuantepec , in  “ Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologic,” 
vol.  v.,  Verhandlungen,  p.  152. 

7 Monarchies , etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  vii.  p.  256. 


272 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  LVSTITUTE. 


the  confederates  of  the  valley  of  Mexico,  made  incursions 
into  the  territory  of  the  Tzapotecos  from  the  direction  of 
Tehuacan,  and,  making  a detour  around  the  pass  of  Salomea, 
threatened  them  from  the  east  and  southeast,  where  they  had 
devastated  Tehuantepec.  How  far  they  penetrated  towards 
the  site  of  the  present  city  is  not  known  ; but  after  the 
Tzapotecos  had  withstood  the  main  onslaught  from  that  side, 
the  Mixtccos  attacked  them  from  the  other,  and  it  was  only 
the  opportune  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  in  1522  which  pre- 
vented their  destruction.1  Little  is  known  of  the  social  or- 
ganization of  the  people  constituting  this  linguistic  stock. 
Their  chief  pueblo  is  said  to  have  been  Zachila,  or  Teotzapo- 
titlan, — a short  distance  south  of  Oaxaca;2  but  equally  im- 
portant ruins  are  scattered  over  the  whole  area.  Besides  Etla 
(Lyo-vanna),  I would  mention  Teotitlan  del  Valle  (called  in 
Tzapoteco  “the  foot  of  the  timber  or  mountain”),  San  Juan 
Teticpac  (Zeto-baa),3  Tlacolula  (Oui-y-baa),  and  Mitla  (Ly6- 
baa).  The  Tzapotecos  offered  human  sacrifices  ; and  their 
mode  of  worship  and  rites  appear  to  have  been  in  general 
analogous  to  those  of  the  Mexicans,  as  were  also  their  dress, 
ornaments,  and  weapons,  and  their  warlike  organization.  Her- 
rera says  that  they  went  to  war  by  barrios,  or  quarters, 
which  are  the  same  as  the  localized  gentes,  kins,  or  calpulli 
of  the  Nahuatl.4  It  has  been  ascertained  that  they  had  the 


1 The  main  authority  for  these  tales  is,  of  course,  Burgoa,  Gcoqr.  Description, 
etc. ; also,  Agustin  dc  Salazar,  Rclacion  de  Chilapa,  MS. ; and  Pedro  dc  Ledesma, 
Relation  dc  Oaxaca,  MS. 

2 Burgoa,  Geograpca  Description,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  cap.  xlviii.  fol.  230;  cap.  liii. 
p.  259,  etc.  Murguia,  Estadistica,  etc.,  pp.  166,  167. 

3 Burgoa,  Geogr.  Description,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  cap.  xlviii.  fol.  230 : “ Zecto-ba 
que  quicre  decir  otro  sepulcro,  6 lugar  de  entierro  a distincion  del  entierro 
general  que  tenian  los  Reyes  Zapotecos  en  el  pueblo  de  Mitla,  que  se  llamo 
Yooba.” 

4 Ilistoria  General,  etc.,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xiv.  and  xv.  pp.  100-102.  Also 
on  the  Mixtecos,  cap.  xii.  and  xiii.  pp.  97-99. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


2 73 


same  computation  of  time,  dividing  the  year  into  eighteen 
months  of  twenty  days  each  ; their  great  cycle  was  also  com- 
posed of  fifty-two  years,  with  thirteen  divisions  of  four  years 
each.1  In  fact,  the  Tzapotecos  appear  to  have  been  a seden- 
tary Indian  stock,  forming  one  tribe,  or  perhaps  a confederacy 
of  tribes,  living  by  horticulture,  the  chase,  and  warfare,  and 
having  customs,  arts,  and  institutions  similar  to  those  of  the 
Nahuatl.  Of  their  architecture  I shall  speak  hereafter. 

I have  seen  several  examples  of  their  pottery,  and  stone 
carving.  At  present,  a very  handsome  glazed  pottery,  almost 
emerald  green,  is  made  about  Oaxaca  ; but  the  old  pottery 
was  invariably  similar  to  that  at  San  Juan  de  los  Cues, — 
light  gray,  thick,  and  without  traces  of  paint.  Its  orna- 
mentation is  much  more  overloaded,  grotesque,  and  elaborate 
than  that  of  Cholula,  and  the  faces  often  have  noses  ex- 
actly like  the  so-called  “elephant’s  trunk”  ornaments  of  the 
Yucatecan  ruins.  Enormous  head-dresses  encircle  rather 
than  crown  the  face.  There  is  not  that  striking  copying  of 
nature  which  some  of  the  clay  heads  of  Cholula  exhibit  ; 
everything  is  distorted  by  ornamentation.  The  limbs  show 
the  usual  disproportions,  and  the  figures  are  squatting,  or 
sitting  cross-legged.  Sr.  Chavero  has,  however,  a beautiful 
head  of  a tiger,  from  Mitla,  very  large,  with  the  upper  jaw 
of  a bull-dog  ; and  there  is  a stone  figure  of  a puma  at  the 
Institute  of  Oaxaca.  Its  dimensions  are  : length,  0.81  metre 
(2  ft.  8 in.)  ; height,  0.38  metre  (15  inches) ; width,  0.26  metre 
(10  inches).  I must  observe,  however,  that,  if  this  sculpture 
was  found  at  Tecomavaca,  it  cannot  be  Tzapoteco,  but  is 
Mazateco  or  Mixteco. 

1 Burgoa,  Geopr.  Description,  etc.,  vol.  i.  cap.  xxiii.  fol.  135,  etc. : . ern- 

pezaban  de  nuevo  al  Oriente,  y su  ano  a doze  de  Marzo.”  The  names  of 
the  four  years  in  Tzapoteco  were,  according  to  Chavero,  La  Piedra  del  Sol,  in 
“Anales  del  Museo  Nacional,"  vol.  ii.  p.  17,  “ qui'achilla,  quialana,  quiagoloo,  y 
quiaquilloo."  lie  quotes  from  Fray  Juan  de  Cordova,  Arte  cn  Lengue  Zapoteca, 
Mexico,  1578. 


2/4 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


I left  Oaxaca  on  the  17th  of  June,  on  horseback,  for  Mitla. 
The  road  follows  the  valley  of  Tlacolula  until  about  four  kilo- 
metres ( 2\  miles)  east  of  that  place,  and  then  turns  around 
a low  promontory  of  rocks  into  the  dreary  basin  where  San 
Pablo  Mitla  is  the  only  village  in  sight.  The  first  leagues  of 
the  road  pass  over  very  fertile  ground  ; and  while  there  is  no 
timber  except  on  the  picturesque  mountain  slopes,  — almost 
the  entire  bottom  being  under  cultivation,  — the  enormous 
size  of  single  trees  bears  testimony  to  the  excellence  of  the 
soil.  They  are  mostly  fig-trees  ; but  in  the  church-yard  of 
Santa  Maria  del  Tide  stands  the  colossal  “Ahuehuetl”  (Cu- 
prcssus  ciislicha),  widely  known  as  “ El  Arbol  del  Tide.”  I 
measured  the  very  irregular  perimeter  of  the  tree  carefully 
at  one  metre  (3  feet)  above  the  ground,  and  found  it  equal  to 
40.2  metres  (132  feet).  But  on  closer  observation  it  is  seen 
that  this  monster  is  not  a single  individual,  but  a group  of 
at  least  three,  closely  grown  together.  It  is  the  swamp 
cypress,  and  the  original  component  parts  grew  singly  around 
a spring  of  fresh  water,  which  still  trickles  out  below,  appar- 
ently from  the  heart  of  the  tree. 

As  the  valley  narrows  towards  Tlacolula  it  appears  more 
barren,  and  salt  marshes  are  traversed.  Tlacochahuaya  is  a 
fair-sized  village,1  and  Tlacolula  contains  4,164  inhabitants.2 

1 It  had  an  Indian  governor  and  an  Indian  cacique  in  1 543.  This  appears 
from  vol.  ii.  fol.  5 of  Tiaras  in  the  archives  of  Mexico.  Two  Indians  disputed 
about  the  governorship,  and  the  viceroy  decided  the  question  by  creating  the  one 
“ Gobernador  ” and  the  other  “ Cacique.”  This  shows  an  interesting  parallelism 
with  New  Mexico,  and  it  would  be  very  important  to  know  what  the  office  or 
dignity  of  “ Cacique  ” really  signified.  In  1746  Tlacochahuaya  had  an  Indian 
population  of  three  hundred  and  sixty  families.  Villa-Senor,  Theatro,  etc., 
vol.  ii  lib.  iv.  cap.  i.  p.  1 1 7. 

2 Busto,  Estadistica,  etc.,  p.  xlviii.,  gives  to  the  whole  district  37,373  souls. 
Villa-Senor,  Theatro,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  p.  166,  two  hundred  and  sixty-two  families. 
Murguia,  Estadistica,  p.  169,  says:  “ La  fundacion  de  este  Pueblo  es  antiquisima 

y de  las  primeras  que  hicieron  los  Zapotccos Su  antigua  vecindad  fue  de 

cuatrocientas  personas  de  gente  docil  y civil,  amigos  del  trato  y mcrcancia.”  My 
figures  were  given  to  me  by  the  officers  of  the  district,  at  Tlacolula. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MITLA. 


275 


All  the  Indians  are  Tzapotecos,  and  many  of  them  scarcely 
understand  Spanish.  We  meet  them  going  to  or  coming 
from  Oaxaca,  and  they  appear  to  us  identical  in  dress,  mode 
of  carrying  their  bundles  and  goods,  etc.,  with  those  of  Cho- 
lula  ; only  they  are  somewhat  differently  shod.  The  “ cac- 
tli”  of  the  Mexicans  is  only  a sole;  the  Tzapotecos  also 
protect  the  heel.1 

Among  the  Indians  whom  we  encounter  on  our  way,  a 
new  linguistic  stock  appears  for  the  first  time,  the  “ Mijes.” 
Their  pueblos,  perhaps  the  nearest  of  which  is  San  Francisco 
Acatepec,  or  in  their  language  Te-shyum,  begin  about  three 
days’  journey  east  of  Mitla,2  and  they  go  to  Oaxaca  for  a 
market. 

Aboriginal  ruins  are  scattered  along  the  mountain  sides, 

1 Ldminas,  Trat.  ii.  Lam.  6’,  etc. 

2 The  Mijes  are  not  much  known.  I saw  and  conversed  with  a number 
of  them  at  Mitla.  Their  appearance,  etc.,  was,  of  course,  not  different  from 
that  of  the  Tzapotecos  and  others.  They  arc  represented  by  Herrera,  Hist. 
General,  etc.,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  ix.  cap.  vii.  pp.  187,  188,  as  bearded,  warlike,  and 
practising  cannibalism.  They  appear  to  be  roving  Indians,  and  it  is  certain  that 
their  country  is  densely  wooded.  To  me  they  were  exceedingly  friendly,  and 
gave  me,  among  other  information,  a fragmentary  schedule  of  relationship, 
which  I subjoin  : — 

Father,  deetsh’y  ; my  father,  utz-deetsh’y. 

Grandfather  on  father  and  mother's  side,  ab-de-i-es. 

Brother  of  father,  de-i-es-me-guug ; also  sister  of father. 

Brother  of  mother,  da-gus-mc-guug  ; also  sister  of  mother. 

Mother,  da-gus  ; my  mother,  litz-me-daag. 

My  sister,  utz-un-me-guug  ; my  brother,  utz-un-me-gash. 

My  son,  utz-un-ung  ; my  daughter,  rudosh-i-ung. 

My  wife,  utz-un-Idosh. 

My  brother's  (or  sister's)  son,  utz-un-zogmang. 

My  brother's  (or  sister’s)  daughter,  utz-un-zognish. 

My  unde's  son,  utz-un-amaguug. 

My  ujicle's  daughter,  utz-un-zeguung. 

My  aunt  by  marriage,  utz-un-zeguung-deetsh’y. 

The  Mijes  now  live  in  villages,  and  each  family  either  has  three  houses,  or 
lives  in  a house  of  three  sections:  the  dormitory,  “ ma-Itsha-ay’unash  ” ; the 
kitchen,  “ ma-utz-mai ; ” and  the  store-room,  “ zash.” 


276 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


but  nowhere  are  they  extensive.  The  pueblos  consisted  of 
large  houses  crowded  together  for  defence.  Remains  of  some 
importance  are  found  near  Tlacolula,  at  what  is  called  the 
Pueblo-Viejo,  which  I .shall  mention  hereafter  more  in  detail. 
Recent  explorations  have  also,  as  might  have  been  expected, 
disclosed  the  existence  of  mounds  and  other  ruins,  yielding 
stone  sculptures  and  copper  implements,  at  Teotitlan  del 
Valle.1 

One  legua  (4  kilom.  or  miles)  beyond  Tlacolula,  the 
road  bends  into  the  Mitla  basin.  Vegetation  has  been  grow- 
ing more  and  more  dwarfed  all  the  while,  for  the  land  rises 
considerably,  and  once  in  that  valley  we  are  struck  by  the  air 
of  desolation  and  dreariness  of  the  surroundings.  The  moun- 
tains are  neither  particularly  high  nor  unusually  barren,  but 
everywhere  leaden-gray  rocks  protrude.  The  sandy  soil  is 
covered  with  a stunted  growth  of  cactuses,  thorny  bushes,  and 
occasional  larger  shrubs  ; gray  bluffs  and  ledges  are  scattered 
over  it.  A few  small  fields  alone  show  that  this  ground  is 
not  as  unproductive  as  it  appears.  Some  ranches,  and  at 
the  farther  end  of  the  basin  the  white  church  of  San  Pablo 
Mitla,  are  the  only  signs  of  human  habitation.  Below  the 
church  extends  a green  patch,  — a grove  of  Cereus,  copal 
trees,  and  thorny  shrubs  sheltering  the  pueblo.  A few  colos- 
sal fig-trees  rise  above  it. 

There  are  no  singing  birds  about,  or  even  crickets.  Beetles 
and  large  ugly  Hemiptera  creep  and  buzz  among  the  bushes. 
Both  varieties  of  the  turkey-buzzard,  the  black-headed  Tzo- 
pitotl,  and  the  red-headed  Aura,  circle  noiselessly  in  the  air. 
Over  this  gloomy  landscape  stretches  a gloomy  sky ; the 
wind  chills  without  refreshing  or  invigorating;  everything  is 
dull  and  cheerless.  My  stay  at  Mitla  lasted  until  the  28th 

1 This  information  is  due  to  Mr.  Frederick  A.  Obcr,  the  naturalist,  who  also 
showed  me  some  of  the  copper  implements. 


General  Plan  of  Mitla. 


278 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


1746,  its  population  is  given  as  one  hundred  and  fifty  fam- 
ilies ; 1 to-day,  the  estimate  is  not  less  than  two  thousand 
souls.2  Yet  it  has  no  industries  or  manufactories,  and  its 
horticultural  products  are  not  varied.  I have  seen  no  pottery 
manufactured  here,  only  thick  sandals  and  a few  skirts  and 
“ zarapes.”  The  loom  used  for  weaving  is  of  the  oldest  pat- 
tern, and  is  fastened  to  a wall  at  one  end,  and  then  stretched 
out.  The  weaver  leans  with  her  back  against  a rope  or  strap 
which  forms  the  other  end,  so  as  to  keep  it  stretched,  and  at 
first  sight  it  seems  as  if  she  were  sitting  on  this  strap. 

Every  year,  on  the  third  Sunday  of  October,  a great  fair  is 
held  at  Tlacolula,  which  lasts  three  days,  and  draws  crowds 
of  people  to  that  place.  Indians  visit  the  fair  from  as  far 
away  as  Tehuantepec ; and  at  the  same  time  they  go  to  Mitla 
with  all  sorts  of  presents,  importuning  the  Cura  to  say  masses 
for  the  delivery  of  the  souls  of  their  ancestors  who  died  be- 
fore the  Conquest,  who,  they  believe,  are  restlessly  haunting 
the  ruins.  I have  not  been  able  to  trace  this  custom  back  to 
any  great  antiquity,  and  none  of  the  authors  known  to  me, 
of  the  seventeenth  century  for  instance,  make  any  mention  of 
it.  The  conclusion,  therefore,  of  my  informants  at  Mitla, 
that  it  indicates  that  the  place  was  formerly  a great  Indian 
sanctuary,  or  at  least  a famous  place  of  public  burial,  appears 
to  me  somewhat  problematical. 

The  appearance  which  the  ruins  present,  and  the  impres- 
sion which  they  create,  are  certainly  very  striking.  They 
stand  in  the  midst  of  this  gloomy  and  cheerless  landscape, 
like  the  relics  of  another  world.  Their  ornamentation  also, 
composed  exclusively  of  geometrical  forms,  without  any  hu- 
man or  animal  shapes  whatever,  the  absence  of  vegetation, 
the  dismal  silence  that  reigns  around  them,  all  contribute 

1 Villa-Sefior  y Sanchez,  Thcatro  Americano,  vol.  ii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  xiii.  p.  166. 

2 Official  Jala  from  Tlacolula. 


PLATE  XIX 


RUINS  AT  MITLA.  GROUPS  A AND  B,  FROM  THE  NORTH. 


PLATE  XX 


RUINS  AT  MITLA.  GROUPS  B AND  C,  FROM  THE  NORTH-WEST. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


279 


to  give  an  air  of  weirdness  which  overwhelms  and  be- 
wilders. 

I had  seen,  in  the  Library  of  the  Institute  of  Oaxaca,  mag- 
nificent ground  plans  and  drawings  of  Mitla,  the  excellent 
work  of  Mr.  E.  L.  Miihlenpfordt.  The  fine  photographs  of 
M.  Charnay  1 and  of  Ilerbriiger,2  and  most  of  the  literature 
relating  to  the  place,  were  also  somewhat  familiar  to  me. 
Still,  I hoped  that  an  accurate  study  of  the  premises  might 
throw  some  light  on  the  great  riddles  which  they  involve. 

I began  at  the  most  northern  end,  the  cluster  A,  part 
of  which  is  now  converted  into  the  church  and  the  curacy, 
securing,  after  much  trouble,  the  ground  plan.  (See  Plate 
XVIII.) 

This  gave  me  three  connected  rectangular  “ blocks,”  desig- 
nated respectively,  from  north  to  south,  A III.,  A II.,  A I., 
and  each  enclosing  a court.  A III.  has  its  northwestern 
corner  obliterated,  and  the  northern  and  eastern  outer  walls 
reduced  to  mere  foundations  ; therefore,  only  the  inner  walls 
are  perfect  to  a moderate  height.  It  appears  to  have  been 
formed  of  four  narrow  rectangles  touching  at  their  interior 
corners.  The  northern  and  eastern  are  so  far  complete  as  to 
exhibit  their  former  shape  and  size.  The  first  one  measures 
17.96  metres  (59  feet)  from  east  to  west,  and  3.6  metres  (11 
ft.  10  in.)  from  north  to  south,  outside.  Subtracting  there- 
fore the  thickness  of  the  walls,  1.26  metres  (49  inches),  in 
every  direction,  the  inside  is  easily  ascertained.  The  eastern 
room  is  20.8  metres  (68  feet)  from  north  to  south,  and  3.76 
metres  (12  ft.  4 in.)  from  east  to  west,  always  outside  meas- 
ure, and  the  fragments  remaining  on  the  west  indicate  a room 
there  of  the  same  length,  and  only  0.16  metre  (6  inches)  less  in 

1 Cites  et  Ruiitts  Antericaincs,  1863.  Atlas  in  folio. 

2 Emilio  HerbrUger  Album  de  Vistas  fotograficas  de  las  Antiguas  Ruinas  de 
los  Palacios  de  Mitla,  Oaxaca,  1S74.  34  very  excellent  views. 


28o 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


width.  The  southern  room  had  an  inside  width  of  2.5  metres 
(8  feet),  and  a length  corresponding  to  the  one  opposite.  This 
leaves  for  the  interior  court  15.5  metres  (51  feet)  from  south 
to  west,  by  18.3  metres  (60  feet)  from  west  to  south.  It  is 
quite  certain  that  the  northern,  southern,  and  western  rooms 
were  entirely  closed  from  the  outside,  but  I am  not  positive 
as  regards  the  eastern.  The  opening  or  breach  in  the  foun- 
dation, a,  is  directly  opposite  the  undoubtedly  aboriginal 
entrance,  b,  and  the  latter  faces  the  lintel,  c,  over  the  former 
entrance  to  the  western  apartment.  While  it  is  easy  to  see 
that  three  doorways,  separated  by  narrow  pillars,  d d,  led 
into  the  northern  wing,  we  cannot  any  longer  re-establish 
the  former  doorways  of  the  southern  room,  as  everything  has 
become  confused  by  the  opening  of  the  passage  e e.  But 
the  angular  corridor  f f is  aboriginal.  Its  roof  consists  of 
heavy  Hags  of  stone,  showing  a trapezoidal  cross-section, 
capped  by  a thick  layer  of  earth.  I shall  hereafter  return 
to  the  construction  of  the  passage. 

This  “ middle  ” part  of  A II.  is  of  very  difficult  access, 
owing  to  the  great  changes  which  the  addition  of  the  curacy 
has  occasioned.  I have  not  been  able,  for  instance,  to  find  a 
single  aboriginal  doorway,  but  hope  that  subsequent  observers 
may  have  better  success.  Still,  the  same  features  repeat 
themselves,  as  in  A III.,  — four  wings,  meeting  at  their  inte- 
rior corners,  and  enclosing  a court,  which,  as  far  as  I can 
compute,  from  partial  measurements,  was  19.5  metres  (64  feet) 
from  east  to  west,  by  17.8  metres  (58  ft.  5 in.)  from  north  to 
south.  The  width  of  the  eastern  room  was,  inside,  2.5  metres 
(8  feet) ; of  the  northern,  the  same  ; of  the  southern,  2.9  metres 
(9^  feet) ; and  it  is  very  likely  that  the  western  had  about  the 
same  dimensions. 

Of  the  most  southern  section  of  A I.  only  the  outlines 
remain.  They  give  us  an  eastern  room,  measuring  inside  24.5 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


281 


X 2.5  metres  (30  X 8 feet),  and  a southern,  probably  18.2  X 
2.5  metres  (70  X 8 feet).  The  other  sides  have  been  lost  in 
the  church,  and  are  therefore  purely  conjectural.  Still,  there 
is  every  probability  that  they  corresponded  to  the  others  in 
size,  which  gives  for  A I.  an  interior  court  24.5  X 18.2  metres 
(80  X 70  feet).  Building  A,  therefore,  appears  to  have  been 
composed  of  three  connected  blocks,  enclosing  an  equal  num- 
ber of  rectangular  courts,  and  consisting  each  of  four  long  and 
narrow  halls  or  apartments.  As  no  partitions  are  visible, 
there  were  consequently  twelve  of  these  apartments  in  the 
whole  structure. 

The  northern  wall  of  the  inside  court  of  A III.  bears  very 
interesting  paintings,  but  owing  to  the  absence  of  the  Cura, 
and  the  consequent  closing  of  the  curacy,  I could  not  copy 
them.  In  regard  to  the  lintels  and  walls,  I would  refer  to 
subsequent  pages  of  this  report,  and  would  merely  state  that 
the  northern  wall  is  buried  on  the  outside  to  the  base  of  its 
lintels,  by  rubbish  as  well  as  by  earth  gradually  swept  down 
against  it. 

The  second  group,  B,  consists  of  three,  perhaps  four,  sepa- 
rate edifices,  of  which  only  two  (B  I.  and  B II.),  which  in  fact 
constitute  together  but  one,  are  entire.  (See  Plate  XVIII.) 
Fragments  are  left  of  B III.,  but  of  B IV.  only  the  rubbish 
pile  of  a terrace.  Still,  the  three  or  four  together  enclose  an 
interior  court,  whose  dimensions  are  respectively  5 1 metres 
(167  feet)  from  north  to  south,  and  38  metres  (125  feet)  from 
east  to  west.  Although  the  cluster  of  houses  B I.  rests  ap- 
parently on  the  ground,  the  three  parts  of  B II.  stand  on  ele- 
vated projecting  platforms,  made  of  ruoblc-stone.  The  height 
of  the  most  northerly  terrace  B I.  is  about  2 metres  (6  feet) ; 
its  width  from  east  to  west,  21.7  metres  (71  feet)  ; from  north 
to  south,  21.6  metres  (70  ft.  8 in.) ; so  that  it  is  nearly  square. 
Along  the  foot  of  this  terrace  a narrow  pavement  of  polished 


2S2 


A RCH/EOL  OGICA  L IKS  TITUTE. 


stone  occasionally  protrudes,  which  may  have  been  laid  around 
the  whole  structure.  On  it  stands  the  building  B I.,  approx- 
imately square,  and  measuring  outside,  in  every  direction 
except  from  north  to  south,  1.67  metres  (5 ^ feet)  less  than 
its  terraced  base.  It  covers,  consequently,  an  area  of  366 
square  metres  (3,750  sq.  ft.),  and  consists  of  four  apartments 
around  an  interior  court.  The  northern  one  is  8.8  metres 
(29  feet)  long  by  2.5  metres  (8  feet)  wide ; the  one  opposite 
has  the  same  length,  but  is  slightly  wider.  The  western  room 
measures  17.5  X 2.5  metres  (57.J  X 8 feet),  and  the  eastern 
11.26  X 2.5  metres  (37  X 8 feet).  All  of  these  apartments 
have  but  a single  entrance,  and  that  from  the  inside.  Not 
a single  wall  at  Mitla  has  any  window  or  other  aperture 
whatever,  except  doorways. 

The  eastern  apartment  is  considerably  shorter  than  the 
western  one,  on  account  of  the  passage, a,  communicating  with 
the  annexed  great  hall,  B I.  This  passage  is  1.1  metres  (43 
inches)  wide  at  both  ends,  and  7.2  metres  (23  ft.  8 in.)  long 
along  its  eastern  wall  ; then  turns  at  right  angles  and  runs  to 
the  west  for  a length  of  2.4  metres  (7  feet),  and  issues  into 
the  inner  court.  At  the  angle  it  is  considerably  wider  than 
at  either  entrance.  It  is  therefore  exactly  similar  to  the  one 
described  in  the  cluster  A,  and  the  roof  is  built  in  the  same 
manner.  With  the  exception  of  such  passages,  all  the  build- 
ings or  parts  of  buildings  at  Mitla  are  now  roofless. 

The  great  and  well-preserved  hall  B II.,  to  which  B I. 
bears  the  relation  of  a northern  annex,  also  stands  upon  a 
platform,  which  no  longer  projects  beyond  the  walls,  if  it 
ever  did  project.  Its  outer  length  from  east  to  west  is  40.34 
metres  (132  feet);  its  outer  width  on  the  west,  9.3  metres 
(30  ft.  7 in.)  ; on  the  east,  0.30  metre  (1  foot)  less.  Inside,  it 
is  37  metres  (121  ft.  4 in.)  long,  by  7.1  metres  (23J  feet)  wide. 
This  hall  contains,  at  intervals  of  from  4.6  to  4 .66  metres  (15 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MITLA. 


283 


ft.  2 in.  to  15  ft.  4 in.),  and  about  equidistant  from  the  north- 
ern and  southern  walls,  a row  of  six  round  columns,  each 
2.85  metres  (9  ft.  4 in.)  in  circumference,  and  on  an  aver- 
age 3.6  metres  (12  feet)  high.  This  is  the  celebrated  “ Ilall 
of  the  Columns.”  (See  Plate  XXII.)  It  opens  into  the  great 
court  at  a gentle  slope.  It  is  plain  that  the  terrace  upon 
which  it  stands  was  isolated,  and  that  no  connections  existed 
between  it  and  the  terraces  B III.  and  B IV.  Recent  walls 
of  dry  stone,  e e,  connect  the  latter  with  the  southwest  and 
southeast  corners  of  B II.,  which  were  built  for  the  purpose  of 
secluding  and  preserving  the  ruins,  of  which  the  government 
of  Oaxaca  at  present  takes  very  good  care.  The  platform 
B III.  is  8.4  metres  (27^  feet)  southeast  from  B II.,  and 
forms  a rectangle  much  ruined,  36.7  X 8.0  metres  (120  x 
26  feet).  Fragments  of  walls  and  a large  doorway  are  still 
standing  ; also  two  round  columns  like  those  of  B II.  Recent 
dry  walls,  with  entrances  to  the  court  at  c and  d , encompass 
the  latter  on  the  southeast  and  south.  Then  begins  the  high 
irregular  platform  B IV.,  forming  the  southern  and  south- 
western sides  of  the  court,  and  reaching  to  within  8 metres 
(26  feet)  of  the  southwest  corner  of  B II.  Its  northern 
part  is,  like  B III.,  an  irregular  rectangle,  36.9  X 8.0  metres 
(12 1 X 26  feet)  ; then  follows  a re-entering  angle,  6.3  metres 
(21  feet)  from  east  to  west,  and  8.38  metres  (27]  feet)  to  the 
south  ; finally,  the  tongue  B V.,  extending  16.76  metres  (55 
feet)  to  the  eastward.  The  whole  is  merely  a level  pile  of 
rubbish,  with  a bit  of  floor  protruding  at  its  northeast  cor- 
ner.1 It  is  considerably  higher  above  the  ground  than  B II., 
for  the  slope  to  the  south  is  rapid,  and  part  of  its  sides  have 
been  preserved  by  recent  careful  piling. 

A deep  path,  about  5 metres  (16  feet)  wide,  separates  the 

1 The  floors  of  Mitla  appear  to  be  of  white  calcareous  concrete,  in  many 
cases  painted  “ Indian  red.” 


284 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


cluster  B from  C to  its  southwest.  The  latter  stands  on  a 
somewhat  lower  level,  and  is  distinctly  composed  of  four 
buildings  (C  I.,  C II.,  C.  III.,  C IV.),  resting  on  as  many 
isolated  steep  terraces.  (See  Plate  XVIII.)  Modern  walls 
connect  them,  and  thus  an  octagonal  court  is  formed,  whose 
perimeter  is  about  182  metres  (597  feet).  The  northern  ter- 
race is  4.6  metres  (15  feet)  high  ; the  eastern,  at  its  northern 
end,  only  1.7  metres  (5|-  feet) ; the  western  and  southern,  both 
4.20  metres  (13  ft.  4 in.).  The  court  also  is  much  depressed 
on  the  north  side,  its  level  being  nearly  4 metres  (12  feet) 
below  that  of  the  floor  of  C I. 

Terrace  C I.  is  35.46  metres  (1 16  feet)  long  by  7.54  metres 
(25  feet)  broad;  C II.,  42  metres  (138  feet)  by  9.22  metres 
(30  feet)  ; C III.,  about  35  metres  (115  feet)  by  6 metres  (20 
feet)  on  the  east,  and  10  metres  (3  3 feet)  on  the  west.  Finally, 
C IV.  is  a narrow  strip,  43  metres  (14 1 feet)  from  north  to 
south,  and  only  4. 20  metres  (14  feet)  broad  at  the  southern 
extremity. 

On  three  of  these  platforms  a building  stands,  roofless,  but 
otherwise  well  preserved.  The  one  on  C I.  measures,  inside, 
27.76  metres  (88  feet)  by  2.23  metres  (7  feet)  ; the  eastern 
(C  II.),  38.83  metres  (128  feet)  by  3.5  metres  (11J  feet); 
while  C III.  is  27.6  metres  (88  feet)  by  2.5  metres  (8  feet). 
Each  of  the  three  halls  has  three  doorways  on  the  inside, 
which  are  3.91  metres  (13  feet)  high  for  C I.  and  C II.  ; 
C IV.,  however,  is  filled  with  debris  to  the  height  of  nearly  one 
metre  (3  feet). 

The  structure  which  crowns  the  top  of  the  platform  (C  I.) 
has  the  reputation  of  containing  subterranean  chambers.1 

1 The  notion  of  their  being  subterranean  is  recent.  Even  Burgoa,  GeogrAfica 
Description,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  cap.  liii.  fol.  258,259,  speaks  of  upper  and  lower  stories, 
“altos  y baxos.”  Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cordillires,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  p.  281,  mentions 
“ une  excavation  en  forme  de  croix,  soutenue  par  des  eolonnes.”  The  great 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


285 

(See  Plate  XXIII.)  But  what  is  generally  taken  for  under- 
ground rooms  is  merely  a basement,  built  into  the  terrace 
or  platform  which  supports  the  structures.  The  southern 
front,  however,  is  so  covered  with  debris  that  there  is  a grad- 
ual slope  from  the  floor  down  to  the  middle  of  the  court ; 
and  only  at  the  entrance  (a)  is  the  face  of  this  basement 
exposed.  Plate  XXIV.  Figs.  14  and  17,  show  a plan  and  front 
view  of  the  same,  made  to  scale.  On  entering,  we  find,  first, 
a corridor  1.53  metres  (5  feet)  long,  and  1.6  metres  (5  ft. 
3 in.)  wide.  A round  column,  b,  1.7  metres  (5  ft.  7 in.)  in 
circumference,  and  1.93  metres  (6  feet)  high,  supports  the 
roof.  On  both  sides  of  it,  east  and  west,  extends  a gallery, 
6.1  metres  (20  feet)  long,  and  1.63  metres  (5  ft.  4 in.)  wide, 
whose  walls  are  made  like  those  of  the  front,  and  ornamented, 
like  those  of  the  facades  in  many  places  outside.  Lastly,  the 
passage  through  which  we  enter  continues  beyond  the  column, 
so  as  to  form  a northern  corridor  4.2  metres  (13  ft.  9 in.) 
long,  and  of  the  same  width.  The  whole,  therefore,  has  the 
shape  of  a cross,  whose  arms  are  of  unequal  length,  north  and 
south.  The  column  b stands  almost  underneath  the  front  wall 
of  the  house  above,  so  that  the  northern  gallery  penetrates  to 
three  fourths  of  the  width  of  the  terrace;  while  in  the  direc- 
tion east  and  west  the  galleries  only  occupy  about  one  third 
of  the  platform,  or  one  half  of  the  building  upon  it.  Their 
surface  area  is  equal  to  about  one  ninth  of  the  base  of  the 
whole  terrace.  Behind  the  walls  everything  appears  to  be 
solid  stone  and  earth.  The  roof  is  similar  to  the  one  over 
the  angular  corridors  already  mentioned  in  clusters  A and  B, 
with  flags  0.40  metre  (16  inches)  thick.  On  them  rest 
2 metres  (66  inches)  of  rubble  and  earth  ; then  comes  the 

traveller,  however,  did  not  visit  Mitla  himself;  and  he  places  the  entrance  to 
his  underground  halls  in  building  B II.,  cluster  B,  which  is  an  evident  misunder- 
standing. His  authority  was  a Mexican  architect,  Don  Luis  Martin. 


2S6 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  IXSTTTUTE. 


stone  sill,  0.28  metre  ( 1 1 inches)  thick,  and  0.04  metre 
(2  inches)  of  floor. 

In  front  of  C I.  the  corridor  extends  toward  the  centre  of 
the  court,  at  a lower  level.  There  is,  consequently,  a lower 
gallery  extending  southwards  ; but,  according  to  the  observa- 
tions of  Mr.  Miihlenpfordt,  it  terminated  before  reaching  half- 
way across  to  the  house  (C  III.).  Its  width  is  1.21  metres 
(47  inches),  except  where  the  descent  takes  place  (e  of  Fig.  14, 
Plate  XXIV.).  There,  for  a length  of  0.8  metre  (10  inches) 
it  narrows  down  to  1.10  metres  (43  inches).  The  walls  are 
similar  to  those  of  the  higher  passages,  and  the  roof  is  also 
composed  of  heavy  flags  of  the  same  size  as  theirs.  It  is 
therefore  to  all  intents  and  purposes  a covered  gallery. 

The  fourth  great  cluster  of  well-preserved  houses  is  found  at 
D,  about  280  metres  (920  feet)  southwest  of  C.  This  group 
greatly  resembles  A in  disposition  ; also  in  the  fact  that  it 
is  built  on  the  ground,  and  not  elevated  on  terraces  like  B 
and  C.  It  consists  of  three  buildings,  two  of  which  (D  I. 
and  D II,  Plate  XVIII.)  are  connected  like  A II.  and  A III. 
of  the  cluster  A.  Their  four  rooms  also  touch  at  the  angles. 
The  same  occurs  at  D III.,  which  stands  apart ; but  of  this 
only  three  wings  are  visible.  The  fourth  one,  if  it  ever 
existed,  has  left  no  trace  behind. 

The  northern  wing  of  D I.  is  gone,  except  fragments  of  the 
south  front,  which,  provided  its  southwestern  corner  touched 
the  western  wing,  — of  which,  however,  I am  not  absolutely 
certain,  — was  16.37  metres  (53  ft.  9 in.)  long.  It  is  fronted 
by  a southern  room  of  the  same  length,  and  4 metres  (13 
feet)  outside  width,  which  confirms  the  theory  that  the  for- 
mer connected  at  the  southwest.  But  the  space  — 2.23 
metres  (7  feet)  wide  — is  so  bare  of  all  trace  of  buildings, 
as  to  arouse  the  suspicion  that  it  may  have  been  origi- 
nally vacant,  and  used  as  a passage  into  the  interior  court. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


287 


The  western  wing  is  16.87X2.7  metres  (55X8  feet).  Of 
the  eastern,  only  the  inner  front  is  partly  left,  and  1.67  metres 
(5  J feet)  of  the  southern  wall.  But  the  inner  court  is  plainly 
defined,  and  measures  16.37  X 16.87  metres  (54X55  feet), 
or  nearly  a square. 

Building  D II.  lacks  only  the  outer  wall  of  the  eastern 
wing ; otherwise  the  walls  arc  clearly  defined.  The  north- 
ern and  southern  wings  measure,  each,  23.76  X 3.90  metres 
(78X12  ft.  9 in.)  outside;  the  eastern  and  western,  each 
21.25  X 4.10  metres  (70X13  feet);  the  court  is  therefore 
23.76X21.25  metres  (78X70  feet).  No  outer  entrance  is 
discernible,  unless  it  was  situated  in  the  outside  wall  of  the 
eastern  wing,  which  is  not  probable. 

The  northeastern  corner  of  the  northern  wing  of  D III., 
and  the  southwestern  corner  of  the  western  wing  of  D II.,  are 
1. 71  metres  (5^  feet)  apart;  and  the  same  distance  separates 
the  northeastern  corner  of  the  eastern  wing  of  the  former,  and 
the  southwestern  corner  of  the  southern  wing  of  the  latter. 
D III.  is  therefore  an  independent  structure.  Its  northern 
room  measures,  outside,  27.38  X 4.0  metres  (88£  X 13  feet)  ; 
the  other  two,  each,  20.08  X 3.80  metres  (66  X 12  feet).  As 
already  stated,  there  arc  no  traces  of  a southern  wing ; 
but  Mr.  Miihlenpfordt  has  noted  its  inner  front  as  still  exist- 
ing. It  is  true  that  the  court  of  D II.  is  much  filled,  in  some 
places  half-way  up  to  the  lintels  ; and  it  may  therefore  be  that 
the  foundations  on  the  front  seen  by  this  excellent  architect 
have  since  become  buried. 

The  analogy  between  the  cluster  D and  the  one  at  A is 
now  sufficiently  striking.  There  is  also  in  the  former,  at  a, 
the  angular  passage  or  communication  between  D I.  and 
D II.,  already  twice  described.  While  D II.  and  D III.  have 
each  twelve  doorways,  three  on  each  side,  the  northern  rec- 
tangle (D  I.)  had  only  eight,  its  eastern  and  western  wings 


288 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


showing  but  one  entrance  each.  A similar  disposition  exists 
in  the  corresponding  buildings  of  the  group  A.  In  short,  were 
it  not  for  the  isolated  position  of  D III.,  the  cluster  D would 
appear  to  be  a perfect  copy  of  the  most  northern  group  of 
buildings  of  Mitla. 

I now  turn  to  the  two  remaining  groups  of  ruins,  marked 
respectively  E and  F on  the  general  plan,  Plate  XVII.  They 
are  different  from  the  others,  in  that  both  of  them  include 
mounds  of  worship. 

Group  E lies  250  metres  (820  feet)  west  of  C,  and  130 
metres  (430  feet)  north  of  D ; its  ground  plan  is  given  on 
Plate  XXV.  Fig.  6.  The  main  feature  is  a truncated  pyra- 
mid, E III,  now  9.2  metres  (30  feet)  high,  and  measuring 
along  the  base  54.5  metres  (180  feet)  from  north  to  south, 
and  41.9  metres  (137  feet)  from  east  to  west.  Its  western  de- 
clivity is  so  steep  as  to  be  almost  vertical ; the  eastern  slope 
is  very  gradual.  (See  Fig.  7.)  In  construction,  it  presents 
the  remarkable  phenomenon,  that  while  the  lower,  and  conse- 
quently much  larger,  half  of  its  height  is  of  rubble-stone,  the 
upper  half  is  of  adobe.  The  single  bricks  measure  0.13  X 0.35 
X 0.05  metre  (5X14X2  inches).  No  other  binding  material 
than  earth,  and  even  that  used  very  sparingly,  is  visible  be- 
tween the  stones  ; the  adobe  is  gray,  and  laid  in  the  same  kind 
of  soil.  The  irregular  mounds  E I.  and  Eli.  are  about  2 me- 
tres (6  feet)  high,  sharply  cut  at  their  edges,  and  utterly  ruined. 
They  are  both  made  of  adobe,  0.25  X 0.16  X 0.04  metre  (10 
X 6 X 2 inches).  Their  original  form  and  size  cannot  even 
be  guessed  at.  The  little  knoll  E IV.  is  barely  discernible. 
A modern  wall  connects  the  three  principal  structures,  so 
as  to  leave  E IV.  in  the  centre  of  a large  courtyard. 

The  cluster  F lies  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Rio  Mitla,  and 
is  the  most  ruined  of  all.  With  the  exception  of  F III.  and 
F IV.,  the  structures  shown  on  the  ground  plan  (Plate  XXV. 


PLATE  XXI 


RUINS  AT  MITLA.  NORTH-WEST  CORNER  OF  GROUP 


PLATE  XXII. 


RUINS  AT  MITLA.  INTERIOR  OF  THE  PILLARED  HALL,  B II,  LOOKING  EAST. 


PLATE  XXIII 


RUINS  AT  MITLA.  SOUTH  FRONT  OF  C I,  SHOWING  THE  ENTRANCE  TO  THE  BASEMENT. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


2S9 


Fig.  8),  arc  merely  decayed  oblong  mounds,  utterly  shapeless, 
so  ruined  that  it  is  barely  possible  now  to  distinguish  how 
far  they  were  of  stone,  and  how  far  adobe  entered  into  their 
composition.  F I.  shows,  towards  the  river  front  above 
which  it  stands,  broken  stones  with  earth  between  them, 
similar  to  the  walls  of  the  better  preserved  buildings.  F II. 
is  merely  a mound  of  earth,  overgrown  with  verdure,  from 
which  stones  occasionally  protrude.  The  length  of  the  for- 
mer is  30  metres  (98  feet) ; of  the  latter,  about  18  metres  (59 
feet).  Their  height  nowhere  exceeds  3 metres  (10  feet).  The 
group  south  of  the  road  which  leads  up  from  the  river,  a dis- 
tance of  about  80  metres,  or  265  feet,  implies  a large  court- 
yard, in  the  centre  of  which  are  the  remains  F VII.,  which 
courtyard  is  formed  by  the  decayed  mounds  F V.  and  F VI., 
the  mound  of  worship  F.  IV.,  and  the  hill  F III.  The  last 
is  a rectangular  terrace,  20.63  X 16.76  metres  (68  X 55  feet), 
of  broken  stone,  supporting  the  long  narrow  rectangles  a and 
b,  which  are  of  adobe.  There  is  scarcely  more  than  a half- 
metre (1  to  2 feet)  left  standing  above  ground  of  the  two 
rooms  mentioned,  which  are  united,  and  communicate  at  their 
eastern  ends.  The  room  a is  2 metres  (78  inches)  wide,  and 
of  undeterminable  length;  b is  15.5  metres  (50!-  feet)  long, 
and  only  1 metre  (39  inches)  in  width.  They  stand  at  an  ele- 
vation of  about  4 metres  (13  feet)  above  the  ground,  and  nearly 
in  the  middle  of  the  terrace  thus  formed. 

The  mound  of  worship  (F  IV.)  is  33.5  metres  (109  feet)  long 
from  north  to  south,  and  about  25.2  metres  (83  feet)  broad 
from  east  to  west ; its  height  is  9.3  metres  (30^  feet),  and  the 
irregular  upper  platform  measures,  so  far  as  I could  ascertain, 
about  24  X 23.5  metres  (80  X 77  feet).  Remains,  or  rather 
traces,  of  adobe  walls  stand  on  the  summit ; but  some  of 
them  also  contain  red  brick,  so  that  I am  uncertain  whether 
they  are  aboriginal  or  modern.  This  entire  hill,  whose  sides 


19 


290 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


are  now  very  steep,  is  of  broken  stones,  with  very  little  earth 
between.  On  the  north  side,  at  an  altitude  of  1.7  metres 
(5  ft.  7 in.),  a white  calcareous  ledge,  0.12  metre  (5  inches) 
thick,  appears  ; another  similar  one  is  visible  at  a height  of 
about  6 metres  (20  feet),  and  the  top  is  covered  by  a layer 
of  the  same  material,  as  by  a floor.  This  latter  is  painted 
Indian  red.  (See  Plate  XXV.  Fig.  9.) 

There  remain  the  two  little  fragments  F VII.  In  height 
they  do  not  exceed  1.40  metres  (55  inches).  Like  F IV.,  they 
are  covered  by  a white  calcareous  layer  of  the  thickness  of 
0.09  metre  (4  inches).  Fragments  of  a stone  ornament,  sim- 
ilar to  what  is  frequently  repeated  in  the  other  buildings,  were 
found  by  me  near  this  little  pile. 

This  closes  the  list  of  buildings  or  ruins  scattered  about  the 
pueblo  of  San  Pablo  Mitla.  I am  inclined  to  believe,  also, 
that  these  are  all  which  ever  existed  in  that  place,  except  per- 
haps at  A,  on  the  general  map  of  the  pueblo  and  ruins,  east 
of  the  curacy.  There,  out  of  a slightly  raised  area,  now  cul- 
tivated, a solitary  round  pillar  protrudes.  It  is  of  the  size  of 
the  column  in  the  basement  of  C I.,  cluster  C.  Broken  stones 
lie  about,  and  the  cultivated  patch  itself  suggests,  by  its  ap- 
pearance, the  possibility  that  a ruined  structure  once  stood  on 
the  brow  of  the  hill  alongside  of  the  cluster  A. 

It  seems  almost  impossible  for  any  other  buildings  to  have 
existed  to  the  north  of  the  Rio  Mitla,  except  those  mentioned, 
without  having  left  behind  very  distinct  vestiges,  — of  which, 
however,  there  is  no  trace.  The  surface  is  generally  denuded 
and  much  eroded  ; large  spaces  show  the  bare  rock  ; and  under 
such  circumstances  crumbled  walls  could  not  have  absolutely 
disappeared,  even  if  the  largest  portion  of  their  material  had 
been  used  for  modern  edifices.  The  stones  from  the  build- 
ings on  the  platforms  B III.  and  B IV.  of  cluster  B,  C II. 
of  cluster  C,  and  the  destroyed  walls  of  cluster  D,  would  have 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MITLA. 


291 


been  ample  for  what  was  needed  for  the  construction  of  the 
staircase  of  A III.,  group  A,  and  what  may  have  been  used 
for  the  church  and  curacy.  There  was  even  a surplus,  which 
went  to  building  the  old  church,  — a long,  narrow,  low  edifice 
of  stone,  still  standing,  roofless  and  abandoned,  in  the  Plaza 
of  Mitla  ; or  rather,  the  stones  from  all  the  ruins,  including 
F,  first  were  used  for  that  edifice,  and  afterwards  for  the  more 
recent  structures. 

In  the  same  plaza , in  front  of  the  former  municipal  house, 
a round  column  is  planted.  It  agrees  in  dimensions  with  the 
two  remaining  columns  of  B III.,  cluster  B,  as  well  as  with 
the  two  round  pillars  fronting  the  entrance  to  the  curacy. 
It  seems  reasonable,  therefore,  to  conclude  that  these  three 
monoliths  originally  came  from  that  building. 

Other  fragments  of  stone,  sculptured  plates,  blocks,  and 
slabs,  are  occasionally  dug  up  at  a very  slight  depth,  or  are 
found  lying  loose  on  the  surface  of  the  south  side  of  the  river, 
where  the  main  pueblo  is  built.  But  I have  been  positively 
assured  that  no  trace  has  ever  been  found  of  structures  on 
that  side  beyond  F.  Similar  houses,  however,  are  found,  as 
I shall  hereafter  relate,  close  by  the  present  village. 

The  ruins  of  Lyo-Baa,  therefore,  consist  at  present  of 
thirty-nine  edifices  beside  the  two  artificial  hills,  if  we  con- 
sider that  the  wings  of  A and  B are  without  direct  connection 
with  each  other,  and  that  B I.  and  B II.  of  cluster  B form  one 
body  ; that  the  now  vacant  platforms  once  supported  houses  ; 
that  the  cluster  F contains  but  one  mound  of  worship;  and 
that  E I.  and  E II.  of  E,  and  F I.,  F II.,  F III.,  F IV.,  and 
F V.  of  F,  may  be  regarded  as  platforms  which  have  once 
supported  houses,  as  is  shown  in  the  case  of  F III.  For  the 
present,  I will  not  attempt  to  decide  for  what  purposes  these 
houses  were  built;  but  use  the  term  merely  in  order  to  distin- 
guish those  structures  in  which  the  space  enclosed  exceeds 


292 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


in  area  the  enclosure,  characterizing  them  by  this  name  as 
differing  from  the  mounds,  whose  mass  appears  to  be  solid 
throughout,  or  for  the  most  part. 

Turning  now  to  architectural  details,  we  see  that  the  houses 
of  Mitla,  or  rather  Lyo-Baa,  are  divided  into  two  classes  so 
far  as  material  is  concerned,  houses  of  adobe  and  houses  of 
stone. 


Houses  of  Adobe. 

The  only  specimens  which  I have  found  stand  on  F III. 
(Plate  XXV.  Fig.  8),  and  the  adobe  bricks  are  evidently  made 
of  the  same  sandy  soil  now  about  the  place,  used  in  the  adobe 
houses  of  Mitla  to-day.  Neither  grass  nor  straw  enters  into 
their  composition,  and  they  are  laid  in  earth  of  the  same  kind. 
The  walls  have  a thickness  of  1.17  metres  (46  inches)  between 
a and  b,  and  of  1.07  metres  (42  inches)  elsewhere,  and  are 
coated  inside  with  a thin  layer  of  white  plaster,  whose  com- 
position I could  not  investigate.  They  are  painted  Indian 
red,  or  rather  maroon,  which  may  be  the  result  of  change 
in  the  original  hue,  as  Indian  red  is  elsewhere  the  prevailing 
color  in  all  the  buildings.  The  corners  of  the  rooms  are  not 
sharp  and  angular,  but  rounded  by  the  plastering,  and  there 
is  no  sign  of  outside  coating,  or  of  stone  facings.  We  were 
struck  by  the  extreme  narrowness  of  the  room  b,  while  a is 
twice  as  wide.  Originally  there  seems  to  have  been  a com- 
munication between  the  two,  but  on  the  outside  the  former 
is  completely  closed.  The  terrace  on  which  it  stands  resem- 
bles all  the  other  terraces  at  Mitla. 

The  foundations  visible  on  the  top  of  the  mound  F IV. 
are  too  indistinct  to  admit  of  any  conclusions  as  to  size. 
(See  Plate  XXV.  Fig.  9.)  They  appear  to  rest  on  the  layer 
or  seam  c,  which  is  painted  red,  showing  that  it  was  the  upper 
floor  of  the  mound. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  Ml  TLA. 


293 


Houses  of  Stone. 

These  are  divided  into  two  classes,  — such  structures  as 
rest  on  the  ground,  and  such  as  stand  on  elevated  terraces,  — 
the  walls  of  which  measure  respectively  : — 

Of  the  first  class,  cluster  A,  1.26  metres  (49  inches),  and 
1.35  metres  (53  inches)  ; cluster  D,  1.17  metres  (46  inches), 
and  1.22  metres  (48  inches). 

Of  the  second  class,  cluster  B,  1.17  metres  (46  inches), 
1. 18  metres  (46  inches),  1.07  metres  (42  inches),  and  1.08 
metres  (42  inches).  The  door-pillars  are  generally  thicker. 
Cluster  C,  1.35  metres  (53  inches)  in  several  places,  and  the 
door  pillars  as  thick  as  1.75  metres  (5  ft.  8 in.). 

There  appears,  therefore,  to  be  no  marked  difference  in 
the  massiveness  of  construction  between  the  two  classes,  or 
in  the  manner  of  construction.  Each  wall,  whether  exterior 
or  partition,  consists  of  two  distinct  parts,  the  body  and  the 
protective  or  decorative  facings.  The  former  part  is  almost 
exactly  similar,  bulk  and  material  excepted,  to  the  stone  walls 
on  the  west  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  in  New  Mexico,  in  the 
ruined  pueblos  on  the  Potrero  Viejo,  Potrero  de  lasVacas,  and 
other  places.  It  consists  of  broken  unhewn  stones,  imbedded, 
not  in  mortar,  but  in  earth  or  clay,  and  laid  in  tolerably  regu- 
lar courses.  The  proportion  of  binding  material  to  the  stone 
is  sometimes  very  nearly  two  to  one.  The  work  is  better  than 
at  Pecos,1  but  not  nearly  so  nice  as  that  of  the  thin  walls  of 
the  two  New-Mexico  ruins  just  mentioned.  Both  faces  of  the 
wall  are  more  regularly  arranged  than  the  inside. 

The  outside  of  these  rough  piles  is  faced  by  an  armor  of 
stones,  originally  broken  by  hammering,  and  subsequently 
smoothed  by  friction  on  those  sides  which  are  exposed,  or 
which  came  into  contact  with  the  faces  of  others  through 


1 See  “ Report  on  the  Ruins  of  the  Pueblo  of  Pecos,”  pp.  55,  56. 


294 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


superposition.  Plate  XXIV.  Fig.  12,  shows  a pillar  in  clus- 
ter C according  to  scale  and  measurement,  which  may  be  re- 
garded as  fairly  typical.  The  polished  blocks  are  imbedded  on 
their  inner  sides  in  the  clay  of  the  wall,  and  are  held  together 
by  mere  pressure  from  above,  without  any  mortar  or  bind- 
ing substance  whatsoever  between  the  faces.  The  lowest  one 
invariably  slopes  outward,  and  appears  merely  to  lean  against 
the  back  wall,  its  top  not  being  fitted  so  as  to  join  the  lower 
surface  of  the  stone  immediately  above  it.  Usually  the  outer 
edges  alone  touch,  but  occasionally  there  are  instances  where 
both  surfaces  meet.  Where  there  is  no  wall  behind,  the  armor 
stands  alone,  as  in  Plate  XXIV.  Fig.  20 ; but  the  series  of 
blocks  encasing  the  passage  leading  outwards  and  into  the 
lowest  gallery  forms  something  like  an  abutment  protecting 
against  any  sliding  of  the  lowest  "stones. 

Taking  now  the  facades,  we  find  that  their  plating  presents 
a certain  analogy  in  every  building.  Each,  if  we  pass  over 
the  doorways  for  the  present,  consists  of  the  following  parts, 
beginning  at  the  bottom  (Plate  XXIV.  P'ig.  1)  : — 

1.  Parallelopipeds  of  smoothed  stone,  running  around  the 
whole  edifice  like  a sill,  marked  a,  in  the  figure.  These  are 
lower  than  the  floor. 

2.  Inward  sloping  plates,  b,  which  terminate  at  the  level  of 
the  floor. 

3.  A series  of  parallelopipeds,  also  running  around  the 
whole  building,  and  marked  c in  the  figure.  This  stands 
inside  the  plane  of  a. 

Above  c a difference  begins  to  show  itself  between  the 
facade  and  the  corners.  (See  Plate  XXI.) 

The  facade  is  composed  of  rectangular  fields,  ornamented 
by  a peculiar  mosaic-work  of  stone.  It  contains  three  tiers  of 
this  ornamentation,  in  six  lengths,  three  on  each  side  of  the 
doorways  ; there  are  consequently  eighteen  such  rectangles 


Detail*  of  CROUP  B.  M1TLA 


O 


D 


cd 


P\  ° 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


295 


in  this  particular  front.  But  while  the  three  tiers  seem  to  be 
general,  the  three  lengths  are  not  everywhere  found.  Thus, 
in  the  case  of  the  eastern  wing  of  C.'only  one  appears  on  each 
side  of  the  doorways. 

The  corner  begins  to  slope  outward  above  c,  and  for  the 
fields  of  mosaic  are  substituted  the  large  upright  flags,  or 
rather  blocks,  /,  /,  and  r,  all  of  which  are  slightly  oblique. 
Above  these  the  layers  of  oblong  stones,  g h i,  m n o,  and 
s,  run  round  the  entire  building,  i and  o corresponding  to  c, 
and  constituting  the  lower  moulding  of  the  second  and  third 
tiers  of  decorative  panels,  as  c does  of  the  first.  The  bands 
d and  e,  j and  k,  p and  q,  belong  to  corners  alone,  serving 
as  basal  plates  to  /,  /,  and  r,  respectively.  The  uppermost 
layer,  s,  also  serves  as  a sort  of  plate,  and  supports  the  roof 
along  the  whole  length. 

Two  things  here  become  apparent  : — 

1.  That  the  rectangular  fields  of  so-called  mosaic-work,  and 
consequently  the  entire  fronts  and  sides  of  each  house,  are  set 
back  from  the  corners. 

2.  That  the  facings  slope  outwards  from  the  base  to  the 
top.  The  highest  tier  of  ornamentation  stands  farther  out 
than  the  second  and  third,  although  the  difference  is  not  very 
perceptible.  Even  at  the  corner,  in  a total  height  of  3.57 
metres  (12  ft.  2 in.),  the  top  at  s only  protrudes  0.30  metre 
(12  inches)  beyond  the  base  at  b.  Compare  Plate  XXI. 

The  mosaic-work  is  set  into  frames,  and  Plate  XXIV.  Fig. 
2,  is  intended  to  represent  the  mode  of  construction.  Little 
brick-shaped  stones  of  various  lengths  and  widths,  sometimes 
squared,  but  mostly  wedge-shaped,  are  driven  into  the  clay  of 
the  wall  so  as  to  fill  the  space  inside  of  the  frames  with  a 
geometrical  ornamentation,  which,  although  it  is  not  absolutely 
symmetrical,  still  is  intended  to  be  so,  and  therefore  presents 
a striking  and  pleasing  appearance.  Each  frame  has  its  own 


296 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


pattern,  the  next  one,  whether  alongside  or  above,  showing 
a different  one  ; but  the  patterns  do  not  repeat  themselves 
symmetrically  or  with  regularity.  The  difference,  however, 
between  the  various  designs  is  not  so  great  as  to  make  it 
appear  unharmonious,  and  the  “rule  of  thumb”  has  been  fol- 
lowed with  such  care  in  their  execution  that  at  first  sight, 
and  without  measurements,  it  is  not  noticed  how  unsymmet- 
rical  they  actually  are.  That  such  is  the  case,  however,  can 
easily  be  inferred  from  the  dimensions  on  the  ground  plans. 
Thus,  in  the  cluster  B,  the  western  part  of  the  front  of  B II. 
is  0.95  metre  (37  inches)  shorter  than  the  eastern.  The  west 
side  of  the  building  falls  0.30  metre  (1  foot)  short  of  the  east 
side.  Differences  of  several  centimetres  (at  2\  per  inch)  or 
decimetres  (4  inches)  are  found  to  be  common  everywhere 
upon  applying  the  plummet  to  them.  It  is  known,  however, 
that  earthquakes  arc  remarkably  frequent  in  this  region,  and 
therefore  I do  not  give  undue  importance  to  these  results  of 
my  investigation.  What  appears  to  me  of  greater  weight  is 
the  fact  disclosed  by  a frequent  application  of  the  square  to 
the  polished  blocks.  That  instrument  fitted  only  in  a minor- 
ity of  cases  ; in  most  instances  it  revealed  an  irregular  devi- 
ation from  the  right  angle,  though  the  lines  were  evidently 
intended  to  be  perpendicular  and  horizontal.  All  this  shows 
that  the  people  who  reared  the  houses  of  Lyo-Baa  did  their 
work  by  mere  eyesight,  and  without  even  the  most  elementary 
mechanical  devices  of  the  art  of  building. 

The  mosaic-work  just  discussed  does  not  consist  of  small 
bricks  only  ; it  is  sometimes  a combination  of  such  small  blocks 
with  larger  plates.  This  peculiar  ornament  forms  the  decora- 
tion closing  the  gallery  of  the  basement  in  building  C I.,  clus- 
ter C.  This  pattern  I have  found  only  in  that  basement,  along 
with  other  designs  found  also  on  outside  walls.  It  appears 
from  this  and  from  the  various  rooms  of  B I.,  cluster  B,  that 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


297 


the  mosaic-work  was  used  inside  of  smaller  apartments  ; the 
larger  halls,  however,  were  apparently  simply  plastered  with 
a coat  of  earth  or  clay,  covering  and  smoothing  the  stone- 
work, and  over  it  a thin  white  layer  (of  gypsum,  perhaps) 
painted  Indian  red. 

While  the  inner  court  of  B I.  in  B shows  the  decorative  mo- 
saic distributed  over  all  its  walls  and  set  in  smaller  frames,  the 
inside  walls  of  the  small  rooms  had  only  a little  more  than  the 
upper  half  of  their  height  thus  adorned.  The  lower  portions 
appear  to  have  been  plastered. 

The  inside  walls  of  the  larger  rooms  contain  only  niches, 
one  of  which,  from  the  north  building  of  cluster  C,  is  given  on 
Plate  XXIV.  Fig.  18.  It  is  0.46  metre  (18  inches)  deep,  and 
encased  or  formed  by  four  blocks.  The  one  on  the  top  is 
1. IS  metres  (51  inches)  long  by  0.33  and  0.30  metre  (13  and 
12  inches)  wide  ; the  lower  one  measures  1.17  X 0.19  metres 
(52  X 7h  inches) ; the  sides  are  0.40  metre  (16  inches)  high, 
tapering  upwards.  Here  we  have  again  the  same  lack  of  sym- 
metry already  observed.  There  are  three  such  niches  in  that 
apartment. 

But  one  other  feature  of  the  walls  remains  to  be  described ; 
this  is  the  doorways.  Three  kinds  have  to  be  noticed  : — 

1.  Entrances  to  basements. 

2.  Terminations  of  inner  passages. 

3.  Doorways  proper. 

The  first  kind  is  best  illustrated  by  reference  to  Plate 
XXIV.  Fig.  1 7;  the  top  is  formed  by  two  flags  of  the  roof 
joining  close  together.  It  is  in  order  to  support  these  two 
blocks  that  the  round  column  is  placed  at  the  entrance  of 
the  basement. 

The  corridor  a (Plate  XVIII.  B I.)  contains  the  best  speci- 
mens of  the  second  kind.  Fig.  4,  Plate  XXIV.,  represents 
its  southern  doorway,  or  entrance  from  the  Hall  of  Columns. 


2gS 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


Its  height  is  1.70  metres  (5  ft.  7 in.),  its  width  1.10  metres 
(43  inches).  Only  three  blocks  of  polished  stone,  two  upright 
ones  and  a horizontal  one  laid  across  as  lintel,  compose  the 
frame.  These  dimensions  give  an  idea  of  the  unsymmetrical 
construction.  The  door-post  a is  0.51  metre  (16  inches),  the 
post  b,  0.60  metre  (23^  inches),  wide.  The  lintel  c d measures 
2.73  metres  (8  ft.  7 in.)  in  length  ; its  depth  is  1.07  metres  (42 
inches)  ; the  height  at  c,  0.50  metre  (20  inches) ; at  d,  0.52 
metre  (21  inches).  While  the  end  c projects  0.52  metre  (21 
inches)  beyond  the  post  a,  the  post  b projects  0.06  metre  (2I 
inches)  beyond  the  end  d of  the  lintel.  For  the  other  entrance 
into  the  same  passage  from  the  inner  court,  I refer  to  Fig.  3 
of  the  same  plate.  Although  it  forms  a part  of  the  facing  of 
the  court,  great  irregularities  are  apparent.  Thus  the  top  lin- 
tel projects  0.83  metre  (33  inches)  to  the  left,  and  only  0.29 
metre  (1 1£  inches)  to  the  right.  The  doorway  of  the  passage 
in  the  south  wing  of  D I.,  cluster  D (Plate  XVIII.),  resembles 
in  its  construction  the  one  figured  in  Plate  XXIV.  P'ig.  4 ; its 
width  is  1.27  metre  (50  inches). 

The  third  kind,  the  large  doorways,  or  main  entrances  to 
the  houses,  all  open  upon  the  inside  courts.  I have  not  found 
a single  one  in  the  outer  walls.  With  the  exception  of  the 
two  smallest  rectangles,  A III.  of  A,  and  D I.  of  D,  whose 
east  and  west  wings  have  each  but  one  entrance,  all  the 
wings,  whether  connected  at  the  angles  or  standing  separate, 
have  always  three  such  doorways  close  to  each  other,  and 
occupying  only  approximately  the  middle  of  the  front.  The 
ground  plan  shows  a variation  between  0.02  and  2.9  metres 
(1  inch  and  9J  feet).  These  doorways  are  formed  by  piers 
of  stone  and  clay,  generally  thicker  than  the  walls,  each 
flanked  by  an  upright  slab,  and  capped  by  a square  block, 
on  which  rest  the  ends  of  enormous  lintels. 

Plate  XXIV.  Figs.  5,  6,  7,  represent  the  great  doorway  still 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


299 


standing  in  the  east  wing  of  cluster  13.  The  lintel  is  broken, 
or  rather  rent,  but  its  north  end  is  still  perfect.  This  shows 
the  two  cavities  a a (Fig.  6),  0.19  metre  (j\  inches)  and  0.14 
metre  (5-i  inches)  high,  and  0.20  metre  (8  inches)  wide.  I 
found  similar  cavities  also  in  the  terminal  faces  of  other 
lintels.  Those  still  standing  are  filled  with  clay  or  mud  of  the 
wall,  which  shows  that  they  were  not  made  for  the  insertion 
of  another  stone  or  hard  substance,  to  be  used  as  a clamp. 
Their  purpose  may  have  been  to  help  in  the  transportation 
of  the  unwieldy  masses. 

The  average  height  of  these  entrances  scarcely  exceeds  two 
metres  (61  feet),  and  in  many  cases  is  slightly  less.  The 
width  is  very  irregular,  not  only  throughout  the  ruins  in 
general  but  in  each  building,  as  the  ground  plans  show. 
Neither  is  the  middle  doorway  generally  wider  than  the 
others.  While  there  is  plainly  a desire  to  be  symmetrical, 
it  is  equally  clear  that  the  mechanical  means  to  accomplish 
this  were  not  available. 

The  size  of  the  lintels  varies  greatly.  Perhaps  the  shortest 
is  that  over  the  western  doorway  of  the  north  wing  of  A III., 
which  is  2.7  metres  (8  ft.  10  in.)  long.  But  the  most  re- 
markable group  is  the  one  in  the  east  wing  of  the  cluster  C, 
given  on  Plate  XXIV.  Fig.  22,  which  is  also  the  one  best 
preserved.  The  stones  are  huge  parallelopipeds,  1.03  metres 
(40  inches)  high,  1.52  metres  (5  feet)  wide,  and  have,  count- 
ing from  north  to  south,  respectively,  the  enormous  lengths 
of  7 metres  (22  ft.  10  in.),  4.45  metres  (14  ft.  7 in.),  and  5.93 
metres  (19!  feet).  Here,  the  middle  one  is  the  smallest, 
and  between  them  is  a space  of  0.15  metre  (6  inches)  carefully 
stuffed  with  clay  and  small  stones.  The  outer  faces  of  the  lin- 
tels are  mostly  carved  in  imitation  of  the  geometrical  work  of 
the  mosaic.  Plate  XXIV.  gives  some  of  its  leading  designs, 
among  which  is  a cross  (Fig.  21).  The  outer  pillars  are  faced 


3°° 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


so  as  to  project ; side  views  of  these  facings  are  given  in 
Plate  XXIV.  Figs.  13  and  20. 

Not  all  the  lintels  are  carved  on  the  outside.  All  have, 
however,  an  outer  projection  on  the  top  and  sides,  like  a 
frame.  In  the  north  wing  of  A IIP,  cluster  A,  and  the  north 
and  east  wings  of  D IIP,  the  recesses  thus  formed  are  coated 
with  a thin  crust  of  white  plaster,  on  which  figures  of  various 
sorts  appear,  painted  in  Indian  red.  The  most  interesting 
ones  are  in  the  buildings  of  the  church  and  curacy,  but,  as 
I have  already  stated,  I could  not  copy  them.  Four  fac-simile 
copies  from  D I.,  cluster  D,  are  given  on  Plate  XXV.  Figs. 
1,  2,  3,  4.  The  first  one,  now  much  defaced,  was  also  copied 
by  Mr.  Miihlenpfordt,  and  his  drawing  shows  that  it  was  origi- 
nally of  the  same  design  as  those  carved  on  the  “ sacrificial 
stone”  at  Mexico,  and  on  the  small  disks,  shaped  like  mill- 
stones, which  I have  identified  with  the  temalacatl  of  aborigi- 
nal sacrifices.  The  human  shapes  shown  in  Figs.  2 and  3 are 
placed  as  if  in  procession,  with  the  face  downwards,  on  both 
sides  of  the  first,  which  occupies  very  nearly  the  centre  of  the 
lintel.  These  figures,  having  been  originally  made  on  tracing- 
paper,  do  not,  intentionally  at  least,  exaggerate  either  the  per- 
fections or  the  defects  of  the  originals.  It  is  easy  to  see  how 
rude  pictorial  art  must  have  been  among  the  builders  of  Lyo- 
Baa.  Still  the  curacy  contains  paintings  much  more  elaborate 
and  somewhat  better  executed,  for  a considerably  restored 
copy  of  which  I refer  to  Mr.  Bancroft’s  “Native  Races.”1 
They  resemble,  in  the  head-dresses,  some  paintings  and 
reliefs  from  Chichen-Itza.  But  on  the  whole  the  designs 

1 Vol.  iv.  p.  41 1.  The  only  objection  that  might  be  raised  against  the  other- 
wise perfect  work  of  Miihlenpfordt  is  a certain  tendency  to  over  restoration. 
This  is  a danger  incurred  by  every  explorer,  and  hardly  any  one  escapes  it. 
Photography  itself  is  perhaps  the  most  deceptive  medium  for  a true  representa- 
tion, and  never  comes  up  to  the  standard  of  an  accurate  drawing  made  to  scale, 
and  without  regard  to  perspective. 


PI  ATF  W 


Sechon  of  Ko-nd  l~IV. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


301 

appear  much  more  like  those  on  some  of  the  yet  unclassified 
paintings,  or  codices,  which  Sr.  Chavero  has  boldly,  but  as 
I believe  with  sufficient  grounds,  termed  “ Mixteco.”  Ac- 
curate copies  of  all  the  paintings  of  Mitla  would  be  very 
desirable.  The  heads  which  I have  copied  give  a very  im- 
perfect idea  of  the  head-dresses,  etc.  of  its  former  people. 
Yet  the  main  value  of  such  aboriginal  work  consists  in  what 
it  tells  us  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  their  originators, 
and  not  in  any  supposed  symbolism  or  imaginary  chrono- 
logical record. 

Having  thus,  as  I believe,  sufficiently  described  the  walls  of 
the  houses  at  Lyo-Baa,  we  will  now  explain  the  construction 
of  their  roofs,  of  which  traces  of  two  kinds  are  still  extant : — 

1.  Roofs  over  narrow,  small  apartments. 

2.  Roofs  over  corridors  and  basements. 

The  walls  of  the  northern  annex  (B  I.)  appear  in  places 
to  be  capped  by  a mass  of  stones  and  earth,  on  the  top  of 
which  lie  fragments  of  a white  concrete.  In  the  lower  por- 
tions of  this,  casings  are  visible,  composed  of  two  upright 
plates  resting  on  the  top  of  the  wall,  with  a third  plate  laid 
over  them.  They  look  strikingly  like  rude  gutters,  emptying 
into  the  rooms,  but  are  not  visible  outside.  When  I requested 
Sr.  Quero,  a resident  of  Mitla,  who  had  been  exceedingly 
courteous  to  me,  to  examine  these  places  with  me,  he  at  once 
exclaimed,  “ Why,  this  is  the  roof,  and  the  stone  casings  are 
the  places  where  they  fastened  the  cross-beams  of  the  ceil- 
ing.” It  was  a well-known  fact,  and  had  been  already  noticed 
by  Mr.  Muhlenpfordt.  On  Plate  XXIV.  Figs.  8 and  9,  I give 
a side  and  front  view  of  this  roofing,  as  still  existing  on  the 
outer  wall  of  the  northwest  corner  of  annex  B I.,  cluster  B. 
The  casings  have  an  aperture  of  0.22  metre  (9  inches);  they 
are  0.48  metre  (19  inches)  deep,  and  0.25  metre  (10  inches) 
high  to  the  top  plate.  The  side  and  top  stones  have  a thick- 


302  ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 

ness  of  from  0.06  to  0.08  metre  ( 2\  to  3 inches).  The  cas- 
ings are  about  0.20  metre  (8  inches)  apart,  the  interspaces  are 
filled  with  earth  and  stones,  and  the  same  mass  is  carried  up 
0.30  metre  (12  inches)  above  the  upper  slab,  and  on  it  rests, 
finally,  0.10  metre  (4  inches)  of  white  concrete.  The  whole 
roof,  therefore,  including  the  ceiling,  has  a thickness  of  about 
O.77  metre  (30  inches)  from  the  inside  ; and  the  casings  ad- 
mitted a beam  at  least  0.20  metre  (8  inches)  in  diameter,  if 
round,  as  Mr.  Muhlenpfordt  also  infers.  The  length  of  the 
beams,  if  they  were  laid  across  the  width  of  the  room,  was 
therefore  about  3 metres  (10  feet).  The  last-named  explorer 
suggests  that  mats  were  placed  on  the  beams  to  prevent  the 
earth  and  stones  from  falling  through  between  the  timbers  ; 
and  a similar  statement  was  made  to  me  at  Mitla. 

The  roof,  or  rather  ceiling,  of  the  basement  is  given  on 
Plate  XXIV.  Fig.  15.  The  east  and  west  gallery  is  covered 
by  ten  trapezoidally  cut  blocks  resting  on  the  side  and 
front  walls,  2.56  metres  {j\  feet)  long,  0.40  metre  (16  inches) 
thick,  and,  at  the  bottom,  from  0.07  to  1.18  metres  (2.8  to  46 
inches)  wide.  They  are  set  at  intervals  of  from  0.21  to  0.60 
metres  (8i  to  23^  inches) ; but  the  tops,  being  broader,  nearly 
join.  Above  it  earth  and  stone  form,  for  nearly  2 metres 
(6  feet),  the  overlying  material.  A similar  roofing  covers 
the  corridors,  but  the  stones  are  laid  closer,  so  as  to  touch. 
Whether  or  not  a coat  of  concrete  capped  the  whole,  I am 
unable  to  say  ; but  all  the  passages  are  much  lower  than 
the  rooms,  and  nowhere  exceed  2 metres  (6\  feet)  in  vertical 
height.  Mr.  H.  II.  Bancroft,  speaking  of  the  round  columns 
of  Mitla,  makes  the  judicious  remark,  “ It  seems  evident  that 
the  columns  in  the  southern  wing  were  intended  to  support 
the  roof,”1  but  no  trace  is  left  of  a roof  over  these  structures. 
Burgoa,  however,  describes  it  as  still  existing  in  1644,  and  as 


1 Native  Races,  vol.  iv.  p.  401. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


303 


composed  of  heavy  slabs  of  stone  resting  upon  the  columns  as 
a support.1  The  roof  of  the  cluster  B,  therefore,  excepting  its 
northern  annex,  must  have  been  somewhat  similar  to  that  over 
the  basement  and  the  corridors,  made  of  stone  flags  fitted  so 
as  to  touch  longitudinally,  with  probably  a layer  of  earth, 
stone,  and  concrete  above.  It  will  also  be  observed  that  these 
buildings  appear  to  have  been  twice  as  wide  as  any  of  the 
others,  and  many  of  them  three  and  even  four  times  as  wide. 

We  now  come  to  the  lowest  part  of  the  structure,  — the 
terraces  or  platforms  on  which  the  houses  were  erected. 
Only  two  of  the  groups  were  terraced,  B and  C. 

The  four  terraces  of  the  four  wings  of  C all  contained 
basements,  and  it  is  presumable  that  these  were  like  the  one 
still  visible  in  wing  C I.  The  courts  usually  are  more  ele- 
vated than  the  ground  outside,  possibly  on  account  of  their 
being  filled  up  with  rubbish.  The  government  has  had  the 
outside  of  the  clusters  cleared,  and  the  terraces  strengthened  ; 
but  the  courts,  though  looking  tidy,  still  contain  layers  of 
rubbish. 

From  the  descriptions  of  Burgoa,  we  might  be  led  to  infer 
that  in  his  time  the  four  terraces  of  B were  also  hollowed  into 
basements.2  But  I am  unable  to  find  any  vestiges  of  this,  and 

1 Geogrdfica  Description,  etc.,  cap.  liii.  fol.  259,  vol.  ii. : “No  se  sabe  de  que 
cantera  cortaron  unos  pilares  tan  gruesos  de  piedra,  que  apenas  pueden  dos 
hombres  abrazarlos  con  los  brazos : estos  aunque  sin  descuello,  ni  pedestalcs, 
las  canas  tan  parejas  y lisas  que  admira  : son  de  mas  de  cinco  varas,  de  una 
piesa:  estos  Servian  de  sustentar  el  techo  que  unos  a otros  en  lugar  de  tablas, 
son  de  losas  de  mas  de  dos  varas  de  largo,  una  de  ancho  y media  de  grueso, 
siguiendose  los  pilares  unos  a otros  para  sustentar  este  peso  : las  losas  son  tan 
parejas  que  sin  mezcla,  in  betumen  alguno  pararon  en  las  junturas  tablas  tras- 
lapadas,  y todas  quatro  salas,  siendo  muy  espaciosas  estan  con  un  mesmo  orden 
cubiertas,  con  esta  forma  de  bovedage.”  It  may  be  inferred  that  the  cluster  B 
consisted  of  four  wings,  all  of  which  had  roofs  of  stone,  and  perhaps  columns. 
The  slabs  from  both  sides  met  on  the  top  of  each  column,  and  the  size  indicated 
by  Burgoa  indeed  favors  this  view. 

2 Ibid. : “ En  los  quatro  altos,  que  mas  del  mesmo  arte,  y tamano  de  los 
baxos.” 


304 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


the  height  of  the  platforms,  which  everywhere  rest  upon  the 
bare  rock,  hardly  justifies  the  assumption. 

In  several  places  the  terraces  have  been  opened  and  attempts 
made  at  excavations,  but  I have  not  been  able  to  ascertain 
anything  satisfactory  in  regard  to  the  results.  While  some 
have  told  me  that  they  have  yielded  human  bones  as  well 
as  objects  of  art,  others,  equally  trustworthy,  assured  me  that 
nothing  had  been  found  except  a solid  pile  of  broken  stones 
and  some  earth.  I cannot,  so  far  as  I am  informed,  regard 
them  as  having  been  made  for  sepulchral  purposes.  They 
were  necessary  in  order  to  secure  level  ground.  The  surface 
where  they  stand  is  almost  bare  rock,  and  very  uneven,  and 
the  work  of  digging  foundations,  or  of  merely  levelling  the 
top,  alone  would  have  been  an  enormous  task  for  implements 
of  stone,  or  at  best  of  copper.  The  Indians,  therefore,  heaped 
up  an  artificial  foundation,  around  a gallery  built  in  the  form 
of  a cross.  This  foundation,  made  of  rubble  and  soil,  they 
encased  with  a narrow  pavement  of  polished  stone,  on  which 
rested  a facing  stretching  obliquely  up  to  the  sills  of  the  house. 
Specimens  of  this  facing  are  still  visible.  An  opening  to  the 
gallery  was  left  on  the  inner  front,  towards  the  court ; and  if 
Burgoa  is  right  in  stating  that  there  was  such  a basement  in 
each  wing,  then  we  might  look  for  vestiges  of  it  in  excavations 
beneath  the  other  sides  of  the  cluster  C.  The  building  of  the 
basements  with  a solid  wall  and  roofing  certainly  strength- 
ened the  platforms  very  much,  in  a country  where  earthquakes 
are  at  least  of  monthly  occurrence  ; but  while  this  is  sufficient 
to  account  for  their  construction,  I will  not  say  that  they  were 
made  for  this  purpose  only.  No  traditions  record  their  hav- 
ing been  tombs,  or  collective  sepulchres  ; but  they  might,  very 
appropriately,  have  been  store-rooms.  Still,  considering  the 
scarcity  of  soil  in  the  valley  of  Mitla,  the  possibility  of  their 
having  been  used  as  a place  of  deposit  for  funeral  urns  (entire 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


305 


skeletons  are  hardly  probable),  and  to  preserve  them,  is  not 
to  be  entirely  overlooked.  It  is  a great  misfortune  that  no 
detailed  reports  of  the  discoveries  made  around  the  buildings, 
both  outside  and  inside,  have  come  down  to  us  from  earlier 
times. 

As  for  the  object  for  which  the  lowest  gallery,  the  one 
^ extending  southward  from  the  basement  of  C I.,  cluster  C, 
may  have  been  built,  I will  not  venture  to  express  any  opin- 
ion. Mr.  Miihlenpfordt  has  left,  at  Oaxaca,  a diagram  of  this 
passage,  made  with  his  customary  care  ; and  I recollect  that 
it  is  represented  as  ending  in  the  rock  towards  the  centre. 
I am  not  quite  sure  whether  even  this  lowest  covered  way 
would  not  have  come  out  above  the  ground,  in  the  centre  of 
the  couit,  had  it  been  completed  ; but  as  it  is,  it  appears  to 
have  remained  unfinished. 

The  terraces  therefore  consist,  like  the  houses  which  they 
support,  of  a body  of  rough  stones  and  soil,  protected  by  a pol- 
ished casing.  It  is  highly  probable  that  steps,  or  stairways, 
must  have  led  up  to  the  doorways  ; and  the  last  remnant  of 
them,  perhaps,  is  the  block  still  in  front  of  the  entrance  to  the 
basement.  It  is  0.18  metre  (7  inches)  thick,  rests  on  two 
upright  slabs,  and  its  lower  surface  is  0.18  metre  higher 
than  the  roof  of  the  lowest  gallery.  This  may  possibly  sug- 
gest a stairway  of  stone,  each  step  being  0.18  metre  high, 
which  at  the  same  time  served  as  roof  to  the  passages 
beneath. 

Clothed  in  this  stony  protection,  — stone-clad,  in  fact, — the 
structures  of  Lyo-Baa  were  not  only  weather-proof  and  fire- 
proof ; they  were  also  easily  defensible.  This  was  especially 
the  case  with  those  clusters  which,  like  A and  D,  formed  a 
connected  series  of  closed  rectangles.  It  is  evident  that  in 
one  place,  at  least,  there  must  have  been  an  entrance  ; but 
although  the  edifices  never  had  any  doors  with  which  the 


20 


3°6 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


doorways  could  be  closed,  this  entrance  could  have  been  easily 
barred  and  defended  from  within. 

I will  scarcely  venture  any  suggestions  as  to  the  manner 
in  which  the  houses  were  built.  But  it  is  evident  that,  for 
those  groups  in  which  the  wings  do  not  stand  connected,  each 
terrace,  with  its  superstructure,  could  have  been  erected  by 
itself.  It  seems  very  probable,  too,  that  the  walls  of  each 
house  had  to  be  carried  up  from  below  on  all  four  sides,  and 
that  the  facings  were  put  on  and  fastened  in  the  still  wet  mud 
as  the  body  rose.  This  necessitated  a considerable  number 
of  workmen ; so  large,  indeed,  that  I cannot  but  suspect  the 
employment  of  communal  labor. 

The  material  was  certainly  obtained  in  the  vicinity.  On 
the  day  I left  Mitla  I was  told  that  the  stones  for  lintels,  etc. 
were  procured  from  a place  about  6 kilometres  (3i  miles)  east 
of  the  village,  where  traces  are  still  found  of  aboriginal  quar- 
rying. It  was  too  late  then  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  this 
statement.  But  the  stone  — a rather  light,  strongly  amygda- 
loid rock,  breaking  easily  — at  all  events  comes  from  the  basin 
or  the  mountain  slopes  encircling  it.  Whence  the  carbonate 
of  lime  was  brought  of  which  the  concrete  ledges  were  made, 
I have  not  been  able  to  learn. 

The  transport  of  the  enormous  lintels  and  flags,  or  slabs, 
could  have  been  easily  accomplished  by  wooden  rollers ; and 
the  raising  of  them  some  six  feet  above  the  ground  may  have 
been  effected  by  an  artificial  inclined  plane,  heaped  up  against 
a wall,  as  represented  in  a photograph  from  Peru,  given  to  me 
by  Mr.  Squier. 

The  inside  of  these  structures  must  have  been  little  better 
than  an  obscure  cavern.  While  the  height  of  the  apartments 
nowhere  exceeds  4 metres  (13  feet),  and  in  most  instances  falls 
below  that,  the  best  illuminated  building  shows  a proportion 
of  width  to  length  as  1 to  4.  The  average  proportion,  how- 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


307 


ever,  is  I to  7.  Into  these  corridors,  rather  than  rooms,  light 
was  admitted  from  one  side,  only  ; and  the  aperture,  or  three 
apertures,  for  this  purpose  were  in  no  case  higher  than  one 
half  of  the  “ hall,”  while  their  width  nowhere  exceeded  one 
fourth  of  the  entire  length.  The  “ Hall  of  Columns,”  owing 
to  its  breadth,  was  perhaps  the  best  lighted  of  all;  yet  the 
three  doorways  together  occupy  but  one  sixth  of  its  length, 
and  their  combined  area  only  one  eleventh  of  the  surface  of 
the  entire  front.  If  the  three  doorways  were  distributed 
along  the  front  at  greater  distances,  even  then,  owing  to 
their  inconsiderable  height,  the  interior  would  still  be  dimly 
lighted.  In  their  crowded  condition,  the  so-called  “palaces” 
t)f  Mitla  were  no  better  illuminated  than  the  so-called  “sub- 
terraneous chambers  ” of  their  basements.  Built  without  the 
knowledge  of  mechanical  contrivances,  ornamented  by  mere 
“ rule  of  thumb,”  imperfectly  ventilated,  and  correspondingly 
dark,  they  appear  only  as  the  barbaric  effort  of  a barbarous 
people. 

The  “ mounds  of  worship”  scarcely  need  any  further  men- 
tion. While  I believe  that  they  are  much  disfigured,  it  is 
impossible  to  say  how  far  they  may  have  been  reduced  in 
size.  Neither  can  I,  as  yet,  offer  any  conjecture  in  regard  to 
the  fragments  E III.  and  F I.,  Plate  XXV.,  but  shall  have 
to  return  to  this  feature  again,  when  speaking  of  the  ruins 
of  Gui-y-baa,  near  Tlacolula. 

From  what  I have  said  about  the  appearance  of  the  ruins, 
and  the  care  now  taken  of  them,  it  is  evident  that  few  if 
any  objects  of  antiquity  can  be  found  on  the  surface.  Small 
bits  of  obsidian  are  occasionally  met  with  among  the  build- 
ings, but  they  are  scarce.  So  is  pottery,  of  which  I have 
seen  only  ashy-gray  fragments.  But  the  walls  and  rooms, 
the  courts,  and  even  the  tops  of  the  walls,  are  strewn  with  a 
profusion  of  flint  chips,  as  well  as  large  cores.  Some  of  the 


3°S 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


latter  are  cones  of  0.15  metre  (6  inches)  in  diameter  at  the 
base,  and  have  a vertical  axis  of  the  same  length.  The  flint 
is  yellowish  brown,  veined  with  green  and  yellow,  and  very 
rarely  with  red.  The  colors  are  bright  and  beautiful.  It 
seems  as  if  this  material  had  been  largely  used  for  imple- 
ments. 

Little  statuettes  of  stone,  clay  heads,  and  “amulets”  are  also 
dug  out  from  the  soil.  The  last,  of  which  I secured  two,  rep- 
resent human  bodies,  squatting  or  cross-legged,  with  a flat, 
smooth  back,  and  are  perforated  at  the  edges,  so  that  a cord 
might  be  passed  through  the  holes.  One  of  the  two  is  of 
white  alabaster ; the  other,  of  a partly  translucent  spinach- 
green  stone,  answering,  of  course,  to  the  general  term  “ chal- 
chihuitl.”  They  strikingly  reminded  me  of  similar  appendages 
of  alabaster,  worn  in  secret  by  the  Queres  Indians  of  New 
Mexico. 

In  the  corral  of  D.  Jose  Marfa  Monterubio,  was  dug  out,  at 
a small  depth,  the  stone  plate  which  is  given  on  Plate  XXV. 
Fig.  5.  It  measures  0.51  X 0.41  metre  (20  X 16  inches), 
is  0.09  metre  (3J  inches)  thick,  and  the  carvings  are  raised 
0.03  metre  (1  J inches).  This  sculpture  is  now  at  the  city  of 
Oaxaca. 

I was  able  to  make  but  slight  ethnological  and  linguistic 
researches.  It  is  almost  needless  to  state  that  the  present 
organization  of  the  Tzapoteco  Indians  is  upon  the  modern 
system,  and  that  communal  tenure  of  lands  is  abolished. 
Still,  a vestige  of  the  latter  is  left.  If  a person  dies  with- 
out children,  his  real  estate  reverts  to  the  pueblo  for  dis- 
tribution. I did  not  find  this  custom  among  the  Nahuatl  of 
Cholula. 

The  great  reputation  of  the  ruins  of  Ly6-Baa  is  due  in  part 
to  the  supposition  that,  in  respect  to  their  construction  and 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MITLA. 


309 


size,  they  stand  quite  alone  in  the  region  about  Oaxaca.  But 
I was  very  soon  informed  that  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the 
village  contained  many  aboriginal  remains,  although  they  are 
not  as  well  preserved.  My  attention  was  particularly  called 
to  the  “ Fuerte,”  a high  rock  standing  about  4 kilometres  ( 2\ 
miles)  west  or  west-northwest  of  the  place  ; and  it  was  stated 
that  the  “citadel  of  Mitla,”  with  long  stone  parapets,  was  still 
to  be  seen  on  its  summit.  Again,  about  the  same  distance  in 
an  opposite  direction,  the  hacienda  of  Xaga  was  said  to  con- 
tain subterranean  chambers.  I accordingly  went  to  both 
places,  visiting  the  former  on  the  24th,  the  latter  on  the  25th 
of  June.  The  ruins  at  Xaga  being  less  considerable,  I will 
treat  of  them  first. 

The  hacienda  lies  towards  the  end  of  the  basin,  and  the 
road  to  it  is  almost  level ; and  there  is  more  fertile  soil  lying 
alongside  of  it  than  in  the  western  portion.  It  was  evidently, 
with  the  south,  the  “ garden  spot  ” of  the  valley.  About  500 
metres  (£  of  a mile)  beyond  the  most  eastern  houses,  I saw, 
in  a field  to  the  north  of  the  road,  low  mounds  of  stones, 
indicating  terraces.  Their  disposition  is  shown  in  Plate 
XXVI.  Fig.  1.  The  height  nowhere  exceeds  1 metre  (3 
feet)  ; a distinctly  shows  a level  platform  ; the  heaps  b and  c 
are  merely  mounds  of  broken  stones ; d , an  almost  obliterated 
knoll.  The  whole  forms  a rectangle  with  four  disconnected 
wings,  strikingly  recalling,  in  shape  and  size,  the  largest  clus- 
ters of  Lyo-Baa.  Half-way  between  Mitla  and  Xaga,  in  a 
field  sloping  down  to  the  road  from  the  south,  is  visible  a 
concavity  surrounded  by  low  embankments,  with  very  low 
vestiges  of  adobe  walls.  (See  Plate  XXVI.  Fig.  5.)  The 
whole  recalls  the  usual  rectangle  enclosing  a court,  and  the 
walls  even  suggest  two  connected  houses,  as  at  F III.  Much 
pottery,  gray  and  red,  was  found  scattered  about  both  places  ; 
also  flint  chips. 


3io 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


No  traces  of  buildings  or  terraces  are  visible  on  the  gentle 
swell  which  is  now  completely  occupied  by  the  edifices  of  the 
hacienda  of  Xaga.1  But  beneath  the  principal  houses  a gal- 
lery in  the  shape  of  a cross  has  been  found,  a ground  plan  and 
section  of  which  are  contained  in  Plate  XXVI.  Figs.  2 and  3. 
By  comparing  it  with  the  basement  of  C I.,  the  analogy,  if  not 
identity,  of  plan  becomes  striking.  But  these  so-called  under- 
ground chambers  are  not  subterranean,  as  their  floor,  at  the 
western  entrance,  is  at  the  level  of  the  centre  of  the  court. 
It  is  therefore  a true  basement,  as  at  Mitla.  But  while  the 
walls  at  Mitla  are  composed  of  mosaic  panels,  at  Xaga  plates 
of  carved  stones  (Plate  XXVI.  Fig.  4),  containing  the  two 
ornaments  represented,  decorate  the  inner  faces  on  their  up- 
per half.  The  lower  half  is  made  of  stones  striped  gray  and 
white,  like  wainscoting.  The  ground  of  the  carvings  is  Indian 
red  ; the  ornaments  are  raised,  and  have  the  natural  color  of 
the  stone.  In  1879  excavations  were  made  in  the  centre  of 
the  cross  ; but  only  earth  was  found.  Fourteen  years  ago 
part  of  the  inner  facing  on  the  southern  gallery  was  opened, 
and  it  is  said  skeletons  were  met  with ; but  no  chambers 
were  revealed,  and  the  rest  of  the  mass  appeared  to  be  solid 
throughout. 

I could  not  ascertain  that  any  traditions  remain  of  the  for- 
mer existence  of  houses  on  the  basement  of  Xaga.  Neither 
could  I obtain  any  information  from  land  titles.  Still,  it  is 
more  than  likely  that  a superstructure  once  stood  on  it.  The 
hacienda  formerly  belonged  to  the  Dominican  monastery  of 
Oaxaca,  and  the  records  of  that  convent,  if  accessible,  must 
contain  information  about  it,  as  well  as  about  Mitla  in  gen- 

1 The  word  “ Xaga  ” was  interpreted  to  me  as  “el  rincon  dc  los  pastos,” 
the  edge,  or  limit,  or  corner,  of  the  pastures.  I give  all  these  definitions  as  I 
received  them,  without  vouching  for  their'absolute  correctness.  I had  no  time 
to  become  acquainted  with  Tzapoteco. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


3" 

eral.  Similar  “ casern  ated  ” terraces  are  met  with  in  the 
neighborhood,  at  various  places,  showing  that  the  basement  at 
Lyo-Baa  is  not  an  exceptional  feature,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
quite  common  in  aboriginal  architecture  there. 

The  “ Fuerte,”  called  in  the  Tzapotecan  idiom  “Jio,”  that 
is,  height  or  eminence,1  has  been  explored  and  described  by 
Captain  Dupaix.  It  is  a bare  and  almost  treeless  rock,  about 
150  metres  (500  feet)  high,  which  rises  from  the  west  and 
northwest  in  almost  perpendicular  crags,  while  on  the  north 
the  ascent,  though  difficult,  is  possible ; on  the  east  and  south 
there  is  a gradual  slope.  But  there  is  very  little  soil,  even  on 
those  declivities,  and  what  vegetation  exists  is  low  and  scrub- 
by. The  top  resembles  an  irregular  foot-print,  slightly  con- 
vex, and  rising  generally  to  the  north-northwest.  Its  greatest 
length  is  about  350  metres  (1160  feet),  its  greatest  width 
about  150  metres  (500  feet)  ; but  I give  these  figures  only  as 
approximations  obtained  by  pacing  off  the  distance.  The  sur- 
face is  partly  covered  by  thorny  shrubs,  sometimes  difficult  to 
traverse.  The  annexed  plan  (Plate  XXIII.  Fig.  6)  is  there- 
fore not  perfectly  reliable,  except  for  the  dimensions  of  the 
buildings.  This  top  plateau  is  surrounded  by  a strong  wall  of 
dry  stone,  piled  up  apparently  without  mortar,  and  built  all 
around  above  the  precipice,  except  on  the  western  side,  where 
inaccessible  places  are  left  unprotected,  and  short  slopes  are 
made  perpendicular  by  walling  up  from  beneath  (Plate  XXVI. 
Fig.  9).  The  height  of  the  wall,  as  well  as  its  width,  varies  ; 
but  it  appears  most  considerable  on  the  southeast,  where,  as 
will  be  observed,  it  is  also  double,  with  something  like  salients 
and  re-entering  angles.  The  outer  wall  is  lower  than  the 

1 From  “ Jia,”  high.  Dupaix  has  also  given  a map  of  the  “Fuerte,”  which 
is  in  vol.  iv.  Plates  XL.  and  XLI.  of  Kingsborough.  It  varies  from  mine,  of 
course,  though  not  in  very  essential  particulars. 


312 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


inner ; both  are  3 metres  (io£  feet)  high,  and  2.5  metres  (9  ft. 
7 in.)  wide  at  the  top  (Fig.  8).  As  seen  on  ascending,  this 
double  wall  presents  a very  striking  and  formidable  appear- 
ance. The  entrance  through  the  outer  circumvallation  is 
effected  by  an  opening  3.4  metres  (ir  feet)  wide;  thence  the 
path  turns  to  the  west  about  75  metres  (250  feet)  between 
the  two  lines  of  defence  to  a similar  opening,  through  which 
the  top  platform  is  reached.  This  arrangement  is  thoroughly 
Indian,  and  was  found  by  Cortes  to  exist  in  the  great  wall  of 
Tlaxcala,  and  in  the  circumvallations  of  Quauhquechollan.1 

The  top  supports  the  buildings  G I.,  G II.,  and  G V.,  all  on 
platforms,  and  the  ruined  mounds  G III.,  G IV.,  and  G VI.  ; 
traces  of  structures  are  also  seen  at  G VII.  Red  and  gray 
pottery,  flint  chips,  and  some  little  obsidian,  are  scattered 
about ; and  besides,  I found  many  broken  grinding-slabs, 
metlatl,  of  the  concave  variety  already  described.2  These 
lay  mostly  about  the  building  G I.,  on  the  mound  G III., 
and  at  G VII.,  which  speaks  strongly  in  favor  of  the  sup- 
position that  the  houses  were  dwellings. 

The  building  G I.  is  a rectangle  of  adobe,  whose  walls  have 
an  average  width  of  1.05  metres  (41  inches),  the  bricks  meas- 
uring 0.33  X 0.15  X 0.05  metre  (13  X 6 X 2 inches)  each. 
The  adobe  reaches  only  to  a height  of  2.02  metres  (6  ft.  7 in.)  ; 
above,  it  is  capped  by  stone.  The  western  wall  has  the  door- 
ways from  south  to  north  respectively  3.06,  2.08,  and  2.09 
metres  (9  ft.  9 in.,  6 ft.  8 in.,  and  6 ft.  9 in.)  wide.  I could 
not  discover  any  lintels  or  posts.  The  building  is  divided 
transversely  into  two  rooms  of  unequal  size,  and  there  may  be 
at  a a door  in  the  partition  wall,  also  an  outer  door  at  b,  but 
both  are  problematical.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  propor- 

1 Compare  Carta  Segunda,  pp.  15,  50.  Also,  Art  of  War  and  Mode  of  War- 
fare, etc.,  pp.  143,  144. 

2 See  antea,  p.  97. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


3*3 


tions  of  width  to  length  are  as  1 to  2,  and  that  the  outer  wall 
rests  on  a foundation  of  adobe,  projecting  0.36  metre  (14 
inches),  and  covered  with  the  usual  white  floor.  Beneath  it 
the  terrace  extends  0.49  metre  (20  inches)  still  farther  to  the 
cast,  made  as  usual  of  broken  stones. 

Seventeen  metres  (55  feet)  southwest  of  G I.  is  the  low 
stone  terrace  G II.,  nearly  square,  the  northern  third  of  which 
is  taken  up  by  two  narrow  adobe  houses,  joined  longitudinally, 
communicating  by  the  door  in  the  partition,  the  northern  wall 
closed,  and  the  southern  half  obliterated.  This  group  ap- 
pears very  similar  to  the  one  on  the  south  side  of  the  Rio 
Mitla,  and  the  proportion  of  width  to  length  in  the  rooms  is 
1 to  8.  The  southern  portions  of  the  terrace  are  bare. 

The  building  G V.,  constructed  on  the  brink  of  the  preci- 
pice, shows  three  rooms,  apparently  unconnected,  with  adobe 
walls.  The  northwestern  one  is  13.4  X 3-05  metres  (43  ft. 
7 in.  X 10  ft.  5 in.),  the  two  others  each  6 X 3-6  metres 
(19^  X ii|  feet). 

The  mounds  are  only  ruined  heaps  of  broken  stones  and 
earth,  and  none  of  them  suggested  to  me  the  idea  of  a mound 
of  worship,  but  rather  of  elevated  platforms.  While  there  is 
much  in  the  architecture  of  Jio  that  resembles  Lyo-Baa,  there 
are  also  discrepancies.  The  total  absence  of  large  stone  lin- 
tels may  be  accounted  for,  perhaps,  by  the  difficulty  of  carry- 
ing such  weights  to  the  great  height,  whereas  adobe  is  easily 
transportable.  The  roofs  are  all  gone  ; but  since  we  know 
that  they  used  timber  for  such  purposes,  it  is  possible  that 
lintels  and  posts  in  this  case  were  also  of  wood.1 

Traversing  the  entire  length  of  the  plateau,  we  reach  a 
third  egress,  from  which  a steep  winding  path  descends  to 
the  foot  of  the  bluff  on  the  west  side,  a fertile  level  field, 
called  “ Llano  del  Fuerte,”  plain  of  the  fort.  Judging  from  the 

1 Pomar,  Iielacion  de  Tezcoco , MS.,  quoted  antea,  p.  127. 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


314 

objects  found  there,  as  stated  to  me,  this  area  was  the  former 
garden  plot  of  the  people  who  inhabited  the  cliff.  Water 
also  is  near  at  hand.  The  height  of  Jio,  therefore,  recalled  to 
my  mind  forcibly  the  old  pueblo  of  Aqiu,  or  Pecos,  in  New 
Mexico,  which  I described  in  the  first  volume  of  the  papers 
of  the  Archaeological  Institute.1 

Common  belief  ascribes  to  Jio  the  role  of  a “citadel”  or 
place  of  refuge  for  the  population  of  Lyo-Baa,  and,  as  usual, 
supposes  a subterranean  communication.  The  latter  story  is 
found  everywhere  about  Indian  ruins,  from  New  Mexico  to 
Peru.  The  former  is  not  impossible,  though,  from  the  strong 
defensive  character  of  the  houses  at  Mitla,  there  was  no  abso- 
lute need  for  it.  The  distance  separating  the  two  points  is 
considerable,  and  the  space  between  was  certainly  unoccu- 
pied in  former  times.  Jio  appears  therefore  rather  as  an 
independent  pueblo,  permanently  occupied  during  aboriginal 
times. 

I left  Mitla  and  its  kind  people  reluctantly  on  the  28th  of 
June,  and  stopped  on  the  way  at  Tlacolula.  There,  reliable 
authority  informed  me  that  the  proper  name  for  the  site  was 
Gui-y-Baa,  village  of  the  grave  or  burial-place ; and  that  the 
ancient  settlement,  now  ruined,  was  situated  about  2 kilo- 
metres (ij  miles)  northwest  of  the  town,  and  that  it  still 
contained  extensive  ruins.  With  two  trustworthy  guides  I 
started  for  the  site  without  a moment’s  delay. 

Following  up  the  course  of  the  Rio  Tlacolula,  we  soon 
reached  a very  broken  country.  Rocky  and  barren  hills  rise 
very  steeply  close  to  each  other,  and  around  and  between 

1 Report  on  the  Ruins  of  the  Pueblo  of  Pecos,  Plate  I. ; also  pp.  89,  90.  It 
also  suggested  to  me  the  imposing  Potrero  Viejo,  on  which  the  former  pueblo  of 
Cochiti  stood,  with  the  garden  plots  of  its  dwellers,  hundreds  of  feet  beneath,  in 
the  narrow  Canada. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


3*5 


them  are  little  patches  of  corn.  The  right  bank  of  the  river 
is  level  and  appears  fertile,  and  on  it  stand  the  remains  of 
four  very  large  rectangles,  exactly  similar  in  shape  and  dis- 
position to  the  terraces  of  Mitla,  with  the  walls  of  one  house 
still  partly  erect.  These  are  as  thick,  or  nearly  so,  as  those 
of  Lyo-Baa,  and  made,  like  them,  of  stones  and  earth  ; but 
they  are  dismantled,  and  only  scattered  blocks,  with  smooth 
surfaces  and  sharp  edges,  attest  the  former  presence  of 
“ facings.”  The  terraces  are  partly  opened,  revealing  the 
existence  of  basements. 

Some  distance  beyond  the  river  a sharp  rocky  crest  sweeps 
around  from  the  northwest  to  the  south.  Its  top,  and  some 
of  the  lower  crags,  show  traces  of  large  walls,  like  those  of 
Jio,  but  they  are  detached,  and  seem  to  have  been  made  for 
the  protection  of  special  places  only.  Below  these  walls,  on 
the  northwestern  spur  and  western  slope  of  the  crest,  ex- 
tensive ruins  cluster  together,  of  which  the  principal  part  is 
given  on  Plate  XXVI.  Fig.  io.  H I.,  H II.,  and  II  III. 
stand  on  the  brink  of  a very  steep  declivity,  at  whose  bot- 
tom is  the  water  cut-off,  “toma  de  aqua,”  whence  the  chan- 
nel runs  out  that  furnishes  water  to  the  town  of  Tlacolula. 
The  1 zapotecos  call  the  place  on  the  river  Rutom,  “ water- 
gap,”  and  the  crest  above  it,  Yah'-zib-Rutom,  “hill  of  the 
water-gap.”  The  ruins,  however,  are  those  of  Gui-y-Baa. 

The  similarity  of  the  ruins  to  those  of  Mitla  is  very  ap- 
parent, and  needs  no  comment.  The  walls  are  dismantled, 
but  at  a (H  IV.)  is  a large  polished  block,  2.71  X 1.36  X 0.60 
metres  (8  ft.  10  in.  X 53  X 24  inches),  strikingly  resembling 
the  lintels  of  Lyo-Baa.  The  walls  are  on  an  average  1.15 
metres  (45  inches)  thick.  At  H I.  and  H III.  the  three 
doorways  are  still  standing,  and  the  proportion  between  the 
width  and  length  of  the  four  rooms  is  as  1 to  7 on  an  aver- 
age. The  houses  stand  on  stone  esplanades  ; but  although 


316 


ARCHEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


the  courts  are  deep,  I could  not,  owing  to  the  rubbish,  dis- 
cover any  trace  of  basements. 

There  are  other  similar  rectangles  scattered  around,  or 
rather  crowded  in  about  the  two  groups  figured.  These  other 
remains  I had  no  time  to  measure ; and  I was  able  to  survey 
the  rest  of  the  cluster  only  in  a rather  superficial  manner. 
Still,  this  cluster  is  more  than  commonly  interesting. 

II  V.  and  H VI.  are  rectangles  composed  of  ruined  ter- 
races, each  of  which  is  about  2 6 metres  (85  feet)  long.  H VII. 
is  a much  disturbed  mound  of  gray  adobe.  At  H VIII.  again 
are  two  terraces  of  stone,  each  30  and  34  metres  (98  and 
104  feet)  in  length,  with  a small  adobe  knoll  between  them. 
H IX.  is  a large  mound  of  broken  stones,  10  metres  (33  feet) 
high,  and  now  polygonal,  if  not  almost  circular,  at  its  base. 
We  recognize  with  ease  features  analogous  to  those  of  the 
clusters  E and  F of  Lyo-Baa.  But  there  are  indications 
which  go  much  further.  Thus,  the  small  heap  of  adobe  at  c, 
externally  shapeless,  has  been  opened,  and  reveals  a room  in- 
side, with  an  entrance  to  the  east  and  a stone  lintel.  At  a, 
on  the  top  of  H IX.,  there  is  a chamber,  apparently  sunk 
about  2.5  metres  (8  feet)  beneath  the  actual  top,  10  metres 
(33  feet)  by  5 metres  (i6i  feet),  and  built  of  adobe  bricks, 
measuring  0.25  X 0.12  X 0.05  metre  (10  X 5 X 2 inches).  I 
cannot  be  positive  whether  this  chamber  (Plate  XXVI.  Fig. 
1 1)  was  intended  to  be  entirely  beneath  the  top  of  the  mound 
or  not ; but  part  of  it  certainly  is,  and  this  suggests  the  pos- 
sibility of  several  tiers,  or  stories,  in  these  elevated  truncated 
pyramids,  and  a distinction  between  them  and  the  broad  and 
composite  mounds  of  Cholula,  and  recalls  Papantla,  or  Xochi- 
calco.  Finally,  at  b,  on  mound  H VII.,  the  steps  are  visible, 
represented  in  Fig.  12.  While  the  stones  composing  it  are 
smoothed  and  fitted  together,  and  the  work  is  therefore  bet- 
ter executed  than  are  the  rude  stairs  of  the  great  mound  of 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MITLA. 


3*7 


Cholula,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  in  both  cases  the  stones 
are  coated  with  the  same  white  concrete.  All  that  I found 
of  this  graded  ascent  is  given  on  the  plate. 

Many  antiquities  have  been  found  at  Gui-y-Baa  ; stone 
statues  have  been  exhumed ; grinding-slabs  and  pins  were 
picked  up  on  the  surface.  The  fragments  of  pottery  are  iden- 
tical with  those  at  Mitla.  But  the  interior  of  the  ruins  is  not 
easy  to  penetrate,  on  account  of  the  dangerous  thorns  bris- 
tling in  the  thickets  which  overgrow  the  courts. 

With  my  superficial  examination  of  the  ruins  near  Tlacolula 
I closed  my  work  and  my  stay  in  that  valley,  returning  to  the 
city  of  Oaxaca  the  same  evening.  An  extensive  field  of  inves- 
tigations still  lay  before  me,  but  I lacked  strength  to  under- 
take more.  However,  the  temptation  to  at  least  visit  the 
ruins  of  Monte-Alban,  which  crown  the  northern  summits  of 
the  Espinazo,  above  the  city  to  the  west,  was  too  great  to 
resist,  and  I therefore  toiled  up  with  an  Indian  on  the  2d  of 
July.  Wading  through  the  shallow  Rio  Atoyac,  I passed  the 
little  pueblos  of  San  Juan  and  San  Martin,  beyond  which 
begins  the  ascent  of  the  rocky,  treeless  slopes,  whose  vege- 
tation consists  exclusively  of  low  shrubs  and  weeds.  On 
foot,  the  crest  is  reached  in  about  an  hour,  and  we  find  it  to 
consist  of  an  irregular  triangle,  open  to  the  south,  in  which 
direction  a deep  barranca  empties  into  the  valley.  The  slopes, 
however  steep,  show  in  places  very  fertile  black  loam,  which 
is  now  carefully  cultivated  in  patches,  almost  like  terraces, 
between  which  the  rock  protrudes  in  ledges.  The  top  is 
mostly  barren  on  the  west  side,  the  crest  is  narrow,  and  runs 
out  into  two  points.  Each  of  these  points  is  crowned  by 
ruined  mounds  of  broken  stones,  apparently  walled  up,  be- 
tween which  are  traces  of  old  foundations  ; but  those  of  the 
centre  are  modern,  and  belong  to  the  former  Rancho  Viejo. 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


318 

A wider  ridge  connects  this  western  portion  with  the  east- 
ern, which  is  slightly  depressed,  and  has  upon  it  architectural 
remains  (Plate  XXVI.  Fig.  13).  Among  them  is  a rectangle, 
composed  of  embankments  of  broken  stones  and  earth  around 
a depressed  court.  The  average  width  of  these  embankments 
is  5 metres  (16  feet),  and  this  court  measures  17  X 15.5  me- 
tres (56  X 5 1 feet).  At  f is  the  broken  lintel  shown  in  Fig. 
14,  and  in  front  of  it  stand,  planted  upright,  two  door-caps. 
By  comparing  measurements,  the  similarity  of  both  lintel  and 
caps  to  those  of  Lyo-Baa  becomes  evident.  Much  rude  stone- 
work protrudes  on  one  side  of  this  rectangle,  and  although  I 
cannot  decide  how  much  of  it  may  be  in  situ,  and  how  much 
has  been  put  where  it  is  by  crumbling  and  slides,  it  struck 
me  that  the  blocks  are  much  larger  than  those  at  Mitla. 

I have  endeavored  to  map  down  the  northern,  or  rather 
north-northeastern,  half  of  the  great  eastern  side  of  the  trian- 
gle of  Monte-Alban.  Its  direction,  as  far  as  mapped,  is  north- 
northeast  to  south-southwest ; beyond  it  the  crest  bends  around 
in  a curve  to  the  eastward,  and  finally  terminates  in  an  abrupt 
point,  not  unlike  a peak,  on  account  of  a mound  or  system  of 
mounds  crowning  its  top.  The  plan  is  not  exact,  and  is 
intended  to  give  only  an  approximate  idea.  It  rained  nearly 
all  the  time ; the  soil,  wherever  it  was  not  stony,  was  a deep 
black  mud,  and  most  of  the  mounds  are  so  thickly  overgrown 
with  trees  and  thorny  shrubs,  including  cactuses,  that  they 
can  only  be  ascended  by  the  aid  of  the  “ machete,”  and 
vigorous  cutting. 

This  northern  half  forms  a rectangular  depressed  basin, 
now  converted  into  a field,  about  275  metres  (900  feet)  from 
north-northeast  to  south-southwest,  and  120  metres  (300  feet) 
from  west-northwest  to  east-southeast.  In  the  centre  are  two 
mounds,  completely  overgrown  and  hardly  accessible.  Still, 
enough  can  be  seen  to  show  that  they  were  originally  artifi- 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


319 


cial,  and  are  made  of  broken  stones  and  earth.  It  is  probable 
that  the  larger  one  is  in  fact  two  distinct  knolls,  each  one 
nearly  round,  like  the  smaller;  but  now  they  form  a single 
mass  of  foliage,  with  a depression  in  the  middle.  On  the 
west  of  this  depressed  field  a bulwark  or  parapet  of  stone- 
work extends  for  the  whole  length,  protecting  it  on  the  side 
of  the  barranca.  Three  rectangular  mounds,  e,  e,  e,  surmount 
this  embankment  at  irregular  intervals,  and  these,  as  well  as 
the  embankment  itself,  bear  traces  of  foundations  which  look 
like  those  of  houses.  On  the  opposite  side  the  ground  is  also 
slightly  higher  than  the  field  ; it  is  not  tilled,  and  supports  a 
system  of  stone  mounds  of  considerable  size,  recalling  F at 
Mitla,  and  the  similar  group  at  Tlacolula.  These  mounds 
show  hardly  any  trace  of  buildings.  The  whole  row  lines 
the  brink  of  the  eastern  declivity,  which  there  is  steep,  and 
interrupted  by  cultivable  terraces.  On  this  side  the  mounds 
present  a terraced  appearance,  as  if  built  in  stages  ; but  while 
I feel  convinced  of  this,  the  possibility  of  these  steps  being 
the  result  of  decay  is  not  to  be  overlooked. 

The  field  which  forms  the  northeastern  angle  of  the  ridge 
lies  below  the  raised  platform  abed,  which  adjoins  it  on  the 
west,  and  which  completely  encloses  the  central  depression 
to  the  northwest.  This  platform  measures  75  X 94  metres 
(246  X 3°8  feet)  i the  slope  ab  is  short  and  gradual;  cd,  deep 
and  almost  vertical,  crowned  by  a wall  of  broken  stones, 
1.70  metres  (about  5^  feet)  thick,  and  broken  down  in  many 
places  ; and  b d appears  to  be  walled  up  from  about  3 me- 
tres 10  feet)  below  to  the  top.  The  platform  dominates  the 
northern  spurs  of  the  Espinazo,  a lower  series  of  ridges  and 
crests,  with  deeply  sunken  vales  and  numberless  cultivated 
terraces  bearing  traces  of  aboriginal  mounds.  Beyond  it,  and 
in  the  west,  extends  the  valley  of  Cuilapa,  with  the  former 
range  of  the  Mixteco. 


320 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


On  the  northwestern  corner  of  this  platform  rises  a terrace, 
in  which  several  excavations  have  been  made,  revealing,  how- 
ever, only  a mass  of  broken  stones  and  earth.  On  it  are  stone 
foundations  showing  two  walls,  one  inside  of  the  other  at  a 
distance  of  1.2  metres  (47  inches),  the  outer  being  visible  for 
a length  of  6.8  X 10.2  metres  (22  X 33  feet).  Their  width 
is  1.25  metres  (49  inches).  The  mound  B,  overgrown  on 
the  sides,  is  1 1 metres  (36  feet)  long,  and  bears  on  its  top  a 
rectangular  structure,  of  which  there  is  but  a trace  left.  It 
measures  7 X 8|  metres  (23  X 27^  feet).  A tunnel  has  been 
driven  through  this  mound,  revealing  a core  of  earth  or  clay, 
surrounded  by  stones  and  earth.  Whether  this  core  is  natural 
or  not,  I am  unable  to  say. 

On  the  opposite  side  (south-southwest)  of  the  middle  area 
begins  a grassy  level,  in  which  is  a sunken  field  measuring 
76  X 67  metres  (249  X 220  feet).  It  is  flanked  by  heavily 
wooded  mounds,  one  of  which  shows  a completely  ruined 
stairway  on  its  northern  slopes,  presenting  now  the  appear- 
ance only  of  a mass  of  broken  stones.  Beyond  it,  as  already 
stated,  the  ridge  bends  to  the  eastward,  crowned  at  intervals 
by  mounds  and  terraces,  and  terminating  in  a sharp  peak, 
also  bearing  ruins. 

It  appears  from  this  that  most  of  the  structures  of  Monte- 
Alban  occupy  the  sharp  crests  and  summits  of  the  northern 
termination  of  the  Espinazo.1  On  the  slopes  there  seem  to 
be  very  few  remains.  But  these  slopes,  and  the  lower  levels 
in  general,  consist  frequently  of  a very  fertile  black  loam  ; 
and  it  seems  as  if  many  of  these  patches  had  been  for- 
merly cultivated,  as  they  still  are,  in  the  manner  which  Bur- 
goa  speaks  of  as  the  Mixteco  custom  of  tilling  the  slopes  in 

1 For  maps  of  Monte-Alban,  I refer  to  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  vol.  iv.  p.  378; 
Garcia,  in  Appendix  to  Murguia,  Estadistica,  etc.,  p.  270.  The  French  Commis- 
sion has  also,  I believe,  published  something  about  it. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA. 


321 


narrow  bands  or  terraces,  “ like  steps  supported  by  stones.” 1 
This  author  distinctly  uses  the  term  “ camellones,”  or  gar- 
den plots. 

Everything  at  Monte-Alban  bears  the  character  of  works 
made  for  defence,  and  produces  the  impression  that  it  was 
a pueblo  built  on  the  highest,  and  therefore  most  secure 
place,  where  three  valleys  might  be  watched  at  the  same 
time,  — Cuilapa,  Etla,  and  as  far  as  Santa  Maria  del  Tule 
towards  Tlacolula.  Owing  to  the  peculiar  fertility  of  the 
soil,  the  place  could  be  permanently  occupied  by  a consider- 
able Indian  population,  and  that  part  of  it  at  least  delineated 
on  the  map  looks  very  much  like  embankments  supporting 
houses,  and  surrounding  and  protecting  interior  gardens.  I 
have  not  been  able,  as  yet,  to  find  any  reference  to  Monte- 
Alban  in  the  older  authors,  and  it  is  not  even  certain  whether 
the  Tzapotecos  or  the  Mixtecos  held  it  at  the  time  of  the 
Conquest.  I therefore  confine  myself  to  the  notice  here 
given,  and  thoroughly  agree  with  the  opinion  of  M.  Char- 
nay,  that  Monte-Alban  is  “one  of  the  most  precious  remains” 
of  antiquity  in  the  State  of  Oaxaca. 

While  there  are,  at  first  sight,  considerable  differences 
between  Monte-Alban  and  the  various  ruins  of  the  valley  to 
Tlacolula,  many  analogous,  if  not  identical,  features  also  pre- 
sent themselves.  Thus,  the  walls  are  of  broken  stones  and 
earth  only,  and  in  some  cases  are  laid  almost  dry.  Again, 
we  find  the  high  mound  of  stone,  and,  what  is  chiefly  inter- 
esting, the  lintel  made  of  one  huge  piece  of  rock,  and  the 
correspondingly  heavy  caps  surmounting  the  door-pillars.  It 
remains  a question  yet  to  be  investigated,  how  far  the  seem- 
ing differences  may  possibly  be  the  result  of  local  causes 
alone. 

Positions  naturally  well  suited  for  defence,  and  rendered 

1 Geograficct  Description,  etc.,  vol.  i.  cap.  xxiii.  fol.  128,  129. 


322 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


still  stronger  artificially,  are  frequent  in  the  State  of  Oaxaca. 
It  would  even  seem  as  if  what  might  be  termed  “ military 
positions  ” had  been  originally  selected  for  settlement.  But 
the  question  here  arises  whether  these  fortifications  were 
separate  from  the  permanent  village,  or  whether  they  always 
surrounded  and  protected  it.  VVe  have  distinct  traces  on 
this  continent  of  two  classes  of  defensive  works ; namely, 
fortified  pueblos,  and  places  of  refuge,  strong  by  nature 
and  artificially  strengthened  besides,  situated  within  conve- 
nient reach  of  defenceless  settlements.  I am  not  competent 
to  decide  to  which  class  each  of  the  three  places  visited  — 
Jio,  Gui-y-Baa,  and  Monte- Alban  — belongs.  In  regard  to 

the  second  one,  I must  here  state  a singular  feature.  The 
arched  crest  or  ridge  on  whose  slope  the  pueblo  is  built  is 
deeply  rent  and  cleft ; but  all  these  fissures  are  walled  up,  as 
also  such  spaces  on  the  summit  as  would  be  accessible  by 
scaling.  All  these  defensive  works  are  higher  than  the 
houses.  I have  also  been  assured  that  the  summit  of  the 
ridge  is  not  built  over,  and  that  the  only  trace  of  man’s  work 
there  is  a large  cistern  or  pond.  The  walls,  therefore,  while 
they  do  not  afford  much  shelter  to  the  pueblo,  were  certainly 
not  constructed  to  protect  a settlement  higher  up.  They 
look  much  rather  like  defences  around  a place  of  refuge, 
to  which  the  population  of  Gui-y-Baa  might  resort  if  hard 
pressed  in  their  strong  houses,  carrying  with  them  food 
ample  for  a temporary  stay ; or  perhaps  food  was  stored 
there  in  advance,  while  the  pond  or  cistern  would  always 
insure  an  abundant  supply  of  water. 

This  cursory  examination  of  aboriginal  remains  in  the  val- 
ley of  Tlacolula  as  far  as  Xaga  has,  I believe,  revealed  one 
singular  fact.  It  is  the  existence,  not  of  large  villages,  but  of 
small  groups  of  large  houses,  irregularly  and  promiscuously 
scattered.  Wherever  the  group  or  cluster  comprises  a large 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MI  TLA.  323 

number  of  buildings,  as  at  Lyo-Baa  and  Gui-y-Baa,  mounds 
of  worship  are  added  to  them.  Jio  has  no  clear  trace  of  any  ; 
neither  has  Xaga,  nor  the  clusters  between  it  and  Mitla. 
It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  remarkable  buildings  at  Mitla 
do  not  represent  an  exceptional  feature,  but  are  a type  of 
architecture  common  to  the  whole  valley  ; only  they  are  in 
a better  state  of  preservation.  Their  ornamentation  is  very 
striking,  and  highly  creditable  to  a people  possessing  such 
limited  mechanical  contrivances.  It  also  served  the  practical 
purpose  of  making  the  walls  weather-proof,  and  perhaps  also 
siege-proof.  The  mosaic-work  seems  to  have  been  introduced, 
not  merely  from  a purely  decorative  motive,  but  on  account 
of  its  being  an  easier  method  of  construction  than  plating 
long  fronts  with  massive  slabs. 


The  question  as  to  the  object  for  which  the  houses  of  Lyo- 
Baa  at  Mitla  were  originally  built,  has  always  been  a source 
of  lively  conjecture.  We  have  already  seen  that  they  are  by 
no  means  exceptional.  The  equally  large  buildings  of  Gui-y- 
Baa  were,  as  concurrent  tradition  states,  the  dwellings  of  the 
people.  Grinding-slabs  have  been  found  there  in  numbers,  as 
well  as  in  the  houses  upon  Jio,  while  at  Mitla  such  remains 
have  long  since  disappeared. 

The  earliest  mention  of  Mitla  known  to  me  is  from  the  pen 
of  Motolim'a,  who  writes  that,  when  Fray  Martin  de  Valencia 
went  to  Tehuantepec  (about  1533)  with  some  companions, 
“ they  passed  through  a pueblo  which  is  called  Mictlan,  signi- 
fying hell  in  this  language,  where  they  found  some  edifices 
more  worth  seeing  than  in  any  other  parts  of  New  Spain. 
Among  them  was  a temple  of  the  demon,  and  dwelling  of  its 
servants  ( ministros ),  very  sightly,  particularly  one  hall  made 
of  something  like  lattice-work.  The  fabric  was  of  stone,  with 
many  figures  and  shapes  ; it  had  many  doorways,  each  one  of 


324 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


three  great  stones,  two  at  the  sides  and  one  on  the  top,  all 
very  thick  and  wide.  In  these  quarters  there  was  another 
hall  containing  round  pillars,  each  one  of  a single  piece,  and 
so  thick  that  two  men  could  barely  embrace  one  of  them  ; 
their  height  might  be  five  fathoms.  Fray  Martin  said  that 
on  this  coast  people  would  be  found  handsomer  and  of  greater 
ability  than  those  of  New  Spain.”1  This  statement  has  been 
copied  since,  with  slight  alterations,  by  the  Franciscans  Mcn- 
dieta2  and  Torquemada.3 

We  easily  recognize  in  the  above  description  the  cluster  B 
at  Mitla,  with  the  Hall  of  Columns.  It  cannot  escape  our 
notice,  furthermore,  that  this  cluster  appears  to  be  excep- 
tional, not  only  on  account  of  the  pillars,  which  the  greater 
width  of  the  apartments  rendered  necessary  to  support  the 
roof,  but  mostly  by  reason  of  its  northern  annex,  B I.  It 
almost  involuntarily  suggests  the  idea  of  a public  building, 
containing  both  halls  for  public  gatherings  and  quarters  for 
certain  officers.  In  this  respect  it  fully  corresponds  to  the 
idea  of  the  Tecpan,  or  official  house,  among  the  Nahuatl. 
This  would  give  us,  for  Lyo-Baa,  three  types  of  buildings,  — 
the  mound  of  worship,  the  official  house,  and  the  common 
dwelling,  — corresponding  to  the  Nahuatl  Teo-calli,  Tecpan, 
and  Calli.  At  Gui-y-Baa  we  have  the  first  and  last  kind 
clearly  defined,  and,  if  size  were  any  criterion,  we  might  seek 
for  the  Tecpan  about  H III.  or  H IV.  on  Plate  XXVI. 

The  confused  and  diffuse  tales  of  Burgoa,  who  visited  Mitla 
about  1644,  have  made  of  Lyo-Baa  a sanctuary,  a residence 
exclusively  of  priests,  and  an  official  burial-place.4  That  some 
of  the  buildings  were  made  for  purposes  of  worship  is  very  evi- 
dent ; but  we  see  also  that  each  mound  has  in  connection  with 

1 Ilistoria,  etc.,  trat.  iii.  cap.  v.  p.  170. 

2 Hist.  Ecclesiastics  Indiana,  lib.  iv.  cap.  x.  pp.  395,  39 6. 

8 Monarehia , etc.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  xxix.  p.  312. 

4 Geogr.  Description,  vol.  ii.  cap.  liii.  fol.  258-261. 


AN  EXCURSION  TO  MITLA. 


325 


it  structures  that  doubtlessly  served  the  purpose  of  dwell- 
ings, and  the  same  can  be  seen  at  Gui-y-Baa.  There  is  no 
need,  therefore,  of  looking  for  priestly  abodes  among  the  other 
edifices.  In  regard  to  interments,  none  have  as  yet  been 
found  in  any  of  the  excavations,  and  unless  the  basements 
formerly  contained  the  bodies  of  the  dead,  of  which  I have 
met  with  no  tradition,  there  appears  to  me  very  slight  pros- 
pect of  finding  any.  In  case,  however,  the  floors,  when 
opened,  should  disclose  human  bones,  it  would  simply  still 
further  confirm  the  suggestion  of  their  having  been  dwellings, 
provided  Herrera  is  reliably  informed.1 

From  the  shape  and  size  of  the  single  apartments,  it  can 
easily  be  seen  that  house  life  among  the  Tzapoteco  Indians 
was,  in  aboriginal  times,  different  from  what  it  is  now.  The 
long  and  narrow  halls  were  not  fit  for  daily  abodes,  and  seem 
only  to  have  been  used  as  shelters  at  night  and  during  bad 
weather,  or  as  retreats  for  women  and  children  in  case  of 
attack.  As  in  New  Mexico  and  at  Tezcuco,  the  sexes  slept  in 
separate  rooms  ;2  so  that  every  cluster  or  rectangle  of  houses 
could  accommodate  a large  number.  The  cooking  as  well  as 
most  of  the  other  work  was  done  outside,  and  the  stores  were 
kept  either  in  the  basements  or  in  one  of  the  wings.  Here  we 
find  again,  therefore,  the  division  into  three  distinct  sections, 
characteristic  of  as  many  branches  of  daily  life  ; — the  dormi- 
tory (equivalent  to  the  Teopantzintli,  or  Sala,  of  the  Nahuatl, 
Ma-Itsha-ayunash  of  the  Mije) ; the  court,  used  as  kitchen 
(Tezcalli  of  the  Nahuatl,  and  the  Mije  Ma-utz-mai) ; and  the 
storeroom  (Concalli,  or  Zash,  of  the  latter  idiom). 

We  are  told  by  Herrera  that  the  Tzapoteco  were  organized 

1 Historia  General,  etc.,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xv.  p.  ioi. 

2 Pomar,  Relacion  de  Tezeoco,  MS.  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii. 
cap.  xii.  p.  97  : “ Adonde  los  Caciques  tenian  sus  palacios,  con  apartamientos 
para  las  mugeres.” 


326 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE. 


by  kins,  localized  in  barrios  or  quarters,1  and  we  know  that 
they  had,  and  still  have  in  part,  communal  land-tenure.  The 
large  buildings,  therefore,  in  the  valley  of  Tlacolula,  imply  a 
communal  organization  and  a clustering  for  shelter  by  sexes, 
differing  from  the  communal  life  of  the  Indian  in  other  re- 
gions only  by  the  exigencies  of  another  climate  and  of  varying 
natural  resources. 

Ad.  F.  Bandelier. 

Highland,  III.,  February  9,  1882. 


1 Hist.  General , etc.,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xiii.  p.  100:  “ Sacaban  para  la 
guerra  la  gentc  por  Barrios,  i la  guiaban  los  capitanes.”  This  is  of  the  Mixtecos, 
but  the  same  author  distinctly  states  (p.  100)  : “ Lo  sobredicho  es  quanto  al  Reino 
Misteco  ; queda  aoro  lo  que  toca  4 la  Provincia  de  los  (jiapotecos,  i Cuioatecos, 
i otros,  cuias  costumbres  casi  son  las  mismas  en  general,  i en  todo  lo  demas.” 


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LITTLE  UPSTART  is  the  odd  title  of  Boston’s  latest  novel,  the  author  of 
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experienced  taste,  and  as  a satire  it  is  manly  and  healthy.  A Little  Upstart 
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The  Pilot. 


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offers  us  distinct  creations."  — New  York  Commercial  Advertiser. 

“ Mr.  Rideing' s book  has  much  practiced  intelligence , quickness , and  charm." 
— The  Beacon. 

“ The  book  holds  the  reader's  interest  from  the  first  page  to  the  last." — Boston 
Traveller. 

“ The  style  is  crisp,  clear,  and  effective."  — Boston  Journal. 

,liA  Little  Upstart * is  tight , witty , satiric."  — Boston  Globe. 

“ Enriched  with  many  brilliant  sayings  and  felicitous  characterizations." — Home 
Journal. 

“ Mr.  Rideing  satirizes  boldly , but  there  is  neither  malice  nor  bitterness  in  his 
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Gazette. 

“ The  public  will  gladly  welcome  him  again."  — Sunday  Herald. 

. . . “ There  is  some  very  good  writing  in  the  book , for  Mr.  Rideing  is  a literary 
man  of  ability  and  experience."  — Life. 

“ Words  are  everywhere  used  with  a felicity  tempered  by  the  most  thoughtful  dis- 
crimination, and  behind  all  the  lavish  yet  discreet  beauty  of  Mr.  Rideing' s style 
lurks  a soundness  find  justness  of  human  portraiture  which  should  place  his  work 
high  among  the  few  really  classical  novels  we  possess."  — Edgar  Fawcett,  in 
Boston  Transcript. 


For  sale  by  all  booksellers,  or  mailed,  postage  paid,  on  receipt  of  the  price, 
by  the  publishers, 


LITTLE  UPSTART. 


A Novel. 

BY  WILLIAM  H.  RIDEING. 


i vol.  i2mo.  Cloth.  $1.25. 


SOME  OPINIONS  OF  THE  CRITICS. 


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‘fh-B  14 135" 


